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  • Mr Major’s Joint Speech with Bill Clinton – 4 June 1994

    Below is Mr Major’s joint speech with President Bill Clinton, held at the Cambridge American Military Cemetery in Madingley on Saturday 4th June 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    We are here today to remember the Servicemen from America and Britain, from Canada and other Commonwealth and Allied countries who gave their lives for Europe’s freedom. As Winston Churchill reached the end of his own long life he encompassed their achievement with these words: “Our comradeship and brotherhood in war were unexampled, we stood together and because of that fact the free world stands”.

    Brotherhood was a word Churchill often used for friendship between the English-speaking peoples. On the very eve of D-Day he wrote to President Roosevelt of an absolute brotherhood between the forces. That spirit has served our countries valiantly over the intervening 50 years, in war and in peace. It is rooted in trust. And to quote Churchill again: “In common conceptions of what is right and decent, a marked regard for fair play, especially to the weak and poor, a stern sentiment of impartial justice, and above all the love of personal freedom.”

    It is especially the brotherhood of airmen to airmen, soldier to soldier and sailor to sailor that we commemorate at this time. Here in Britain 50 years ago approaching D-Day there were over 1.5 million Americans on active service under the command of General Eisenhower.

    For a while every 30th person in Britain was an American Serviceman. In the European theatre more than 150,000 Americans, including 57,000 airmen, lost their lives. Nearly 4,000 of them, mostly young men who flew extremely dangerous missions, lie here in this Garden of Remembrance in the midst of the English countryside. Over 5,000 more are commemorated in the Wall of the Missing. Among them are a few who achieved fame, some who surely, had they lived, would have been destined for fame, many who were less well known and some who are unknown warriors. All their lives were cruelly cut short and to them all of us owe a debt too deep to pay.

    Some of you here today will have come to Madingley to remember close relatives, you will have endured the life-long pain of losing those that you loved. Some here today will be honouring the memory of wartime comrades, you too ran the same risks, you too were ready to make the same sacrifice. To all of you I offer the very warmest of welcomes.

    We remember today why those lives were given. Those who came here from America were not as we were, protecting their homes and families, America was not under direct threat from Europe, they did not come here for national glory, not for profit, not for material gain, they came, many of you here today came, above all to defend the values which Britons and Americans hold sacred, to defend freedom and democracy, justice and human rights, to help liberate the people of Europe from tyranny and to seek to build a better world thereafter.

    President Franklin Roosevelt wrote out for Churchill some lines from Longfellow which summed this up: “Humanity with all its fears, with all its hopes of future years, is hanging breathless on my fate.”

    Throughout the joint efforts of all the allies, the fate of Western Europe was resolved for the better in 1944 and 1945. But that mission did not end in 1945, we have continued since to work together for our common values in the United Nations and in the Atlantic Alliance. We have had to make further sacrifices, some very recently. In the Gulf War, for example, among those buried here is an American Serviceman from that combined action; or in United Nations peace-keeping operations, in many parts of the world; and the courage and the selflessness which you and all of your wartime comrades showed half a century ago are still vital in today’s troubled world.

    Mr President, there could be no more fitting time, or I believe place or company for your first official visit to the United Kingdom. On behalf of all my fellow citizens I would like to thank you and your fellow Americans for your friendship and your unstinting support throughout the last 50 years and more.

    Whenever the going has been hardest, Britons and Americans have stood together in unity of belief. The peoples of Europe owe their freedom and their peace to those we honour this weekend, both the living and the fallen. Here today at this tranquil memorial and a thousand more generations to come will give thanks for all that they did to give us this peaceful today.

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    Mr Prime Minister, Mrs Major, Mr McLean, Chaplain, Secretary Bentsen, thank you for your fine remarks, to our British hosts and to all the distinguished Americans who are also here, members of the Congress, the administration, the armed forces, we have come here today, all of us, on a journey of remembrance.

    For some, as for Secretary Bentsen, it was a journey to replace time, to go back fifty summers and more, when they took to airfields like these. For others it is a journey to honour those who fought and those who died for the world in which we came of age.

    At this moment all of us are joined in a sense of pride, in a sense of indebtedness, a sense of wonder and a sense of determination to carry on that work and never to forget. On these ancient grounds 3,812 Americans are buried, airmen, soldiers and sailors. More than 5,000 others are remembered on the Wall of the Missing. The names of some we honour echo still in our nation’s memory, names like Joseph Kennedy Jr, the brother of our late President, a young man for whom a distinguished political career was predicted but who gave his life for our country. Or Glen Miller whose wonderful moonlight serenades soothe the savage world and still make us tap our feet.

    In death all these people on the wall and buried behind us were equal, they came from every state of the union, they were of many races and religions, they had names like Koreo, Kaufman and Wood, they were all of them American. They fought to defeat a great evil which threatened to destroy our very way of life, what Winston Churchill called the great principles of freedom in the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English speaking world. For long months Britain bravely carried that fight on alone. In the Battle of Britain, night after frightful night, the people of this besieged island withstood the fierce attacks of Nazi bombers, it was their finest hour.

    Amid the horror the British looked West for help. Then the Yanks came, deepening one of history’s profoundest bonds. Overnight it seemed tens of thousands of GIs filled the streets and cafes across southern England. All these years later we find the memories of many of them still very vivid – smiling GI’s tossing packs of spearmint gum to British schoolboys, new faces and funny accents at the corner pub, lindy hops in London, kids from Milwaukee invited in for high tea, allied uniforms filling the pews at British churches.

    America gave to England an infusion of arms and men and material. The British gave our troops the feeling that they were not so far from home after all. The British gave us inspiration, the Americans gave in return hope. At every level Yanks and Brits worked together like family.

    American intelligence services built on Britain’s brilliant successes which were here chronicled in breaking the German codes; General Eisenhower chose British Marshals to be his deputies, of course Montgomery and Ramsay and Tetter. Roosevelt and Churchill, even as they led the assault on tyranny and rallied their own people to support the crusade encouraged each other with personal notes. All shared a sense of kinship that sustained them through the darkest moments of the war, all shared a faith that our people, nurtured on freedom, would rise to the call of history.

    Nowhere was our bond more important than in the air war launched from the green fields like this one. The Royal Air Force and the Army Air Corps joined in countless sorties to cripple the Luftwaffe, to desolate the Nazi war machine, to soften the Atlantic wall. One British citizen remembered for 1,000 days the sky was never still.

    It was some of the most dangerous work of the war and the tales of valour still amaze us all. Pilots going down with burning flames to give all the rest of the crew just a few more seconds to get out, or the two crew members who shared the only parachute left on board as they jumped together from their burning plane over England. The Marauders, Liberators, Mustangs and Flying Fortresses, the Halifaxes and Mosquitos, they were all sturdy, but as one American remembered, the flack sometimes seemed so thick you could walk on it, the wild blue yonder above Europe could quickly turn cold and grey and lethal.

    In just the two months before D-Day the allied forces lost over 2,000 planes and over 12,000 men. Because of their sacrifice by 6 June 1944 the allies owned the air. Under the shield of that air supremacy our ships cross the channel, our men crossed the beaches. A few days after the Normandy landing General Eisenhower stood on the beaches of France with his young son, John, recently a graduate of West Point, and told him: “If I did not have the air supremacy, I would not be here.” After D-Day the Air Corps continued to fly towards freedom’s horizon until the entire continent was reclaimed and a world was set free.

    The victory of the generation we honour today came at a high cost, it took many lives and much perseverance. After D-Day it took freedom another year to reach the Elba, it took another 44 years to reach Warsaw and Prague and East Berlin. And now it has reached Kiev and Moscow and even beyond. The mission of this time to secure and expand its reach further.

    The airmen who flew these skies had a ritual, as Secretary Vincent mentioned, for signalling to their comrades on the ground at the end of a mission. If they were coming in for landing, if they fired off a red flare it meant there were casualties aboard, and if they fired off a green flare it meant some lucky pilot had just completed his last mission before shipping out. Well the generation that won the Second World War completed their mission, whether they walk among us or lie among us today. And after looking down in sorrow at those who paid the ultimate price, let us lift our eyes to the skies in which they flew, the ones they once commanded, and let us send to them a signal, a signal of our own, a signal that we do remember, that we do honour and that we shall always carry on the work of these nights born on wings. May God bless them and all our people.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Arrival Doorstep with President Clinton – 4 June 1994

    Below is Mr Major’s joint arrival doorstep with President Clinton on Saturday 4th June 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Mr President, Mrs Clinton. I would like firstly to welcome you here to the United Kingdom and to thank you for being here to commemorate the extraordinary operation of 50 years ago. Whatever the weather may turn out to be over this weekend I can promise you and Hillary and our very many other visitors from America the warmest of greetings throughout your stay, as warm and as friendly as the welcome that your Servicemen received in the dark days of the war.

    Just a few months ago I had the pleasure of being your guest at Pittsburgh, an area that has very strong links with my country. You fittingly this morning have landed in East Anglia, my home, and also a home to thousands of United States Servicemen for over half a century.

    In a short while, at a service near Cambridge, we will honour the memory of American Servicemen who fell in the Second World War, their courage will never be forgotten in this country by those they helped to protect and helped to liberate.

    Mr President, you arrive here this morning for your first official visit, but you arrive here as an old friend who has lived in Britain and who knows this country well. Over the next few days you and Hillary will see both the old and the new.

    At Chequers later today we will have the opportunity to renew our close dialogue that has taken place from the moment that you took office. During that period a number of international problems have consistently been with us, Bosnia being a prime example. Our negotiators are even today working intensively with the United Nations and the Contact Group to try and promote a settlement there. Some of the problems we faced have been resolved. Last year’s agreement in the world trade negotiations was an outstanding success and we are hoping to see it put in action as soon as possible. The remarkable progress in South Africa is another objective we have both strongly supported. But new problems inevitably arise and some of those we shall have the opportunity of discussing as well, North Korea this morning, for example, forces itself on the agenda.

    In all of this we know from long experience the immense value of working in close partnership as the United States and the United Kingdom have always done.

    Bill, this is a visit that we have been looking forward to for a very long time, you and Hillary are very welcome guests indeed and it is a very great pleasure to see you here.

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    Thank you very much, Mr Prime Minister, Hillary and I are delighted to be here. I remember well the first time I arrived in the United Kingdom, I am deeply honoured to be here today representing my nation.

    Fifty years ago our two nations joined forces on the beaches of Normandy to turn back the Nazi army that had over-run Europe. This week I have come across the Atlantic to commemorate D-Day and the many other battles of the Second World War and to honour the sacrifices borne by the war generation in all the nations.

    Freedom continues to require our sacrifice and persistence and I would like to say on behalf of all the American people how very sorry we are and how we offer our condolences to the loved ones of those who died in the tragic RAF helicopter accident on Thursday. Freedom continues to require effort.

    When he visited the United States after World War II, Winston Churchill spoke of our two nations’s role in forging the post-war world, he urged the United States and Britain to walk together in majesty and peace. For he said: “It is in the years of peace that wars are prevented and that those foundations are laid upon which the noble structures of the future can be built.”

    I look forward to working with the Prime Minister and the British people as we work together to meet those challenges. The Prime Minister has already mentioned the many things that we will be discussing today. I am glad to be back in Great Britain, glad to be honouring the sacrifices and the triumphs of the World War II generation, glad to be about the work of honouring what they have done for us by trying to preserve the peace in the future.

  • US Background Briefing on Meeting with John Major and President Clinton – 4 June 1994

    Below is the text of the US background briefing held at Hartwell House on 4th June 1994.


    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Why don’t we begin by — we’ll talk about the meeting between the President and the Prime Minister and sort of divide up the main topics the President and the Prime Minister covered, a list of things they talked about.

    They first did a meeting that they held together before lunch with just a couple of advisors on each side. And then they extended the conversation over lunch for another 15 minutes or so with just the President and the Prime Minister and their wives. And then they came out and spoke with you.

    I guess just a couple of other issues mentioned — one is to come back to Haiti. The British government was very helpful in helping to kick off the process that led to our now having reached an agreement in principle with the Turks and Caicos to establish a migrant processing centre there. We hope within a very short time now to have worked out all of the final details on it.

    The local problem there I believe has proved — so we’re all ready to go. We would expect that it would be established by early July. We also, as I told a number of you on the plane, have reached an agreement with Jamaica for such a centre and it should be up and well started before early July.

    So we think we’re making a lot of progress there, and we are grateful to Her Majesty’s government for having supported it.

    Somebody asked me on the plane how many could be processed through, and in Jamaica, at least, we would expect it would be about 500 a day. We don’t know yet in Turks and Caicos. On Jamaica, as you’ll recall, it will be on ships. In Turks and Caicos it would be on shore.

    Ireland — the President praised the British government’s response to the questions that were put forward by Sinn Fein. The President said it remains our view that the IRA should put an end to violence and we hope that we can see progress towards a political settlement in Ireland.

    What else? On Bosnia, just one other detail. The President — there was a discussion of the role of UNPROFOR and the President expressed how important he thinks the work has been and will be in this continuing very difficult humanitarian as well as political and military crisis —

    QUESTION:

    Is it correct to construe from what the President told us earlier today that the United States government does not take the North Korean claim that sanctions would be deemed an act of war seriously? Is that correct, you do not take it seriously?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    No, I don’t think he put it quite that way.

    QUESTION:

    Well, that’s what I was asking you to —

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Right. This is not the first time that the North Koreans have made statements like this. And in a situation as potentially serious as Korea, of course, one does not take such statements lightly. At the same time, they have been made before and there is no question that statements like this will not deter, intimidate the international community from proceeding at the Security Council.

    And as the President said, sanctions are not an act of war and we do not consider them to be so.

    QUESTION:

    What is the current state of play on consultations that have been going forward? Yeltsin said is that they’ll go on, sanctions is a last resort, he’d like an international conference first. Are we amenable to that? And what about the Chinese veto — do we think that they’ll at least abstain from —

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Well, as you know, the President and Yeltsin did speak yesterday afternoon. Yeltsin laid out his ideas on an international meeting. They agreed that Secretary Christopher and Foreign Minister Kozyrev will now be in touch with each other to discuss the issues that are involved in holding such a meeting.

    The President said that we believe that such a meeting could be useful at some point, but that the first task before us is to pursue the issue of sanctions at the Security Council. And that is what we are doing.

    As I said the other night, the Chinese have been unenthusiastic about sanctions and have said so on a number of occasions. But to our knowledge, they have not said publicly or privately that they would veto sanctions at the Security Council. Last weekend when we consulted among the Permanent Five members on what to do about Korea, the Chinese joined the consensus behind the President’s statement. And in that resolution it said that the Security Council — and these aren’t the exact words, but the Security Council would remain engaged on the issue, which implied for the consideration of issues like sanctions. So I think it would be both premature and possibly wrong to assume that the Chinese would veto. We’ll simply have to work it through with them, and we’ll be doing that.

    QUESTION:

    The President said that this is not a subject – – the President said he didn’t want to sabre-rattle on this issue, but the strategic situation in Korea is such that there is no margin for error. Will the United States quietly be doing things to increase the capabilities there in terms of air power —

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    I always love it when people ask me if we’re going to really do something from your side of the house. [Laughter]. No. We have been constantly reviewing what we should do prudently to make sure that we are doing everything necessary both to protect our forces in Korea and to help defend South Korea itself. And we have taken a number of measures, as you know, over the recent months, including the — most notably, the sending of the Patriots. And what I can tell you is that we will continue to review the issue as we go along.

    QUESTION:

    You were unable to or unwilling to say the other night what you thought might be or ought to be in the sanctions. Are you in anymore of a position now to say what sanctions ought to look like?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Not yet. I think we have to do a little in the way of consulting — or a good bit more, perhaps, in consulting, especially with the Japanese, South Korea — they’re being allies; the Russians and others to see what form the sanctions can most usefully take.

    There are two issues here: One is how do you design sanctions that will bring — convey the maximum amount of leverage with the North Koreans. And the other is that we have to build a consensus behind the sanctions at the Security Council and we’ve got to negotiate both at once, and we will be.

    QUESTION:

    Why is the U.S. not as enthusiastic about a conference as Yeltsin seems to be?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Clearly, the first focus has to be on the Security Council and the issue of sanctions. And it could well be that a meeting at some point can make a useful contribution there in pushing the North Koreans back towards the international community. But whether it’s a meeting like this or anything else, we want the focus to be right now on the Security Council and the pursuit of the issues.

    QUESTION:

    As a strategic matter or because of some principle having to do with not being willing to meet with them at this point?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    As a practical matter, seeking every — seeking the maximum leverage with the North Koreans that we can find to try to resolve the nuclear issue.

    QUESTION:

    So then you’d lose leverage through a conference? I mean, there’s the President stressing he wants to work this out, he wants diplomacy; and Yeltsin says there should be a conference — if that’s a good forum for that.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    I think the diplomacy could take many forms. But the first issue — and we’ve been pursuing the diplomacy for some weeks now. We think we pursued it consistently and with some skill even, but it hasn’t produced the results; yes, the North Koreans have made their decision. And what clearly is need now is to convey to the North Koreans the seriousness of the choice that they have made and the importance in terms of their interests to their moving away from the path of confrontation with the international community and back towards trying to work with them.

    QUESTION:

    How can the Security Council and the United States government be sure that it doesn’t provoke North Korea into doing something that nobody bargained for with sanctions?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    We will devise sanctions that we think are both effective and — well, that are effective.

    QUESTION:

    Let me ask the question another way.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Yes, try again. [Laughter].

    QUESTION:

    Since the President began to convey the seriousness of the situation, have you seen anything in the last 48 or 72 hours to come from the North Koreans to suggest they’re getting the message?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    I don’t think we’ve seen from the North Koreans either that they’re getting the message or that they’re not. So we’ll have to see.

    QUESTION:

    The other question is, short of sanctions is there anything that can be done in terms of bilateral action among any of these countries?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Well, we have been talking to the Chinese, for example, both over recent weeks and even over the past week, urging them to convey to the North Koreans the seriousness of the situation and the choice the North Koreans need to be making. We hope that other governments are doing the same thing.

    And the President and other American officials have been finding opportunities to speak on the public record on the issue to convey exactly the same message to the North Koreans.

    QUESTION:

    The Chinese haven’t come back to you and said I’m getting the message, or no response from the Chinese about whether they’re —

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    The Chinese are very careful to — not to tell us exactly what it is that they say to the North Koreans. They do tell us that they have been in touch with the North Koreans. If you look at recent Chinese public statements, there is no question that they are very unhappy with the position that the North Koreans are taking.

    If I can go now just off the record, because I don’t want to speak for the Chinese — but I would assume that the reason the Chinese won’t tell us what exactly they’re saying to the North Koreans is that once they tell us that then we can keep going back to them and saying, no, adjust your message this way, that way, and they lose a lot of their flexibility.

    But we, to come back on to background, we are quite confident that the Chinese have been urging the North Koreans to adopt a more constructive attitude.

    QUESTION:

    But if that’s true, how come they’re so resistant or seem so resistant to sanctions? I mean, what is it that I’m missing here? Why are they reluctant to take the step that you’re willing to take?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    Well, because China — I think probably for two reasons: One, China is North Korea’s greatest trading power; and secondly, China has an historic relationship with North Korea that they probably find constrain them.

    I think the Chinese see here two basic interests. One is I am convinced that they do not want to see a nuclear North Korea; that they would prefer to see a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. And I think that is not only because North Korea is close to China, but also because if North Korea becomes an overt nuclear power, then the pressures in the region for other states to adopt nuclear weapons would increase. I am not — I repeat, not — saying the Japanese or others necessarily would develop nuclear weapons, but there would be that pressure. And that’s not in the interests of the Chinese.

    And the second major Chinese interest here is that they don’t want to see sanctions for the reasons I just stated.

    Therefore, it is and has been in the interest of the Chinese to try to persuade the North Koreans to abandon their nuclear program, thus avoiding sanctions and, thus, serving both of the Chinese interests at the same time.

    QUESTION:

    Quick one. How insistent was Yeltsin on this conference in his conversation with Clinton? Was it something that’s going to screw up his vote in the Security Council? I mean, is he looking at this as a diplomatic —

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    No, he made the –I mean, clearly, he is very interested in the idea, but at the same time, if you look at the public statement he made three or four days ago, he has also been saying that in the end he believes sanctions are justified.

    QUESTION:

    Does it have to come after a conference like this?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    They would have to work out that timing. I don’t necessarily — I can’t speak for the Russian government.

    THE PRESS:

    Thank you.

    QUESTION:

    Does your Government [the British Government] favour sanctions?

    BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:

    We believe that you can’t design an — to sanctions that would be effective in this case. And as my colleague says, it’s important to get the design right and consult on it. But we are very supportive; we’re working together with the United Nations on precisely that.

    You raised the question about provoking. If you’re worried about not provoking people, then you’d never do anything. But you’ve got to construct a path that gives them the maximum opportunity to move away from the policies and approach that they’re doing now. And we think that can be done, using all the — and we’re just available to the United Nations Security Council.

    THE PRESS:

    Thank you both.

  • Mr Major’s Speech on World Environment Day – 3 June 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech, made on World Environment Day at the QEII Conference Centre in London on Friday 3rd June 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Thank you all for coming here this morning to mark World Environment Day. It gives me great pleasure, in particular to welcome the new Global 500 Laureates, many of whom have travelled great distances to join us today. It gives me great pleasure too to welcome Elizabeth Dowdeswell, Director of the United Nations Environment Programme.

    Let me straight away apologise for the fact that I will not be able to stay for the ceremony itself. As I am sure most of you know, while we celebrate Environment Day today, this weekend we also commemorate the 50th anniversary of D-Day.

    It was D-Day and the campaign that followed that secured democracy in Western Europe. And that, I believe is crucially important. Democratic systems and environmental protection go hand in hand. And nowhere is that more starkly illustrated than by the contrast between the rising environmental standards of Western Germany and the environmental degradation of the East.

    Both these events remind us of the important of individual effort, of individual contributions. This morning we are here to celebrate exceptional individuals who found a problem, and took action. Action to save a coral reef in Guam, the pampas deer in Uruguay, sea turtles in the Caribbean. Action to promote safer water in Mexico, energy efficiency in Japan, cleaner beaches in New Zealand. And by their action, to stimulate and inspire action by others.

    You will hear more later about the laureates. I will not single out anyone for special mention – with one exception. I am delighted to see Sir John Houghton – who has agreed to serve on the Government’s Panel on Sustainable Development – honoured today.

    It is fitting too that your Master of Ceremonies today is the man who has brought “biodiversity” into our living rooms. Sir David Attenborough has done more than any other to make us all revel in the glories of the natural world. Throughout his long career, he has taken us to the furthest corners of the world – the rainforest, the tundra, the savannah. No-one has made the case for conservation more graphically.

    My focus on individual action is not intended to deny the important of governments. Their contribution too is vital. Almost exactly two years ago, I had the great privilege to join over 120 heads of government at the Earth Summit in Rio. It moved the environmental debate from problems to solution; from analysis to action; from conviction to commitment.

    Today I want to take the opportunity to report back on how far we have come in delivering those commitments.

    The UK sometimes fails to match the grand rhetoric of other countries. We are less given to extravagant flourishes. We read the small print before we sign. But the UK’s record to date in meeting its Rio obligations is second to nine.

    We were the first European Union member to ratify the Climate Change Convention. We have a detailed programme of action. We have already taken the first steps to implement it.

    We have already published our national Biodiversity Action Plan – with machinery to monitor its implementation, and to sharpen its targets to a specific timetable. We are taking concrete action to preserve species under threat. One example, our programme to re-establish in Britain the white-tailed sea eagle, a globally threatened bird, driven out of Scotland in 1916. These eagles are now beginning to breed again in the wild in our Scottish islands. And lest anyone should under-estimate the significance of such action, I would remind you that today we celebrate one other anniversary – 150 years ago today, the last paid of great auks were killed and their eggs destroyed.

    That example illustrates how much we all have at stake in preserving biodiversity. At Rio, I offered to make the unrivalled expertise British scientists and naturalists had built up over the past 200 years available to help other countries manage their natural resources. Two years on, the “Darwin Initiative” is now funding exciting and important projects around the world.

    Two examples. In Belize, the Initiative has helped the national university college set up a system for monitoring and protecting its uniquely important coral reef system. In the Philippines, the Initiative has helped local people develop the management and harvesting of seahorses in a sustainable but commercial way. Two projects out of 53. And many more to come over the next three years.

    Its impact promises to be considerable – both through its own direct contribution. And through demonstrating new possibilities.

    These are concrete actions to promote the objectives of the Biodiversity Convention. But, as many of you know, the UK has not yet taken the step of formally ratifying the Convention. I can confirm that we will ratify the Convention later today. That decision will mean we have delivered every element in the Eight Point Plan I set out straight after the Rio Conference.

    At Rio, I announced two other initiatives. Technology transfer was high on the list of priorities for all developing countries at the Earth Summit. Again, a practical response. Our Technology Partnership Initiative started in March last year. The initial conference brought together businessmen from the UK and over 40 developing countries. Since then, we have sponsored three seminars on environmental management; are working with UNEP to produce best practice case studies; and are linking businesses which need skills and technologies with British companies who can provide them. More practical responses.

    Rio brought together people from all sectors – a unique gathering. We wanted to make sure that people from non-governmental organisations, business and local government had another chance to come together, share experiences and take away practical ideas for delivering sustainable development. To move from talk about Agenda 21, to action to deliver it.

    The Partnerships for Change Conference took place in September last year. It brought together over 300 people from 80 countries. In the Victorian splendour of Manchester Town Hall, delegates heard of sustainable transport in Brazil; involving villages in conservation in Zimbabwe and commercial development of tagua nuts in Ecuador. A dramatic demonstration of what can be accomplished, even in the most adverse circumstances.

    One theme connects all these efforts. The need for sustainable development. In January we published our Sustainable Development Strategy, which identifies the challenges we face over the next 20 years. Challenges on energy efficiency, challenges on transport policy, challenges on waste.

    We know that it will be easier to face those challenges if people are confident and secure in their future. If that is true in a rich country like Britain, it is true a hundred times over for people living at or near the margins of subsistence. Increasing global prosperity is an essential precondition. Only that will generate the means and the desire to deliver sustainable development.

    The UK will play its part. We already have a large aid programme – over two billion pounds a year. We have reviews it, to make sure all our aid activities contribute to the achievement to the objectives of Agenda 21. We have also committed 130 million pounds to the Global Environment Facility – making us one of the very largest contributors. Those funds will help developing countries meet their obligations under the two Rio conventions.

    But aid can only ever be a small part of the story. Trade will be the most powerful means of raising living standards in developing countries and thus open the way for further progress on environmental protection. That is why I regard the successful completion of the Uruguay Round – with its promise of opening markets around the world – as the environmental landmark of 1993.

    Rio and Uruguay both illustrate the scope for international cooperation. These two great global bargains set the framework in which we can all pursue the goal of sustainable development. The past two years have seen notable progress. That came out clearly at the second meeting of the Commission on Sustainable Development, which concluded last week in New York.

    We need now to look for progress in two areas where less was achieved in Rio than we might have hoped. Through our joint initiative with the Indian government we aim to give further impetus to efforts to deliver the Forest principles agreed at Rio. The International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo in September offers another opportunity to address the vital challenges of population growth and its links to poverty and pressure on world resources.

    In short, much done, but much to do. But, ultimately, what we achieve will depend as much on individual efforts as on governments. And so, I will make you wait no longer to offer your appreciation for the efforts of the new Global Laureates. I am delighted to leave you in the capable hands of Sir David Attenborough.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Doorstep Interview with Jean Chretien – 3 June 1994

    Below is Mr Major’s joint doorstep interview with the Canadian Prime Minister, Jean Chretien, held in London on Friday 3rd June 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I was delighted to have had the opportunity of talking to the Prime Minister today. This morning we had the pleasure of attending a ceremony in which Her Majesty the Queen unveiled a memorial to the one million Canadians who fought with us during the Second World War. In that was 100,000 Canadians died, a very remarkable contribution by Canada and I was delighted to be present this morning at the unveiling of that remarkable monument as it sits in Green Park and so close to Buckingham Palace.

    This afternoon the Prime Minister and I have had the opportunity of reviewing the Anglo-Canadian relationship, but to be frank we have spent more time on international affairs, Anglo-Canadian relationships are in good heart, we have no bilateral problems, the Prime Minister is one of the few Western Heads of Government who has a growth rate larger than the British at present and he is very pleased about it and I am also pleased that Canada is doing so well.

    Internationally we looked at Bosnia, Canada has a very remarkable record at peace-keeping, has had troops in Bosnia, we discussed and reviewed the situation there. We took the opportunity of looking forward to the G7 summit at Naples where I know the Prime Minister has a number of matters that he wishes to raise and we touched upon other international matters, I will not weary you with a full list of those, no doubt you may wish to ask questions in a few moments.

    JEAN CHRETIEN:

    Thank you, Prime Minister, I think that you said everything I have to say. I think that we had a good meeting and will have the occasion to have other discussions over the weekend and we will be crossing the Channel together on the Britannia so the weather will probably be good and we might have other occasions to discuss, but the subjects that he mentioned to you are exactly the same subjects that I do have to raise.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION:

    [In French and not translated].

    JEAN CHRETIEN:

    [In French and not translated]

    QUESTION:

    Could you elaborate on your discussions about Bosnia and whether there was any desire on the part of Mr Major for Canada to commit to a further six months on that, was there any discussion of that, I know that New Zealand is just going in there?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We spent some time reviewing the present situation, we talked about the discussions in the contact group, we have looked at what has happened on the ground. One point that I think is often not discussed when people think of Bosnia at present is the extent to which what has happened in Bosnia has been successful, there were worries, one will remember, that the way might spread beyond Bosnia when that first started, that has not happened. The second point I think of considerable progress is that right across central Bosnia a peace has been establish that was not there some time ago, there is still further to go but we ought not under-estimate the progress that has been made. We both have to decide what happens later on in the year, I think we are both committed to making sure that there is a proper humanitarian operation in Bosnia and I think that will continue, but the Prime Minister no doubt will wish to add something to that.

    JEAN CHRETIEN:

    I agree entirely with the Prime Minister about the progress and we have decided that we will keep in consultation because it is better to have a common front there and we have to maintain the humanitarian aspect of it. We all hope that there will be a negotiated peace soon in the interests of everybody but we have to wait and see what will be the development in the next few months. We do not have to review our mandate before the end of September so at this time it is purely hypothetical, we are there and we will stay there until the end of September.

    QUESTION:

    Did you discuss the situation of British pensioners now living in Canada whose pensions have been frozen at the 1977 rate?

    JEAN CHRETIEN:

    I mentioned the problem but it is a problem for the British government and with financial consequences and I was told that the Canadians are not alone in that situation, that there are other citizens of other nations who are receiving the same type of pension. I mentioned the problem and the Prime Minister recognised that there was a problem but he did not offer a solution.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It happens in a number of countries, it is not just a problem for Canada and it is not a problem to which I have a solution today.

    QUESTION:

    Was there any discussion of Quebec’s sovereignty?

    JEAN CHRETIEN:

    We discussed that, yes indeed, he was interested to know my views and I was happy to report to the Prime Minister that in a poll in Canada today the majority of the Quebec people approved of the visit of Mr Bush [inaudible] to promote separation and good support for the position that I have taken and my government that the pre-occupation for Canadians is of growth and job creation and talking constitution. I know that I campaign against this subject so I am not going to start to discuss the Canadian constitution in England, I am not talking about it in Canada.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Doorstep Interview with Paul Keating – 3 June 1994

    Below is Mr Major’s joint doorstep interview with the Australian Prime Minister, Paul Keating, held in London on Friday 3rd June 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am delighted to see the Prime Minister here, he is here of course for the D-Day celebrations and we are delighted to see him here. We all owe a very great debt of gratitude to the many Australian servicemen who played such a remarkable role in that operation and in other parts of the war.

    We have had the opportunity of beginning our bilateral discussions, we hope to continue them, perhaps in more informal settings, over the weekend. We have no bilateral problems worth mentioning, there is an extremely good relationship. Trade between our two countries has been growing very substantially both ways in terms of trade flows and investment flows and we are very attracted to that trend continuing and have been examining how we might improve it. We have had the opportunity of reviewing the outcome of the GATT negotiations and looking forward to the establishment of the world trade organisation.

    There have been a series of other regional discussions on the opportunities for further trade within the ASEAN region, looking at countries of mutual interest, China and others spring to mind. So it has been a welcome opportunity to exchange views and I am delighted the Prime Minister could be here.

    MR PAUL KEATING:

    Thank you Prime Minister. As the Prime Minister said, we both agreed there is no problem of substance in the relationship, our two-way trade is growing strongly each year, Australia is the fourth largest investor in Britain and Britain is the second largest investor in Australia and Britain’s two-way investment is the largest investment relationship Britain has and the largest two-way relationship Australia has. So that I think underlies the relationship in commercial terms.

    In cultural terms I think that it is an important opportunity which I welcome to join with the Prime Minister in the D-Day commemorations and at least he was kind enough to refer to the role Australians had played and I will take the opportunity, as I will now, in saying that we will take this chance to pay tribute to Britain and Britons in the fight for the democracies against fascism in Europe, to lead that fight, to carry the brunt of it and, as a consequence, to leave open the prospect of the landings in Normandy and the successful defeat of Nazism in Europe. So I am looking forward to that opportunity over the weekend.

    The Prime Minister and I discussed, as he said, the outcome of the GATT. We have also discussed some of the social and political parallels in Australia in social and economic policy and there are quite a number of profound ones, and as we have said, we will take up the rest of the conversation over the course of the weekend.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION:

    Mr Keating, given the long historical association with Britain, did you inform Mr Major that you wished to change the Australian flag by taking the Union Jack out of the corner, and how did Mr Major react to that?

    MR PAUL KEATING:

    This is not an active matter in Australia and it has not been. For the Prime Minister’s benefit, I was asked a question about this in Parliament the other day by our opposition and that has prompted this question and I have got no more to say about it than I said then or I have said on many other occasions.

    QUESTION:

    [Indistinct] North Korea?

    MR PAUL KEATING:

    We did not, but I am sure the Prime Minister and I would share a similar view that the defueling of reactors in North Korea should be subject to international inspections, that there must be a clear understanding on the part of the International Atomic Energy Agency that there is a diversion of weapons and, at least for Australia’s part, we stand ready to join any international decision the United Nations might make, including sanctions, which make the North Koreans accountable in terms of their nuclear facilities.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, would you regret the fact of Australia removing the Union Jack from the corner of the Australian national flag?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think that is a matter for Australia, Australia is a very remarkable country and nothing that happens in any way is going to damage the instinctive relationship and the trade relationship that exists between the United Kingdom and Australia, it has been there, it is very strong and it is not going to change in the future.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on Helicopter Crash – 3 June 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the previous night’s helicopter crash in which 29 people died. The comments were made on 3rd June 1994.


    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked about the crash].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Let me firstly say about this dreadful accident that we have lost a large number of men and women who had played a very substantial part in British public life. It is a very great loss for them and for their families and I deeply regret this very tragic accident.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if the damage to the counter-terrorist efforts had been measured yet].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, these were very senior people working for the Northern Ireland Office, the Army, the RUC, and the Royal Air Force. They were certainly very senior people engaged in intelligence and security work, but we haven’t yet done an assessment.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked whether it was usual for so many anti-terrorist experts to travel together].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Well, it would have been an operational decision. Who made that operational decision, at the moment is not known. It may well have been someone who was on the helicopter themselves. But they were not travelling over hostile territory, they were not thought to be in any risk and the Chinook had been pretty safe in recent years. But I think that is a matter the inquiry will have to look at.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The preliminary advice I have is that there’s no reason for that at all. This looks, so far as one can tell and we have set up an inquiry, of course we will not have the result of that for some time, but it looks as though it was a straightforward accident in appalling weather. That is what it looks like.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Doorstep Interview with Albert Reynolds – 26 May 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint doorstep interview with the Irish Prime Minister, Albert Reynolds, held in London on Thursday 26th May 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Taoiseach and I have taken the opportunity this afternoon of running through a range of matters of mutual interest, we have spent some time of course discussing the continuing improvement in our security cooperation, we have done a certain amount of work in preparing for the summit that we will have in July.

    Both of us share a disappointment that the violence continues, both the IRA violence and the Loyalist violence, there is no shred of justification for it whatsoever. What is clear though is that the work that is going on both on improving cross-border cooperation and the constitutional discussions between the two governments are not waiting for an end of violence, they continue and they are making substantial progress.

    We were both delighted with the discussions we were able to have today, the Taoiseach may wish to say a word or two, and then we will take one or two questions.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    We had a very useful and informal meeting indeed at which the range of issues, as already listed by the Prime Minister, were discussed at length. There is one message quite clear that we want to give, and that is that neither paramilitary organisations are going to gain anything or bolster their position by a continuation of violence. It is quite clear that the next logical step if the peace process is to move forward is to have a cessation of violence and we are all waiting for that definitive decision by both the paramilitary organisations to desist from violence. There is no single vestige of justification for the loss of one single life on either side or on either community, it is not going to help their own cause and it is certainly only going to postpone the day when re-reconciliation between the two communities can take place and indeed when the progress of the political talks, which we have made quite a lot of progress at so far, will be coming into play so that all democratic parties can join the political democratic process

    QUESTION:

    Do either of you see any value in the comments from Mr Adams today?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I have not seen all the details in his news conference yet so I will withhold judgement on that. As far as what he said this morning, I see nothing new in what he had to say this morning. What was quite striking was what he did not say. He made no indication this morning that he was going to give up violence and take the offer that has been open to him for some time and I think that is what people in every part of Ireland, north and south, that is what everyone wishes to hear from him. There is an opportunity for him to give up violence and then in a short while to enter the constitutional talks. Now that constitutional avenue is open to him and I do not believe any amount of talking and waiting will please anyone until such time as he says the violence can end and we can begin to talk, that is what I am waiting to hear from Mr Adams and I believe everyone else is as well.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    If they want a couple of weeks for further debate, we do not mind that as long as the cessation of violence takes place now, there should not be another single life lost, if internal debate takes another few weeks, so be it, as long as the violence stops as and from today. And I would also say that I firmly support James Molyneaux’s statement for a cessation of violence on the Loyalist Paramilitary side as well.

    QUESTION:

    Have you set a deadline for a decision from Sinn Fein and the IRA on the declaration?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, it is not a question of deadlines in that sense. The joint declaration stands as a set of principles that will guide both governments towards a constitutional settlement, it is not a question of saying if they have not answered by a certain date the joint declaration falls, that is not the case at all. Our discussions, the constitutional discussions between the governments and the constitutional discussions with the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland, they continue, and the joint declaration remains as the essential back-drop to those discussions.

    QUESTION:

    Taoiseach, did you discuss the recent violence in Dublin and how important that is to the Irish government?

    MR REYNOLDS:

    We discussed all violence, let alone the violence in Dublin which is regrettable, but indeed all of the violence that takes place and we again repeat the message that there is nothing to be gained, there is no success for either paramilitary side going to be gained out of the continuation of violence, and another message that we want to make quite clear is that the two governments are not going to wait around or are not waiting around for any more prevarication on either side to stop the violence, we continue with our own business and it is a matter for them to make up their minds in their own time. But in the meantime, we would ask them to respect the will of the vast majority of the Irish and British people to stop the violence straight away and not have any more killing.

    QUESTION:

    Isn’t Sinn Fein just stringing you along, you say you are not waiting for them but you have been waiting for months and months since the declaration?

    MR REYNOLDS:

    That may be your view, we are not waiting around for anybody, the work continues in the Liaison Committee and between the two governments and that is why we are here today to review our progress so far and to get ourselves into a position to move forward indeed before our next meeting. It is not a question of us waiting around for Sinn Fein, both governments have been working for quite some time now on the framework document which is grounded in the Downing Street declaration where the ground rules are set, that document is here to stay whether or not Sinn Fein or anybody else supports it or otherwise.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Let me just emphasise that point if I may. There has been a great deal of progress over the last couple of years particularly in cross-border cooperation on security matters, I very much welcome the dramatic improvements that there have been. But beyond that, the point the Taoiseach made is exactly right, there is no delay, there has been no delay and there will be no delay in the continuing discussions with the constitutional parties and with the government of the Republic of Ireland on the framework document we are producing, a great deal of progress has been made, there is more to be done, but it is not awaiting an answer from Sinn Fein.

    QUESTION:

    Is that document going to be ready for your summit in July?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, no-one is going to put a deadline on it, I cannot promise you that.

    QUESTION:

    Are you agreed on what should be contained in this framework and if you are agreed why have we not seen it or heard of its completion?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    When we have finished it you will hear about it.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have been in constant discussion with them, those discussions remain, Michael Ancram is in discussion with them on a day by day basis, and gradually we are moving to a set of circumstances where we think we can reach the objective that we all seek. I do not propose to go into details of that with you this afternoon, I do not think it would be appropriate. Often these discussions are a slow and painful process, but progress is being made, and if one were to look back for example 12 months ago, I think few people would have imagined the progress that has been made over the last 12 months, yet it has been made and we are determined to take that progress still further.

    QUESTION:

    Is peace still achievable?

    MR REYNOLDS:

    Both governments are fully committed and will continue to be committed to the achievement of peace, we have not changed our mind one iota in that pursuit of peace.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I entirely agree with that.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 26 May 1994

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 26th May 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Wena Hotels, Egypt

    Mr. Hunter : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make representations to President Mubarak, requesting the full and immediate implementation of the verdict of the Egyptian arbitration authorities in favour of the United Kingdom company Wena Hotels in respect of its dispute with the Egyptian hotel company.

    The Prime Minister : There are two hotels involved in this dispute. The Egyptian arbitration committee last month awarded Wena Hotels compensation in respect of one hotel, but judgment is awaited for the second. The company remains in touch with the Egyptian authorities, with support from our embassy in Cairo.

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Harry Greenway : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 26 May.

    Sir Peter Tapsell : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 26 May.

    The Prime Minister : This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others.

     

    EC (Legislation)

    Sir Teddy Taylor : To ask the Prime Minister if he will raise at the next meeting of the European Council the volume of legislation being proposed by the Commission.

    The Prime Minister : We are still discussing the agenda for the Corfu European Council with our European Union partners. We will bear my hon. Friend’s suggestion in mind. We welcome the continued downward trend in the number of proposals for principal legislation brought forward annually by the Commission, a trend which owes much to the efforts of the Government.

     

    Iraq

    Mr. Dalyell : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer of 11 May, Official Report, column 185, when he expects the British Red Cross to have clarified the issues in respect of the health of the Iraqi people, with particular reference to water filters and water pumps.

    The Prime Minister : The British Red Cross has, with its Dutch and German colleagues, been discussing with the European Community the possibility of a significant contribution to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies’ appeal. Once the amount of this contribution has been resolved, and the British Red Cross has clarified how successful the appeal has been, they expect to put a proposal to Her Majesty’s Government. The timing of such a proposal is a matter for the British Red Cross.

     

    Fascists

    Mr. Winnick : To ask the Prime Minister if he will put a proposal before other heads of Governments of the European Union that a member country which has fascists in its Government be suspended from the Union.

    The Prime Minister : No. All member states of the European Union have democratically elected Governments, and we work with them on that basis.

     

    Malaysia

    Mr. Byers : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer of 17 May, Official Report, column 404, on what day in June 1988 the Malaysian Government were informed of his predecessor’s wish to visit Malaysia.

    The Prime Minister : On 29 June 1988.

     

    Disabled People

    Mr. Wareing : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer of 10 May, Official Report, column 153, what estimate he has made of the cost of the proposed consultation exercise to investigate discrimination against disabled people ; and if he will list those persons and organisations he intends to consult.

    The Prime Minister : The Government will consult within six months on proposals to combat, not investigate, discrimination against disabled people. A wide range of organisations will be consulted, including those involving disabled people, employers and business more generally. The exact extent and cost of the consultation exercise will not be known until the proposals have been finalised.

     

    Australia and Thailand

    Mr. Byers : To ask the Prime Minister which Ministers travelled with his predecessor when she visited Australia and Thailand in August 1988.

    The Prime Minister : During her visit to Australia and Thailand in August 1988, my right hon. and noble Friend was not accompanied by any Ministers.

  • Mr Major’s Press Conference on the Competitiveness White Paper – 24 May 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s press conference on the competitiveness White Paper, held in London on Tuesday 24th May 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Perhaps I can just make a few brief opening remarks. You have all no doubt heard the statements by Michael [Heseltine] and David [Hunt] already this afternoon and I hope all of you have a copy of the press pack and the White Paper.

    Let me just make three overriding points right at the outset. All of us would like to see higher living standards and better public services, but if we are going to achieve that, over time, there are really only two ways to improve and sustain the level of quality of public services that we want, the first of those is business success yielding higher taxes, and the second of those would be higher tax rates. There is no doubt which is preferable. Secondly, there is no doubt that long term business success needs long term policies in order to obtain it, the long term policies we need are those we have in place and those we have set out in the White Paper today, we have brought them together in this way I believe for the first time. And thirdly, let me just make a point about the world in which our businesses have to compete, both large businesses and small.

    It is becoming a truism to say that the world is more competitive than ever before and it is becoming more so day after day. Technology and free trade have created a global environment, there is a global market place, there are new opportunities but we are only going to take those opportunities if we can keep up and beat the best of the competition. And many countries around the world who used to be fairly easy markets for us many years ago are now very firm competitors for us, there is no sentiment in the market place, we have to be better or our companies simply will not win in the sort of world market that exists at present.

    The White Paper shows what we can do to help our businesses to win and demonstrates our commitment to industry, manufacturing industry and services. As I think a number of you present will know, not least because you will have been with us on the trips, a number of my colleagues and I travel frequently batting for Britain with delegations of British exporters. Many of those visits have led to very substantial orders for the United Kingdom, bringing jobs and better living standards here. Those visits have brought home to me two lessons – the first is the accelerating pace of change and the quality of competition which businesses face; and the second is the need for active partnership between government and industry if we are to maximise the possibilities for businesses and companies in this country.

    It is of course the private sector companies, employees abroad, decision-makers often here at home, those who work on product development and marketing, who actually win the orders for us, it is on them that our living standards and our future depends. It was against that sort of background that I asked Michael Heseltine some months ago with colleagues right the way across government to have a look at the way in which the government could maximise its part in order to help our businesses win in that very competitive world market.

    A great deal inevitably must rest on work that has been done throughout the past 15 years and we are building on that with low inflation, deregulated, flexible and an open economy. But in addition to that the White Paper looks at a wide range of specific key areas and especially of course education and training. We have to give our youngsters the best start at school, that of course is the reason for our education reforms and it is the reason we are now introducing more vocational options for our 14 – 16 year olds.

    But of course a great many of those people, upon whom our future success depends, do not necessarily go on to college, so we also have to help them manage the transition from school to the early years of work and that is precisely what our apprenticeship programmes are about. Our intention is really very straightforward and very simple, whether children follow the academic path, the vocational path, or a mix of both, they will be given the opportunity to acquire the qualifications and the skills that they will need to get on in life and that we as a country need to assist our businesses in the competitive world in which they must compete. But we owe that I think both to our businesses and to those children and we owe it to our country to provide the best foundation for a competitive Britain in the next century.

    This is a long term look, there are no short term fixes in this White Paper, this is a comprehensive look at things that need to be done, some in the short term, some in the long term, in order to give us the best opportunity in the world’s business environment.

    I would just now like to ask Michael to say a word or two, and then David, and then we will take your questions. Can I say a word about questions? I have with me the Secretaries of State, all of whom in separate ways have been involved in the production of this White Paper, so I hope we will have questions of detail, we have the people here who will be only too happy to respond to those questions.

    MICHAEL HESELTINE:

    Prime Minister, when you entrusted some of us with the preparation for your consideration of this White Paper, you gave us some very clear steers. The first was to be absolutely certain that nothing was to be proposed that would upset the main macro-economic priorities of the government which we believe to be at the essence of remaining a competitive economy. The second was that if within the dialogue and within the public expenditure constraints we could find re-apportionment or realignment of priorities, then it was your particular concern that they should be directed towards improving the educational and training opportunities of our people. The next guideline that you gave us was that you wanted us to analyse Britain’s position in the long term context, as you said, to do so in a non-partisan way, to seek to unite the nation behind a whole range of initiatives in which every company and everybody would identify a purpose for them.

    We have done our best to fulfil that remit, it has required a superhuman endeavour by civil servants working right across government, it has involved the widest possible consultation outside government with organisations that have a role to play, and it is a particular indication of the significance that we give to the exercise that not only have we done that in the first place but that the committee that you entrusted with the initial task is to remain in existence and will as appropriate at given times update the work if the government believes that that will help. We are very pleased to have played a role in this.

    DAVID HUNT:

    Prime Minister, in setting the framework for a stronger partnership between government and industry, the role that John and I in particular have played is to put people right at the heart of the drive to ensure that the UK wins through in the 21st century, and programmes have got to be tailored to the needs of individuals, they must offer opportunities to individuals and they must ensure that individuals are motivated to take advantage of them. So our ambition is for our people to succeed. So we have a range of ambitious measures aimed at bringing out the best of the talent and skills of our people, you have heard the figures, you have heard the programmes.

    Right at the heart of the strategy, Prime Minister, something that I know you personally have always been strongly committed to, which is the new modern apprenticeship scheme offering real opportunities to youngsters to play a key role in adding to Britain’s brain power. And these new fast track apprenticeships are something that many organisations, many individuals, have been pressing for, we are now extending the opportunities beyond the 16 and 17 year olds to those aged 18 and 19, and key is a revolution in careers guidance now involving independent advice, probably to about 1.5 million one-to-one interviews and giving school children the opportunity to get the best possible advice at 13, at 15 and at 17, and also that small firms skill sharing scheme, a whole range of schemes. But, Prime Minister, the key to all is investing in people, that is a programme that we strongly support, that came from the CBI, we are carrying it through into every aspect of education and training.

    QUESTION:

    Why was it felt unnecessary to accept the main recommendations of the all party Trade and Industry Select Committee, such as a training levy on employers and a programme to combat short-termism in the City?

    MICHAEL HESELTINE:

    I think there were about 4 or 5 areas which we were not able to accept in the Select Committee report, by and large we accepted and agreed with the analysis and the proposals. But actually the Select Committee did not propose a training levy, if you look at the Select Committee report they admire the direction in which we are going and what they say is that we should come back to and consider a training levy if no better results are forthcoming in other ways, so they did not make that recommendation and it was a mistake for people to suggest in the House that they did. There were a number of other things that we were not able to agree, we were not able to agree with the suggestion that targets should be set right through every sector of the economy, I think that frankly is not realistic and I know of no government that has ever tried that ever succeeded, there are some who have tried but they have never succeeded.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, why do you look so grim?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am glad you are so concerned about that, I am trying to peer through those television lights, if you really wish to know the truth, if anyone whom I have known for years stands up and I do not recognise them, the answer is that beyond those lights all you can see are black spots, so I am not grim, just peering to see who is there.

    QUESTION:

    [Indistinct] 4.55 in the paper on accelerated modern apprenticeships, you say if industry plays its part government will provide funding of 107 million pounds over three years, what precise part do you want industry to play for these modern apprenticeships for 19 and 18 year olds, and is this 107 million pounds over three years additional to any previous funding?

    DAVID HUNT:

    This is an additional commitment of 107 million pounds over 3 years and what this will do is to produce a fast track for those who have stayed at school, done A levels, GNVQs, etc, to move into work-based training. We calculate it will take them around about 18 months on average to get up to that key point of NVQ level 3, and what we are doing by introducing this fast track approach is giving many more people an opportunity, and we calculate that this will increase the numbers of those achieving NVQ level 3 from around about just over 10,000 at the moment to over 70,000 NVQ level 3s achieved every year, and the way we will do it is by working closely, as we are at the moment, through the industry training organisations, the training and enterprise councils, all the other key partners and bodies, working up models which then to form the basis of the new scheme.

    QUESTION:

    What precisely does industry have to do to get the government to provide the funding?

    DAVID HUNT:

    We have got 14, now just gone up to 17, pilot areas which we are starting this autumn. Each apprenticeship will have a different cost, apprenticeships in some of the more specialised engineering sectors will differ in cost from those in other areas and I am now awaiting reports coming from the working parties working up these pilots which will start later this year with a view then to introducing the full scheme in 1995, and we will be looking for a partnership whereby taxpayers’ money will be put alongside the private sector to secure through that training credit the opportunity for that youngster at 16 or 17 to have a 3 – 4 year apprenticeship and for the 18 and 19 year olds that 18 month fast track apprenticeship.

    QUESTION:

    There is a section in the document which allows pupils to spend what are presumed to be a voucher on a place at the school, college or training institution of their choice. The reforms were originally parent-power driven, this seems to be pupil-power driven, how far will it descend down through the school year, what age are we talking about and will it lead to an all in voucher system.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is at very early stages here, let me ask David to say something, John might wish to as well.

    DAVID HUNT:

    What we have said in paragraph 4.56 is that we see attractions in providing all 16, 17, 18, 19 year olds with learning credits with a real cash value, and that would give power to young people to buy their own education and training from schools, colleges, employers and other recognised providers. But we recognise that that would be a far reaching change in funding which is why John and I have said that we need careful preparation and we are going to consult further on the practical implications of learning credits and to discuss the issues widely and openly and also to introduce some pilot schemes on the basis of local partnerships.

    JOHN PATTEN:

    I would only add one thing to what David has said, and that is that yes we are totally devoted to parent power and parent choice for the parents of children of 5 – 16, but those of 16 plus are young adults, they are out and about in the world, they should be making their own choices. What we want to see is for those between 16 and 19 a good range of choices, whether it is city technology colleges, technology colleges, grant maintained schools, further education colleges, and we want them to have a wide range of examination qualifications, not forcing them into a rigid straitjacket, that is why we have got our gold standard, the A level, that is why David Hunt and myself have been developing the GNVQ, that is why we are very happy for the international baccalaureate to be taken, we have got to treat 16 and 17 year olds as young adults.

    QUESTION:

    The Prime Minister admitted that this White Paper brought together for the first time a range of initiatives, and right at the back of the document, on page 159, we discover that all it does is report on matters already announced and in progress, it is in effect a snapshot of the work in hand across government, basically the previous 158 pages are covering up for the fact that there is nothing new at all in this.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is, with great respect, rubbish. But let me ask the coordinator to spell out some of the details of why it is rubbish.

    MICHAEL HESELTINE:

    There are 60, I think, new proposals, 59, 60, 61 depends on the precise classification and I could mention a whole range of the ones that are announced here, the whole of the education and apprenticeship announcement that has been made are new, new money; the fact that we are spending 150 – 200 million pounds on a regional challenge is a new fact; the fact that we are producing a civil service White Paper is a new fact; you can go on. Quite frankly, the suggestion that you put that there is nothing new in it can only be charitably understood on the basis that you have not yet had time to read it.

    QUESTION:

    In the section on public purchasing you mention that you want a constructive partnership rather than an adversarial relationship in the government’s construction programme, could you outline how that will work?

    MICHAEL HESELTINE:

    On public purchasing, we believe that there is an opportunity to get a greater degree of professionalism into the purchasing machinery of government and a significant part of the initiative here is to improve training. But there is then another aspect to that and that is to set up a machinery across the country in order to make it easier for small companies to get access to large contracts and to so organise those contracts that they are more capable of being competed for by small companies. We are also going to work with the supply chain in order to encourage companies that are buying without thought to local sourcing the opportunities that they could create for British companies if they were to do so, there are a whole range of partnership arrangements that can be developed within such a framework and it is to bring professional management and an opportunity for particularly small and medium size companies in this huge public procurement process that is under way.

    PANEL SPEAKER:

    Also, we constituted our sponsorship side for the construction industry which fits in with this and of course throughout government we will be ensuring that the purchasing arrangements will be on the basis in which we also introduce the environmentally friendly kinds of concepts which enable our industries to be able to compete throughout the world. One of the things about competition is that you have to have the highest standards in this country in order to win markets elsewhere and that is very much driven by the standards which government demands as well, so this is inter-related with the kinds of contracts which we are now winning in places as far apart as the United States and Australia for the sort of environmentally friendly programmes which the water companies are now able to do because of competition, because of privatisation and because of the kind of government programme of purchasing which we are now demanding.

    QUESTION:

    You say that the basic thrust of this is to produce a more long-term vision so are there any measures in here to stop this haemorrhage of funds out of companies as dividend payments which obviously prevents companies from reinvesting in the very long-term things that you want such as R&D and education and training?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Let William firstly just say something about R&D because I think often there are many comments made about the levels of research and development expenditure and investment which frankly are not right.

    WILLIAM WALDEGRAVE:

    The Government contribution on R&D is in the middle of the pack for the G7 and we remain one of the big five or six science countries of the world. Indeed, in terms of one of the indices, the citation index, we are probably the second biggest producer of innovative science ideas after the United States of America.

    The importance of getting longer-term decision-taking into companies is emphasised in the Paper but of course the fundamental thing that brings down time horizons is inflation and the establishment of real stability in the economy is already leading in this last period of the recession that is now over to a greater degree of protection for companies’ R&D budgets. That is a very hopeful sign for the future but the Paper makes absolutely no doubt about the fact that we want the best, that we want the average and the below-average to be brought up to the standard of the best investing companies in this country. Michael Heseltine talked earlier about for example the pharmaceutical industry. If we could have all our companies taking the same view about R&D in the long-term as the pharmaceutical industry does we would do very well.

    KENNETH CLARKE:

    We are having what we call a “Finance for Industry Study” in the Treasury and we are having a look at the views of companies themselves, the banks and other people about the flow of finance into industry in this country. Certainly, one of the things we will have a look at is the fact that, as you say, compared with some continental European countries certainly a greater proportion of profits are distributed in dividends here than are retained and we will look at that and decide the extent to which that gets the right balance between having properly functioning capital markets and on the other hand making sure that you can use some retained profits to build up your financial base. All these matters we will be considering in the run-up to the next budget.

    We have already shown that we are prepared to take measures in the budget to stimulate the kind of investment we require, particularly longer-term risk investment in small and medium-sized businesses but we are widening the scope of the studies that Stephen Dorrell and Tony Nelson have been carrying out. All of us in the Treasury are now settling down to this and I see the work we are doing looking at the flow of finance to industrial investment in this country all sitting alongside what is being done to help business improve its supply-side performance as well. We are very actively looking at that and the Government certainly is going to form a view on what we can do to improve the working of our capital markets in this country.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The intention is of course that these various examinations should interlock. As Ken has just illustrated, there are in effect four areas that the Treasury are looking at at the moment: savings, the working of capital markets, the flow of funds to business and as a result of that, the implications for taxation and I think it is very desirable that that work should be done. It is but part of the whole patchwork but I think an important part.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, you have said today’s initiative is probably unprecedented. Why has it taken almost fifteen years of Conservative Government before it could happen? Isn’t today’s White Paper somehow an implicit recognition that so far the Government was not helping British businesses enough?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I don’t think so. A great deal has been done in the 1980s. Government is usually about the language of priorities and throughout the 1980s the first priorities were to deal with many of the macro-elements of the economy, not just the incipient inflation difficulty we had in this country but a range of other things as well, a range of supply-side measures and most obviously but not exclusively the reform of our then trade union laws.

    Those matters have been done. We are operating against a quite different background of better macro-structure, a better supply-side performance. What we now need to do is to move on to the things that still remain to be done and that is of course what has led to this particular White Paper. It comes on the back of the best inflation performance, the lowest interest rates that we have seen for a very long time. A number of people in this room were probably still in their nappies the last time we had interest rates at the present level and inflation at the present level.

    So we operate against that background and against that background there is every opportunity of maximising the competitive position that we have. It was an opportunity to be taken and that was the genesis of the White Paper.

    QUESTION:

    There are many small businesses who have wanted to expand up to now and recently. They say they can’t expand because they can’t find skilled workers and they can’t afford to pay apprentices. How, tomorrow, will they be able to say: “Ah! What you have announced today helps me, I can go ahead and expand now!”?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I will get David to elaborate upon the apprenticeship point but can I just say something about small businesses before I ask him to do that. It is a quite staggering statistic that about 97% of the people employed in this country are employed by companies who have a very small number of employees, under 25 employees, that sort of size, so the implications for employment apart from anything else of the success of the small business sector are self-evident. What we believe is happening at the moment as the economy recovers is that many of those small companies are beginning to re-employ again. I think there is unmistakable evidence that that is the case. We hope our measures will give a kick-start to that.

    DAVID HUNT:

    Prime Minister, I have already spoken in the few moments I have had since leaving the House of Commons to several people who represent the small business sector who enthusiastically welcomed this White Paper. There are a whole set of provisions specifically for small firms. I will just mention one which is its identification with the assistance of small firms of up to 24,000 key workers who have got skills who just need that extra training to be able to pass on those skills to the next generation. That, allied with the new apprenticeship scheme, is directly targeted at small firms worth £63 million over three years.

    As Michael announced, we also of course have the innovation credits. That is another example. They are worth up to £1,000 a company for the innovation counsellors to enable the companies to pay for the best possible information or advice about innovation.

    Those are just two examples of a whole list of packages of opportunities for small firms because we recognise that much of the job-generation, the new jobs that are coming in the economy, about 25 million now, have come from small and medium-sized enterprises.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, in considering the problems of making Britain more competitive, did you find yourself casting envious glances at Germany where short-termism is not a problem because financial institutions are more closely locked into the companies in whom they invest, where managers and workers get along perhaps more constructively because they sit on management and supervisory boards and where there is the so-called “Mittelstand” – the medium-sized businesses – which provide a solid core for industry beneath the big boys on the one hand and the smaller corner-shop industries on the other?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I certainly didn’t cast envious glances at Germany. I think over the years there have been things we have been able to learn from Germany. There are things I very much admire about the way they conduct their affairs. I am not sure that their interlocking shareholdings are one of the things that I would necessarily wish to replicate here, I think they were a product of particular circumstances in Germany.

    In terms of some of their industrial training, the particular emphasis in factories that you will see given to the foremen for example, I think there are areas there where there is something for British industry to learn but generally, no, I am not envious. If you look at the German economy at the moment, you will see that it is facing some difficulties. There has been massive job-shedding, there are over 4 million unemployed at the moment. Like every other nation, they are emerging from extremely difficult economic circumstances.

    I will ask the Chancellor to add to this because I think I heard a Chancellorial grunt on my left which suggests he wants to say something!

    KENNETH CLARKE:

    I happen to have had the chance to meet quite a lot of German ministers, bankers and businessmen recently and I don’t think they will actually share your view. Obviously, currently as we know, their unemployment is higher than ours, theirs is not yet coming down, their rate of growth is slower than ours and quite importantly, they have actually lost their competitive edge vis-a-vis British businesses in quite a lot of fields. I meet British businessmen now exporting components in the automobile industry into Germany because this is a better manufacturing base currently than Germany.

    Like the Prime Minister, I admire a lot of things German. Theirs is a very powerful economy where they are putting right the things they know they have to put right to improve their competitiveness but at the moment we have the edge over them and we have got to address the things we are addressing to make sure we do our best to take advantage of the position we now have where at last we are able to compete with the Germans on level terms.

    The reason I grunted, smiled or whatever I did, was that recently I met a whole lot of people from a German private bank and one of the German bankers amused me by saying: “What we need here in Germany is a bit more of your British short-termism!”. Because half their banks are nationalised – they are about to privatise more of them – they have this system of interlocking shareholding and they do actually feel they lack some of the advantages we have of more fluid capital markets.

    That doesn’t go back on my previous answer. We know here that we do lack sufficient long-term capital for small businesses in particular. I agree with you that we don’t have that middle range of companies that the Germans are much stronger in. We have always thought the Germans had a lead over us in technical training and somebody a moment ago suggested we had been inactive. What David Hunt and John Patten are announcing builds on a process now of seven or eight years that started with a situation when we had absolutely no structure of technical qualifications in this country, we had no commitment to vocational training and to move into the areas they are now moving into, apprenticeships for 18-year-olds and so on, is catching up the Germans very rapidly and it is with the aim of seeking to overtake them in that great strength of theirs as well.

    We have got to compete with the Germans and there are a lot of good things in Germany but the idea that we sit here envious of the German situation is not true. For the first time in my lifetime we have the prospect of being a more competitive economy than Germany and we have got to take advantage of that finally and not least by aligning with German ministers who want to get deregulation going in Europe and in Germany of the kind that we have already got going in the DTI in the United Kingdom and which we are going to get going in Europe with German assistance.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You raised one other point about the middle range of companies and I am going to ask Michael to say something about that but if I can just add one point to what Ken said a second or so ago, we have a very close alliance indeed with Germany in terms of seeking deregulation in the European Community. I will be very surprised indeed if deregulation across the Community isn’t one of the principal aims of the German Presidency of the Community in the second half of this year and the Germans and the British work in very close alliance on this and have done for some time I think to the benefit of both our countries and to the benefit of the rest of the European Union.

    MICHAEL HESELTINE:

    A very important question and nothing so reveals the long-term nature of changing relativities in the strength of the economy than this question of why we have fewer medium-sized companies than Germany.

    The reason basically for it is that for much of the post-War period, particularly under Labour governments, income tax was at 98p in the pound which meant that nobody earning money was capable of retaining any money with which to start a small business. You cannot start a medium-sized business, you start with small businesses, so there was a choke around the creative process of the capital system as far as individuals were concerned.

    We then had the existing businesses that had already started and many of them were medium-sized. What then happened is that we created a tax regime in which there was massive preferential treatment for the publicly-quoted company to take over the businesses that were middle-sized which were forced onto the market-place by death duties and capital transfer or wealth taxes of one sort and another and when the family businesses came to look at the consequence of the business on death or transfer, they discovered that if they sold their business for cash, which is all a small or medium-sized business could offer, then they would be taxed into oblivion and so they looked at the publicly-quoted companies, the giants who could give them shares, and there was no tax paid at that time and so not only did we put a choke on creation, we put a block on the transfer of inheritance and the sustenance therefore of the sector and that explains why under Socialist taxation policies we wiped out a whole raft of medium-sized companies.

    The exciting long-term thing of the 1990s is that there are today 600,000 more small businesses than there were in 1979. The latest published figures by Barclays Bank indicate there is now a net capital asset creation of small businesses after the recession and so what we have to do is keep that macro-economic climate developing in the very benign tax climate we have now got so that the small businesses created in the ’80s become the medium-sized businesses of the ’90s.

    JOHN PATTEN:

    On this issue of training and education in Germany often held up, rightly, to us over decades as a model, I think actually the Germans are beginning to look to us and the sort of innovative work being done by David Hunt and by people in the Department for Education to produce new higher-level vocational qualifications in a way which will leap over some of those that the Germans have.

    Just two other things: we do need, all of us in industry and in education and in the world of the employer, to link up in a national crusade to hit the national education training targets that we have set ourselves by 1997 otherwise we are not going to be as competitive as we wish by the end of this century. An awful lot has been achieved over the last fifteen years, standards are going up, standards are improving and best of all from the employers’ point of view, more young people than ever before are staying on at school post-16; back in 1979 it was about 40%, now it is round about 75% and I think it is our ambition as a government to see the 16-year-old school-leaver as rare as the dodo by the year 2000.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, if this report is as successful as you say it will be, how many jobs do you think it will create long-term?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I don’t think you can produce an estimate of that. We can see at the moment that the rate of unemployment is falling rather larger than we had imagined just a few months ago. I very much hope that will continue and it looks at the moment as though it is certainly going to continue for some time but I think it is very unwise to forecast the levels of unemployment and of employment. No previous Government has done it and I think it would be very unwise of us to try. What one can certainly say is that if the economy becomes more successful, it generates more growth, it generates the growth of small businesses, then it is going to create more employment but quantifying that I think would be an impossible task.

    QUESTION:

    The modern apprenticeship system as presently proposed is going to cost £1.25 billion over the next three years. Now you are proposing £107 million extra to almost double apprentice numbers. I accept the point that the apprenticeship will be shorter but when you talk to people from Techs and ITOs they say that the modern apprenticeship scheme will last two years, maybe two-and-a-half years and now you are talking about eighteen months. How do you expect £107 million to virtually double apprentice numbers and is this where you expect a greater contribution from industry?

    DAVID HUNT:

    May I just explain the background to the figures. What we are talking about now is a total budget over the next three years which is up to £2.5 billion – £2,500 million – which the Department of Employment is going to invest over a three-year period to help our young people get modern training leading to high-quality qualifications.

    The £107 million investment over three years is what my officials tell me after consultation is necessary to introduce a short fast-track apprenticeship for round about at any one point in time 57,000 individuals participating in the new modern apprenticeship.

    The actual quantification of the cost of each sector will follow the detailed negotiations that are now taking place but all of this is against that background of £2.5 billion.

    Finally, Prime Minister, can I say about employment something just revealed in the House of Commons which I don’t think many people are aware of and that is when you look at the percentage of our working population now in work, we are just about the highest with one other country in the Europe in the league table in Europe. We have 70% of the male and female population aged 15-64 in work and that compares to Germany 65%, France 60%, Italy 56%, Ireland 52%, Spain 49%.

    QUESTION:

    Regarding the sections in the White Paper both on transport and London, Could you tell us what is happening to the “Crossrail” project and whether it will be built?

    JOHN MACGREGOR:

    We remain firmly committed to the “Crossrail” project. The promoters are currently looking to see whether they can revive the Bill.

    JOHN GUMMER:

    It is very important for London and we are determined to ensure that this range of new opportunities are made available. The fact of the matter is that even though we are spending an enormous amount of money, much more than was ever spent when there was a GLC, it is still true that the standards which we are trying to produce and the opportunities go on increasing and that is why this is another step on a course which we started a long time ago.

    It is incremental but it will be all the more exciting if we can get “Crossrail” as well.