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  • Mr Major’s Comments on Northern Ireland – 26 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on Northern Ireland, made on 26th March 1993.


    QUESTION:

    [The Prime Minister was asked about the situation in Northern Ireland]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    What we are seeing, and it has been very dramatically illustrated after the events of the last few days, is the intense revulsion that exists right across the spectrum in the United Kingdom, in Northern Ireland, in the Republic of Ireland against the activities of the terrorists. I think there is a spirit, a movement, a belief that these people are evil and that their cause does not justify the way they behave. I think that is spreading. The attitude and feelings amongst the people of Northern Ireland has increasingly been moving towards the need to find a secure and peaceful settlement. That is very attractive and I hope it continues.

  • Mr Major’s Speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews – 25 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews, held in London on Thursday 25th March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is not often in the life of a politician that he has such a warm welcome and it is not often in the life of a politician that he is as pleased as Norma and I are tonight to be precisely where we are tonight.

    Samuel Pepys summed up my feelings 200 years ago on dining with the Board of Deputies, a very great diarist, a man of great prescience, and he wrote as follows: “A good dinner and company that pleased me mightily, being all eminent men in their way”. Well he was an unreconstructed man of course, these days he would have reminded us that there were some eminent women here tonight as well.

    This evening, may I say to all of you that your Board has done Norma and me a very great honour. We come to you tonight as friends and as admirers of the Jewish people. And as Martin Gilbert’s Jewish History Atlas tells me, my Parliamentary constituency, Huntingdon, was the home to a Jewish community as far back as the 13th century.

    A few moments ago, Your Honour, you spoke of freedom of access to the British government and the British Prime Minister. Let me just respond to that directly and immediately. The Board of Deputies will always have free access to me for as long as I remain in Downing Street.

    And let me just pick up something else you said a moment ago for it was something that touched my instincts in the light of some events that we have seen this week. You spoke in your remarks just a few seconds ago of the victims of violence. The victims of violence are international, we had that brought home to us very vividly on the streets of Warrington just last weekend and as a result of that particular piece of evil two small boys with their whole lives ahead of them are dead. Their death was pointless and wicked. But it does I think remind us that wickedness is alive and wickedness must be confronted and that is a first duty of democratic governments in every part of the world.

    Mr President, the Board of Deputies may not be quite as old as Samuel Pepys, but it has played a unique role in this country for more than 200 years. It speaks authoritatively for the Jewish community, its officers in many ways know the ins and outs of Whitehall and Westminster almost better than the government Chief Whip. They have a two-way relationship with the government from which I personally have learned a great deal.

    I would like this evening to repay just a little of that debt by touching on subjects that I know concern you greatly. I do so tonight from the point of view of a friend of Israel, but I do so also in particular from the point of view of a candid friend, a candid friend perhaps but nonetheless a genuine friend. That is true I believe, as you yourself said, of my country and I think it is true of me as well.

    Let me first if I may this evening confront a subject which is painful for all of us and Judge Feinstine mentioned it, he mentioned racism. I have a deep and a personal loathing of racism and throughout their history since the Diaspora Jewish people have contended with racism and with anti-semitism. This century began with problems in Eastern Europe and the flight of hundreds of thousands of Jews. In mid-century Europe descended into the unfathomable horrors of the holocaust. In the Soviet Union many Jews suffered discrimination or were persecuted simply for seeking to emigrate to other parts of the world.

    It would I think have been reasonable to hope that by the 1990s more civilised standards of behaviour would have prevailed throughout Europe. So they do – at the level of state and government. But I have to say to you this evening that the problem of racism has not been eradicated in Europe. There has been a disturbing resurgence of racist and anti-semitic attacks in different countries, we have heard ugly words from factions on the fringe of politics.

    And at a time when different parts of Europe are in turbulence and transition, and in some cases in distress, we must not, dare not, allow demagogues to reignite the flames of racial hatred.

    The European Council which I had the privilege to chair in Edinburgh condemned all racism and racist attacks. But empty words are insufficient. Those words need to be matched by action and we are looking for collective action in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. From the mid-1970s the principle of the CSCE played a vital part in our joint struggle to change official attitudes in the former Soviet Union. Your Board’s Soviet Jewry section distinguished itself, distinguished itself particularly campaigning for the prisoners of Zion in all those years. And it is a remarkable testament to that noble campaign that last autumn the Board found itself entertaining the Russian Ambassador. I greatly welcome that and I hope it continues for many years in the future.

    But the CSCE needs to do more than it has done in the past. It needs now to change attitudes at the popular level. Its members should compare their different experiences. The CSCE’s international seminar on tolerance held in Warsaw last November was an encouraging step in the right direction. But we need action elsewhere, action too for example in the Council of Europe and there we propose practical measures of immediate benefit to groups at risk, for example, but one of many examples, on police training.

    But there must also be national action as well as international action. And Britain has a good record. Your President spoke a few moments ago of the relationship with governments of different political complexions and I echo what he had to say. Britain does have a good record here, we have the high levels of protection afforded by the Race Relations Act in the mid-1970s passed by a Labour government, and by the Public Order Act of the mid-1980s passed by a Conservative Government.

    But we can, in my personal judgment, never be complacent. Xenophobia and racism are repugnant, there can be no room for them in Europe, not now, not ever again, and that means eternal vigilance to make sure that they never return to our way of life.

    Mr President, let me touch also on a matter you raised yourself – the peace process in the Middle East. In a speech here in February President Herzog declared, and I quote: “central in our national purpose is the achievement of peace with our neighbours by means of the peace process.” That process, that necessary remarkable process, began at Madrid in October 1991, it is central not only of course to Israel but to all who have the best interests of the Middle East at heart.

    Each party, each party to the process has strong reasons to seek peace. In Lebanon peace is essential if the state is to be rebuilt. The Jordanians need peace because it will strengthen the political and economic climate of the region as a whole and that is vital to their own particular state. For Syria peace would help the restructuring of the economy and the improvement of relations with the West. The Palestinians want a settlement that would end life under occupation and allow them to run their own lives. And the people of Israel do not wish to live in a state of indefinite tension with their neighbours, exacerbated by the acute and unresolved problems of the occupied territories.

    So there is at stake a great deal. A peace is necessary to each and every one of those states for different reasons. What if we should fail? What if there should be no peace? Failure would carry risks and consequences which no responsible leader would wish to entertain. Failure would accentuate economic problems, it would risk greater political instability and widespread social unrest, it would provide fertile ground for fundamentalism and for extremism.

    Let me digress for a moment simply to say this. Fundamentalism is a dark cloud the world should watch very carefully indeed in the years immediately ahead.

    And we should recognise other impediments to peace as well. As well as extremist movements, certain governments not involved in the peace process would like to see that peace process fail, not everyone wishes well for the peace process. There are governments that would like to capitalise on failure in order to increase their influence in the region and I do not think in this company, on this occasion, that I have any need to name the names of those countries. But that is why I think it is so vital to sustain the momentum.

    There is a window of opportunity for peace but it is a window that may not remain open indefinitely. Over time, governments in the region will change, acts of violence could provoke a change of attitudes and we must therefore get the parties – all of the parties – back to the negotiating table and urge them to pursue agreement while the opportunity is there. So far Israel, only Israel, has responded favourably to the co-sponsors’ invitation to the further bilateral talks due to start in Washington on the 20th April.

    Clearly, the increase in tension and violence in the Occupied Territories and within Israel has seriously complicated the peace process. Murderous attacks have been carried out on Israeli civilians and soldiers and they cannot by any yardstick be condoned. The Palestinian leadership must do everything in their power to reduce the violence. Most of the attacks would appear to be the work of extremists who oppose and would like to derail the peace process that is so vital to the future for the Middle East. They must not be permitted to succeed.

    I said earlier to this company that I came here tonight as a candid friend and I must be so now. I know the sort of provocation the Israeli defence forces are under. No-one is suggesting for a second they pursue a deliberate policy of violence but I would be at fault to my friends here this evening if I did not express my deep concern about some of the actions in the Occupied Territories. The deaths of over twenty children and young people since December in shooting incidents grievously undermine the case of Israel’s friends as I know this company will recognise. That is realism, not pessimism.

    I am not pessimistic about our opportunities for peace. Like President Herzog, I believe the fact that the peace process is taking place represents a major and beneficial change in Israel’s history. He said during his visit – and I quote that remarkable man again – “Who dreamed when I entered office that we would be sitting down and negotiating in direct bilateral negotiations with a view to achieving peace with the Syrians, with the Lebanese, with the Jordanians and with the Palestinians?” Who indeed would have dreamed that was possible and it is a matter of hope today that people are now talking to each other, not past each other. They are beginning to understand the political realities and the public perceptions on the other side. We must give full credit to the United States Government for leading that peace process and it is good news that the new Administration in Washington is ready to become a full partner in the negotiations. From my own meeting with President Clinton, I can confirm to you that that is certainly the case.

    So what is there that our country, that Britain, can do to help? We of course don’t claim to be a central player. Of the countries outside the region the United States are the prime movers helped by their Russian co-sponsors. However, the parties will need help, encouragement from all quarters in taking the difficult decisions that lie ahead. With our European partners, Britain stands ready to assist that process.

    In this connection – and it is a matter I will not duck this evening – the British Government took one step earlier this month on which I know many of you have strong feelings and some reservations. I refer of course to our decision to receive at ministerial level a Palestinian delegation including two PLO representatives. I know how unpopular that was with many of our friends in Israel. Let me explain, for there is nowhere better to do it, our purpose.

    I spoke earlier of the need to maintain momentum in the talks and to encourage everyone to take part. That means if we are to have peace that the Palestinian leadership must be persuaded to return to the peace process. We – by which I mean in this instance the British Government – wish to see them return to that peace process and it is clear to us that to achieve that the PLO will influence that decision. It is hard to influence them in the right direction without talking to them.

    Our talks are a means of impressing our strong views on them, in particular our view that there must be an end to violence in the Occupied Territories. Those on all sides who genuinely desire peace must, through their own actions, help to create the right climate. That, I tell you this evening, is the motive behind the actions of the British Government.

    The value to Israel of a peace settlement could scarcely be overstated. It must of course be a settlement which offers a lasting guarantee to Israel’s security. Any friend of Israel, anyone who has studied Israel’s history, can only be keenly aware of that country’s vulnerability. No proposal which fails to take account of that has a chance of success in the peace process. The peace process itself would not be alive without the recognition that Israel’s security could be assured through a fair and a durable settlement and a settlement, were it to be achievable, were it to be achieved, would relieve the burdens that have so long hung over every family in Israel and upon the minds of every friend of Israel around the world. Let me reiterate a point I believe you all know: the Israeli Government has our wholehearted support in its pursuit for peace.

    Let me finally say a few words about the European Community and about relations between Britain and Israel. Britain has traditionally played a vigorous part in the Community’s work on the Middle East. We shall be represented in next week’s ministerial visit by the Community’s Troika to the region. The Troika’s purpose is to demonstrate the Community’s commitment to the peace process and to support the resumption of negotiations.

    On the economic front, the European Community has become Israel’s largest trading partner. Remarkably for a country of five million people, Israel is the European Community’s 17th largest export market. A peace settlement would lead in my judgement to a further increase in our economic states. It would stimulate increased investment in regional development from all the countries throughout the European Community.

    Perhaps of equal concern to you this evening is the European Community’s action over the Arab trade boycott. At the Lisbon Council last June, the Community called on the Arab League to end the boycott. It followed up by making direct approaches to Arab governments and urged them to respond positively to the moves made by Israel to curb settlements in the Occupied Territories. I cannot promise this evening in present circumstances that the Community will succeed in securing an early assurance by Arab governments that the boycott will be lifted. I can assure you this evening that we will continue to press unremittingly for this in the months and years ahead.

    And that brings me back almost to where I began. Over the years, many years, Britain’s relations with Israel have had their ups and had their downs. They are now, as your President said, very close and very warm relations. I had the honour last month of entertaining the President of Israel at Downing Street. Heini Herzog will soon be retiring after a distinguished decade in Israel’s highest office. During that period he has been a beacon of wisdom and of moderation. His personal contribution to British-Israeli friendship has been immense. He left here recently declaring that he was more than ever convinced of the profound bonds of friendship which unite our peoples for all time. I look forward to meeting his newly-elected successor, Aza Weizmann who shares a strong British connection with President Herzog. As a war-time pilot in the Royal Air Force and there can be few closer connections than that, and as one of the architects of Camp David, he seems to me to have the perfect qualifications and I have today sent him both the Government’s and my own warmest congratulations upon his new responsibilities. [Applause].

    I had the pleasure of meeting Prime Minister Rabin here only last December. Members of his Government are assiduous and very welcome visitors to this country. Indeed, over recent months there are times when I have thought of suggesting that the Israeli Cabinet might itself meet here in London [laughter]. Four Israeli Ministers have been here in the last few weeks and another arrived today. I believe, alas, we have no fresh arrivals tomorrow.

    One of my predecessors, David Lloyd George, said of the Jewish people in 1925 the following words: “You may say you have been oppressed and persecuted. That has been your power. You have been hammered into very fine steel and that is why you have never been broken.” Steel was the quality which has carried the Jewish people through their long search, a search which culminated in the establishment of the Jewish national home in 1917. I can imagine – but not with the depth of feeling and instinct that you can – quite how much that means to everyone who is Jewish.

    Let us then not in 1917 but in 1993 do everything in our power to achieve a peace settlement which will secure that home sought for so long and loved so much, to secure that for all time. That is something that we must all pray for. That is something, I assure you this evening, that the British Government will continue to work for and I express again to you tonight my thanks for the honour you gave me in inviting Norma and I to join you this evening as your guests. [Applause].

  • PMQT Written Answers – 25 March 1993

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 25th March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Social Security Offices (London)

    Q7. Mr. Corbyn : To ask the Prime Minister what plans he has to visit a London DSS office.

    The Prime Minister : I have at present no plans to do so.

     

    Hepatitis B

    Dr. Marek : To ask the Prime Minister how many patients were recalled for screening for hepatitis B by the Staffordshire, Wrexham, Argyll and Ayr and North Middlesex hospitals following two surgeons having transmitted hepatitis B to one or more of their patients.

    The Prime Minister : Approximately 1,780 patients have been contacted for screening by the hospitals concerned. The two hospitals in Scotland are in the Ayrshire and Arran health board’s area.

     

    Cabinet Meetings

    Mr. Mackinlay : To ask the Prime Minister who presides at meetings of the Cabinet in the event of an incidental absence of the Prime Minister.

    The Prime Minister : Cabinet meetings are not normally held in the absence of the Prime Minister. In the event of such a meeting being necessary, I would make arrangements in the light of the circumstances at the time.

     

    Acting Prime Minister

    Mr. Mackinlay : To ask the Prime Minister what arrangements are laid down as to who should act as Prime Minister in the period immediately following his being suddenly incapacitated; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : There are no standing arrangements for this eventuality. The arrangements would depend on the circumstances.

     

    Engagements

    Sir Peter Tapsell : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    Mr. Harry Greenway : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    The Prime Minister : This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

  • PMQT – 25 March 1993

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 25th March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Meale : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning, I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Meale : The House will well recall the promises made by the Prime Minister and many of his fellow Ministers before the last general election about the future of the coal mining industry. Now that, today, we are about to hear about the loss of tens of thousands of jobs, will the Prime Minister apologise to those coalfield communities for what the Government are about to do?

    The Prime Minister : The hon. Gentleman will have to curb his impatience for a few moments until my right hon. Friend’s statement. He has very little time to wait and then he will be able to judge how right he is or how wrong he is.

    Mr. Heald : Has my right hon. Friend seen the 1992 results from Vauxhall Motors today showing huge increase in profits as a result of improved sales, improved market share and a huge increase in exports? Will my right hon. Friend join me in congratulating the work force and all concerned, particularly those living in north Hertfordshire?

    The Prime Minister : Yes, I did see those results. They are certainly excellent and I am delighted to congratulate the company on its results, which show what a well-managed company with the right product range can achieve, even in difficult world trading circumstances.

    Mr. John Smith : Does the Prime Minister now understand how foolish he was to claim last October that the closure of 31 pits was–and I quote him directly–

    “economically unavoidable and better done cleanly and quickly”?

    The Prime Minister : As the right hon. and learned Gentleman knows, we carried out a full review of these matters and my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade will set out in full detail the outcome of that review shortly. It is the most thorough review of the coal industry that has been undertaken for very many years. It posed many difficult issues which we have been prepared to face. The right hon. and learned Gentleman might also acknowledge the fact that we have supported the industry over the past 14 years to the extent of £18 billion.

    Mr. John Smith : The House and the country will have noticed that the Prime Minister does not, indeed cannot, deny that his original intention, as he said himself, was to close all 31 pits immediately. How does he account for that appalling error of judgment?

    The Prime Minister : I know that the right hon. and learned Gentleman is desperately keen to get his usual fix on the early evening news, but he will have to wait for my right hon. Friend’s statement.

    Mr. John Smith : In the course of the Prime Minister’s twisting and turning over the past five months, has he yet begun to appreciate the vital importance of Britain’s coal industry to our future energy security? Whatever is or is not in his White Paper, does the Prime Minister now realise that the rigging of the market to secure short-term profits for privatised electricity companies has put at risk the long-term security of energy supplies which should be the cornerstone of any Government’s energy policy?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. and learned Gentleman will find it difficult to rewrite his own history. He should remember Labour’s record on pit closures. The last Labour Government closed 313 pits and more than 200,000 of the work force lost their jobs. The Labour party cannot live down its past. It backed the National Union of Mineworkers when that union was holding the country to ransom during a year-long strike in the 1980s ; it backed demands for unrealistic wages ; and it backed demands for overmanning and bad working practices. If the right hon. and learned Gentleman had not backed those things in the 1980s, many more pits might be open today.

    Mr. Thomason : Does my right hon. Friend agree that charge capping and council tax capping are necessary evils to protect the payer from the worst excesses of socialist local government administration? Will he abhor the proposal of the hon. Member for Blackburn (Mr. Straw) that capping be abolished and that control of local government spending be handed over to the unions?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend is right. The capping of spendthrift local authorities is necessary in order to protect taxpayers. My right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment will cap wherever necessary this year, as in other years. My hon. Friend the Member for Basildon (Mr. Amess) may be keen to know that it is most unlikely that Conservative Basildon this year, unlike Labour Basildon in previous years, will require capping.

     

    Q2. Ms Abbott : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Lady to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Ms Abbott : Does the Prime Minister accept that, whatever is in the statement to come, what public opinion outside the House wants is the saving not of 10, 12 or 15 pits but of all 31? It is not out of sentimentality that public opinion demands this. Whatever the short-term interest of the privatised fuel industry, it would be madness, in the long term, for this country to become dependent upon foreign coal and it would be madness to add to the standing army of the long-term unemployed.

    The Prime Minister : The hon. Lady cannot have heard what I said about the Labour Government’s record in closing pits. In carrying the review forward, we have had to balance two conflicting factors–our desire to save as many jobs and pits as possible and the hard, cold, real fact that British Coal is producing more coal than its customers want or it can sell. I am confident that my right hon. Friend’s review offers the best way forward, both for the coal industry and for the country.

    Mr. Cormack : Is my right hon. Friend aware that hon. Members in all parts of the House have watched with admiration President Yeltsin’s courageous struggle to bring both economic and political freedom to Russia? Will my right hon. Friend take the opportunity today to send the good wishes of the House to President Yeltsin at this very critical time?

    The Prime Minister : I am happy to offer my support to President Yeltsin and to express my support for the reform programme. Over the weekend, I sent the President a message precisely about that and I received a reply from him earlier this week. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary plans to visit Moscow next week.

    Mr. Ashdown : In the– [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker : Order. These interruptions take up time.

    Mr. Ashdown : In the shadow of last week’s atrocity in Warrington, which has claimed yet another life today, was the Prime Minister as moved as I was by the spontaneous and powerful expressions of sympathy and support from the people of Dublin for the people of Warrington, who suffered in that atrocity at the hands of the IRA? Does he agree that people such as Susan McHugh and Gordon Wilson speak for millions when they say that enough is enough? Is it not the case that if the people of Dublin can put the past behind them in their search for peace, the politicians of the whole of Ireland should be able to do the same?

    The Prime Minister : The tragedy of another young life lost, sadly, this morning will have touched the hearts of many people in this country and far beyond. The events of last week demonstrate that terrorism brings nothing but agony and misery. But as we condemn terrorism, we must bear it in mind that there are many people in Dublin and elsewhere in the Republic of Ireland, elsewhere in Northern Ireland and Irish citizens in this country, who condemn and detest the terrorists as much as do hon. Members.

    Mr. Kynoch : Is my right hon. Friend aware of how much I welcome the further progress that he has made in the Budget to extending the 20p basic rate of tax ? Will he make further extensions in the years ahead?

    The Prime Minister : I assure my hon. Friend that it is our intention to seek to do that. Our aim is a 20p basic rate of tax. We propose to move towards that as rapidly and prudently as we can by extending the 20p rate.

     

    Q3. Mrs. Ewing : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mrs. Ewing : In the continuing context of the Budget, is the Prime Minister aware that changes in the tax regime threaten jobs both offshore and onshore in the oil and gas industries in the north and north-east of Scotland, while the imposition of VAT on domestic fuel represents a threat to the welfare and lives of the elderly and needy in society ? Is not it a travesty of justice that the Prime Minister should have introduced a Budget by which, in an energy-rich nation such as Scotland, we gain neither employment nor social benefits?

    The Prime Minister : The support that the Government have given the oil industry over many years has brought many tens of thousands of jobs to Scotland, as the hon. Lady knows. There have been changes in the oil regime for offshore drilling in Scotland. That has been welcomed by many of the companies that work there.

    Mr. Gale : Knowing him, I am sure that my right hon. Friend will already have sent a message of sympathy to the parents and family of Tim Parry. I hope that he included in that message the good wishes, thoughts and prayers of hon. Members in all parts of the House. Will he find time today to send another message, to the President of the United States, asking him to condemn the people in America who collect money that is paid to the IRA?

    The Prime Minister : There is no doubt, as I said, about the feeling in this country–which I know will be shared by President Clinton–over the very sad death of Tim Parry. I know that the American Administration view terrorism in the same way as we do. It is a matter which I have discussed with President Clinton and with his predecessor.

     

    Q4. Mr. Bill Michie : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Michie : Is the Prime Minister aware that the document “Implementing Caring for People : Assessment,” which can only be described as sinister, advises practitioners and local authorities that any unmet need should not be recorded, on the ground, in the explanatory note, that, due to the idea now of freedom of access to information, it would be wrong for that information to be recorded just in case the patients or the clients found out what their rights were?

    The Prime Minister : The hon. Gentleman knows that we have done more than any previous Administration to ensure that people are aware of their rights in the social security and health spheres. The new community care arrangements that will exist from 1 April will add to that remarkable record.

    Mr. Sumberg : Will my right hon. Friend join me in condemning the disgraceful decision of railway workers to bring this country’s transport network to a standstill on 2 April? While he is about it, will he invite the Leader of the Opposition to issue a similar condemnation?

    The Prime Minister : I am certainly happy to condemn the suggestion that passengers should be severely inconvenienced by strikes of this kind. I hope that that feeling will be shared by the Leader of the Opposition and many others.

     

    Q5. Mr. Morley : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 25 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Morley : Will the Prime Minister confirm that under his Government total taxation for most people is far higher than it was under previous Labour Governments? What advice will he give to constituents such as mine, Mr. and Mrs. Cook, who have worked all their lives for a little bit of works pension which is 36p a week above any kind of benefit level? What kind of assistance will they get with the crippling increase in gas and electricity charges when value added tax is applied?

    The Prime Minister : If the hon. Gentleman was really concerned about the tax burden, which allegedly he is said to be, perhaps he would withdraw his support from all the spending increases that Opposition Members propose week after week after week.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 24 March 1993

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 24th March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Government Hospitality Fund

    Mr. Austin Mitchell : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer, of 9 March, Official Report, column 517, if he will list the number and names of outside contractors used by the Government hospitality fund for official functions; how many and which caterers were used at official functions other than those arranged by the Government hospitality fund; and, in each case, whether the contract was put out to tender.

    The Prime Minister : There are three caterers (Crown Catering Group, Leiths Good Food and Ring and Brymer) employed by the Government hospitality fund for functions at 10 Downing Street. Only one caterer (Lady Blennerhassett) is employed for official functions other than those arranged by the Government hospitality fund. For every GHF function at 10 Downing Street, quotations are called for from the approved caterers.

     

    Royal Prerogative

    Mr. Mackinlay : To ask the Prime Minister which clauses of the European Communities (Amendment) Bill affect the royal prerogative; and if he will list the extent to which each of those clauses limits the current extent of the royal prerogative.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 22 March 1993] : As appears from the Order Paper, the Queen’s consent to the Bill is to be signified on Third Reading. Her Majesty’s consent has been sought because of clause 2 of the European Communities (Amendment) Bill. That clause limits the exercise of the royal prerogative in foreign affairs by preventing the United Kingdom from moving to the third stage of economic and monetary union until the move has been approved by Act of Parliament.

  • Mr Major’s Speech at the Global Technology Partnership Venture Conference – 24 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the Global Technology Partnership Venture Conference, held in Birmingham on Wednesday 24th March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Perhaps right at the outset I may say how pleased I am to see how many of you have come here for this particular conference and clearly recognise the importance of the subject and the importance of the conference itself.

    It does seem as we meet here this morning that Birmingham in March is a world away from Copa Cabana in June, and so I suppose in many ways it is. But this conference is an important staging post in the process that began at Rio last year and is the staging post for this reason, because today we move from discussion and negotiation to implementation and it will be implementation of what was agreed at Rio that will actually make the practical effect in the environment we hand on in the future.

    You will be familiar with the events at Rio. In Rio leaders from over 120 countries came together to discuss the environmental challenges that all of us face. We in Britain were determined from the very outset to ensure that that conference at Rio was a success and I believe our early support, the determination to attend and to contribute was crucial in ensuring that Rio did turn out to be a success.

    The core set of agreements that were reached at Rio are well known: climate convention to reduce the risk of global warming; the biodiversity convention to protect the varieties of plants and animal species and the statement on forest principles and a great deal more besides. Those were the agreements that Heads of Government all over the country signed up to in that remarkable conference in Rio. But we need to move beyond that, we need now to turn those agreements into reality and here also I wish to ensure that Britain is in the lead.

    When we returned from the Rio conference I urged our partners in the G7 and in the European Community to action. On Monday of this week the United Kingdom played a significant part in an agreement reached at the European Community Environment Council, an agreement that committed all the European Community countries to take action to ratify the climate change.

    That summit at Rio recognised the need for coordinated action. Global problems will only be solved by a global response. Without that one country can undo the good that is done by another. But we agreed also on some common sense precepts, that action would be most effective if it drew on the individual strengths of each country, but the action required was not just for governments alone and that action would succeed best if it went with the grain of the economy and not cut against the grain of the economy. And we took that view for a very practical reason – enlightened self-interest is a far more powerful weapon for change and improvements than grudging masochism.

    Those are the ideas that will underlie our environmental strategy for the future. And that is why while at Rio I launched three special United Kingdom initiatives designed to draw on Britain’s individual strengths. First, on technology transfer which we are discussing today; second, on biodiversity which is already under way; and third, on involving non-governmental bodies which we will launch in the autumn.

    I will say more in just a few moments about technology transfer, but let me just briefly remind you of the other programmes. The Darwin initiative that I announced at Rio draws on British expertise in the field of biodiversity and our aim quite simply is to promote the conservation and sustainable use of the world’s plant and animal resources. But in order to do so we will be putting the skills and expertise of world renowned institutions like the Royal Botanical Gardens at Kew and Edinburgh and the Natural History Museum at the disposal of the whole of the world.

    Our initiative on non-governmental bodies will be taken forward in September when we will host The Partnership for Change 1993 Conference that will be held in Manchester. And the purpose of that is to bring together several hundred representatives from the world’s non-governmental organisations, the voluntary sector, local government and business, bringing them all together in that conference. And the aim will be to exchange practical experience on the delivery of sustainable development.

    Over years in the past perhaps the role of the non-governmental organisations have been under-played. But I myself have not a shred of doubt that they played a very important part in the preparations for Rio and I want to see them equally involved in the future in taking the process forward. It is right that these NGOs should press action on governments right the way around the world. But apart from that they have a second role that is equally important, a vital role to play in involving a wider public in the debate on all environmental matters. Because ultimately it will be public acceptance of the threats that we all face that will create the climate for decisive action by governments all around the world.

    The initiatives I have set out just briefly there are global initiatives. But the United Kingdom must demonstrate that it will do more than just offer assistance to others. We have to show that we are prepared to act here at home. For every single country the environmental buck stops in their own back yard, nowhere else, and that means governments around the world need to act, even when that means taking difficult and unpopular measures. And that was why we announced decisive action in the budget in the United Kingdom last week. The Chancellor announced that there would be long-term rises in the real level of road fuel duties and that Value Added Tax would be extended to the domestic use of fuel and of power. And in so doing he underlined Britain’s determination to meet our Rio commitments on Carbon Dioxide emissions. It makes no sense for the government to commit Britain to lower CO2 emissions but at the same time to be the only Western European government with no Value Added Tax on domestic fuel. It was, frankly, a text book case of perverse signals. Nor did it make any sense for the government to exhort motorists and manufacturers to choose and build fuel efficient cars while refusing to give them tangible incentives to make and to buy those cars.

    And we announced these measures in the budget but gave people time to adjust to the new signals, that is why the increases have been announced well ahead for a series of reasons. To give households the time they need to adapt and to invest in making their homes more energy efficient, to give car manufacturers, and for that matter car buyers, time to realise that in the 1990s there will be an increasing premium on fuel efficient cars and to enable the government to put in place special measures to protect the least well off from the impact of those bills.

    The Chancellor made our intentions clear in his budget speech and will announce full details of the usual way in which we will assist people in the benefit up-rating statement in the autumn.

    What is the environmental impact of those measures? We expect those measures to deliver an annual reduction of 3 million tonnes of carbon by the turn of the century. But we cannot, and in my judgment we should not, meet those targets through tax changes alone, they are but one element in the programme. We expect an even larger saving to come from the measures we have already put in hand to boost the efficient use of energy. We already have programmes to offer advice and information and to provide grants to low income households.

    We are adding new measures. The Energy Saving Trust to devise and implement programmes to improve energy efficiency in consultation with the energy utilities and with their regulators. And also a new energy management assistance scheme to help small businesses with advice on energy efficiency. When these measures are operative we will be two-thirds of the way towards meeting our target. The Secretary of State for the Environment, Michael Howard, is now engaged on a nationwide consultation on the remaining elements. We need a comprehensive approach and that means using a whole range of instruments and seeking lower emissions from all sectors. We will need to build on the excellent record of business so far in improving its energy efficiency.

    We set out options in the document published last December. We will complete consultations with business, with consumer, with environmental groups, and by the end of the year we will produce the national plan to meet our targets.

    We warned some time ago in the first Environmental White Paper that meeting our CO2 target would mean a rise in the relative price of energy. That White Paper was published not last week but two-and-a-half years ago. We could, as some have urged, have introduced a new tax, a tax that would have meant not just higher bills for private consumers but also higher bills for business but as the Chancellor said last week, we did not want to take measures that would damage the competitiveness of British industry and I will tell you the practical reason why that is so for there is one other development which is essential to creating the conditions which mean that Britain can meet its Rio commitments and that is economic recovery. A tax that added to business costs, dulled competitiveness would at best have retarded that and at worst could have undermined it completely.

    Some people argue that there is a choice between economic growth and the environment or even that growth is the enemy of the environment. I have to say to you that I believe precisely the reverse is true. Growing economies can invest in technologies which save energy or recycle waste, dynamic businesses can lead the way in raising the standard of corporate environmental practice and it is when people are confident about their own immediate future that they think most about the longer-term future. In short, “no development” is not sustainable development, “no growth” policies would mean no green policies either; they would range environmental concerns against concerns about jobs and concerns about living standards and that would wreck any chance of the shared commitment we need in order to make progress.

    If that is true of Britain and true of the other industrialised countries, it is surely true a thousand times over of developing countries. It is no accident that wherever you look in the world, the worst environmental degradation is found within some of the weakest economies. Allowing countries to grow out of poverty is the best way of securing long-term environmental improvement.

    Our economy and our ecology are interdependent. That was the central driving principle of the Earth Summit but to maintain and improve the world environment in the face of rapidly-rising populations we must all invest, and to invest on the vast scale needed nations need income and to earn that income nations must trade and that is why a successful and rapid conclusion to the Uruguay Round is vital to our environmental future. Over time, a successful conclusion would raise the income of developing countries by some 100 billion dollars each and every year and that increase in income will have a far more positive effect on their willingness and their ability to protect their local environment than stalling GATT by erecting green trade barriers. Trade protection is the enemy – not the friend – of environmental protection.

    I want to see us harness together environmental protection and business opportunity to create a green virtuous spiral of growth and higher environmental standards and if we are to be able to achieve that we need to draw together those who have technology to offer and those who can benefit from the technology that is now available in different parts of the world. I believe the British Government can make a special contribution in doing this and that is why today I am delighted to launch the Global Technology Partnership initiative.

    Consider for a moment some of the lessons of history. The countries which industrialised in the 19th and early 20th centuries have now had to re-invent technology to meet today’s demands for cleaner air, fresher water, unsullied land and the aim of this particular initiative is to allow those who are newly industrialising today to bypass the old technologies and to move straight to cleaner processes. That surely is the logical and rational way to avoid environmental degradation and to avoid too the very heavy clean-up costs which eventually result from environmental degradation and if you want an illustration of that there is certainly one readily available. The countries of Eastern Europe suffered under governments which went for unclean industrial development for generations while ignoring the environmental consequences and they now demonstrate in the starkest possible way the price to be paid – the environmental price and also the case price – as they seek to protect and reverse the damage that has been done over so many decades.

    I believe that British industry has a long track record of successful technology co-operation around the world from recycling in Kenya to energy efficiency in India and what we want to ensure is quite simply this: to ensure that that expertise is both more widely available and more widely used.

    Consider the opportunities for that: the opportunities for that are almost limitless. The world market for environmental goods and services is at about 200 billion dollars a year; it is anticipated to grow by a further 50% in the next seven years and beyond that any estimates I suspect would be worthless but certainly further growth will occur. That is a prospect that few businesses will wish to ignore so there are valuable commercial opportunities and technology transfer which takes place as a hard commercial transaction which passes the market test is I believe the technology transfer that is most likely to succeed. Both partners must have a vested interest in its success; the technology must be the best, the most appropriate the customer needs and if it is not, they will not buy it so there is this element of joint interest.

    This Conference and this initiative are built to promote precisely such exchanges of technology. They are designed to promote partnership between Britain and developing countries, a partnership that like all successful partnerships will work precisely because both partners have something to offer and something to gain from the relationship between them.

    Global Technology Partnership will run for three years and in so doing create the conditions for increasing successful transfers of technology. First, it will provide information. It is one thing to point to the benefits of technology transfer but what those of you from overseas need is hard concrete information – who can help and with what can they help and when can they help? That information is there in the Department of Trade & Industry’s new Guide to UK Sources of Environmental Technology and Services and that lists over 400 UK companies who can offer technology or expertise.

    That Guide is a first step but guides get out of date. You need to know where to turn for news and for the latest developments so we have established a new network of organisations to keep that information flowing and the purpose is that through that particular network we shall give developing countries direct access to the guidance on the best environmental practice which we will make available to British industry. We will aim to expand it, to include as many organisations as possible, organisations who can help the process of technology co-operation.

    But the network will work in another way as well; it will also feed back information from abroad to businesses here to ensure that special local problems abroad are more widely understood so that our businesses here in the United Kingdom can develop technologies specifically tailored to the needs of overseas countries and we are setting up a new unit in the Department of Trade & Industry that will be particularly dedicated to coordinating this initiative and making sure that it is a success.

    There is one other important point often, alas, overlooked. People matter as much as hardware. There is no more depressing sight than an expensive piece of equipment gleaming unused or misused because technology transfer has meant only the equipment transfer and that particular piece of equipment. Successful technology transfer needs more than that. It requires also the transfer of technical and management skills to be in place to ensure that technologies can be used and diffused in the recipient countries so a vital element of this initiative will be a practical training through a hands-on training scheme. United Kingdom companies will help senior businessmen and women from developing countries to acquire practical experience of modern technology, modern management and modern production methods and the benefits they gain from that will surely multiply as they pass on those skills back home in their own countries.

    This Conference runs for three days. In those three days, you will be able to address workshops addressing the most important environmental challenges. The workshops are organised and led not by civil servants but by practical businessmen. They will, I hope, address your needs and alert you to the opportunities that exist. I hope that at the end of those three days you will be able to leave this Conference with a greater sense of how far business can help business to meet the challenge of sustainable development into the next century.

    At Rio, we recognised that governments could and should set the framework, could and should act as catalysts but we also recognised that we could not and should not claim that we can deliver that change on our own. Here at Birmingham today, the business community represent one of the powerful forces for the improvement of the well-being of people in all our countries but business is an equally powerful force for the protection of the environment in all countries. There are challenges for you in these next three days and beyond but there are also enormous prizes to be won, business prizes and environmental prizes, if business in this country and abroad is able to rise to the challenges that are there.

    I hope at the end of these three days when you leave Birmingham you will leave Birmingham believing as I believe that the business communities of the United Kingdom and developing countries must work together. Not only that, but that it is to their mutual commercial and environmental advantage to work together but also beyond that ultimately – and this is a matter of crucial importance to this generation and to future generations as well – their working together will be to the enormous benefit of the environment we depend upon and the people we serve.

    As we look at that, we should perhaps bear one thing further in our minds. In twenty, thirty, forty, fifty years from now, people will look back at the actions we took now to see whether we have taken the right action to protect our environment for the future. We have the technology, we have the capacity to transfer that technology; it is a matter of will and determination to make sure that we do. I hope this Conference will assist in bringing that will and that determination into being so that the technology transfer can be made for this generation and for the next. [Applause].

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the VAT Increase on Fuel – 24 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the VAT increase on domestic fuel, made on 24th March 1993.


    QUESTION:

    [The Prime Minister was asked about the Government’s VAT increase on domestic fuel]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think you have to realise why it was done first. There were two reasons: we had to raise resources and also we have a commitment to get rid of carbon dioxide, a very important environmental commitment. This takes us a long way towards doing it and I have been speaking at a conference about that in Birmingham just this morning.

    We are the only European nation that doesn’t have VAT on fuel and power, many of them at far higher rates than 17.5%.

    Over the last few years, the real price of energy has fallen by about 9% as a result of privatisation. Each year, there is regulation on the price and the price is fixed by the Retail Price Index minus something. Whether the whole of that 17.5% in two years will have been put on the price of fuel is very debatable; it may be substantially less because the regulator will have reduced the price.

    For the average pensioner family, for example – I don’t mean the least well-off who I will come to in a minute but the average pensioner family – I use the estimate of the Opposition so you won’t think I am cooking the books: they estimated that it would add £2 a week to fuel prices. Of that, £l a week would be automatically recompensed through the Retail Price Index mechanism that uprates pensions. So the great fuss that is being made there is for the average person – I am not talking about people above income support but on pensions – that they would pay an extra £1 a week even assuming that the energy price did not fall further in the next two years as it has in the last two years.

    Against that, I think the proposition of people freezing is a difficult one to sustain.

    For people who are less well-off of course that sum and that help feed into the Retail Price Index but we have said there will be extra help as well for all people on income-related benefits – not just the pensioners on income-related benefits.

    There is another factor for pensioners which the Opposition and our critics happily ignore. A year or so ago when the Community Charge still existed, to help pensioners pay the Community Charge in the base of the pension for the poorest pensioners we increased the sum by £2.80 for a couple and I think £1.80 for a single person. When the Community Charge disappeared, we could have taken that away. We didn’t and so from 1 April for many relatively well-off pensioner couples there will be an extra £2.80 which exceeds by 80 pence the cost estimated by the Opposition if the full 17.5% was implemented two years on.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on Unemployment in Kent – 24 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on unemployment in Kent, made on 24th March 1993.


    QUESTION:

    [The Prime Minister was asked about unemployment in Kent in advance of a regional visit to the county]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    This has been a different recession from any we have ever seen before. Typically in the past recessions have hit manufacturing industry in the Midlands, the North and the West, Scotland and Wales, the old very high labour intensive industries. This has been a different recession because the root of the recession was the huge increase in property and other prices, mostly in the South and East, and then suddenly the fact that in order to damp down inflation interest rates rose and there was great funding difficulties in areas of high property cost. So it meant that the areas that faced greatest difficulties were the South and the East, not at all typical.

    Now I have to say that it has always been a fallacy that there are not unemployment difficulties in parts of London, the South and the East, that has always been the case, it is just generally in the prosperity it has been more masked than it has, and on this occasion because the North and the West have not had the same difficulties with the recession it has thrown up the South and Eastern problems. So yes I do know there are particular problems in Kent and indeed in other South-East or South-West counties as well.

    What is really going to get those people back to work? I think we have to ask ourselves what it is that will recreate jobs in those areas. I think the East Kent Initiative, that is a private sector led initiative, I think it is very welcome. I think some of the other action the government has taken is very welcome, one can run through a myriad series of particular schemes, all of which I think have a part to play. But what is really going to put the people of Kent back to work is growth in the economy and the right circumstances for people actually to begin creating businesses again and begin to employ. Last year in the depth of the recession how many new firms do you think actually registered for Value Added Tax – not something you would do unless you had to? The answer is 400,000 last year. The opening up of Kent with the Channel Tunnel Rail Link and the prospects of the East Thames Corridor will make Kent, with that tremendous market in Europe of 340 million people, the biggest free trade market the world has ever dreamed of, will make Kent an absolute magnet for fresh investment and for fresh jobs. And you may be coming here in five years time and saying to me: we are a bit worried about all this investment, it is very good, but what about the environment?

  • PMQT Written Answers – 23 March 1993

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 23rd March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Harry Greenway : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 23 March.

    Sir Peter Tapsell : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 23 March.

    The Prime Minister : This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

  • PMQT – 23 March 1993

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 23rd March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Inward Investment

    Q1. Mr. Wells : To ask the Prime Minister when he next expects to lead an overseas visit by a group of business men to obtain overseas inward investment or export orders.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : I hope to visit Japan in the autumn, accompanied by a delegation of senior British business men. My ministerial colleagues also take every opportunity to promote Britain and British business abroad. They are planning to lead at least 14 trade missions to 17 countries in the next year covering markets as diverse as Asia, Africa and the far east.

    Mr. Wells : I congratulate my right hon. Friend on the signal honour paid to him in being invited to India to take the Republic Day parade, on his flexibility in reorganising his schedule at the last minute to pay a visit to Saudi Arabia with business men accompanying him, and on obtaining a £4 billion order and securing 21,000 jobs, many of them in Hertford and Bishop’s Stortford. Does he agree that, with the Budget increases to export credit guarantees of £1.2 billion and the favourable exchange rate, there are many more opportunities for our exporters to increase jobs and opportunities ?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend. The measures announced in the Budget will provide further export cover and cheaper export cover and that is on top of the changes previously made in the autumn statement. They will certainly help United Kingdom firms to win more business abroad and secure more jobs at home.

    Mr. Robert Ainsworth : Is the Prime Minister aware that the non- European Community deficit rose in February to £1.3 billion ? Does he realise that photo opportunities and the ongoing pretence will not solve the basic problem in the British economic system ? When will he tackle the real issues ?

    The Prime Minister : I do not know what the hon. Gentleman means about photo opportunities. I should have thought that 21,000 jobs and many billions of pounds worth of trade were a good deal more than that.

     

    Engagements

    Q2. Mrs. Browning : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 23 March.

    The Prime Minister : This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mrs. Browning : Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is most unfair that every household in my constituency is having to pay nearly £9 extra on the council tax because Liberal Democrat-controlled Torbay council and Labour-controlled Plymouth city council have set artificially low collection rates this year of under 92 per cent? If those councils cannot collect the rates, why should payers in Conservative-controlled East Devon have to pick up the tab?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend. I can see no practical justification for the low collection rates set by Torbay and Plymouth. They are unfair to the council tax payers and they are unfair to council tax payers throughout Devon. I am sure that my hon. Friend will not need reminding that for a band C property, Labour councils will cost the council tax payer £100 extra. For 6 May, the answer is clear–vote Conservative.

    Mr. John Smith : Following the massive tax increases announced in the Budget for this year, next year and the year after, will the Prime Minister tell us whether there are any more tax increases in the pipeline?

    The Prime Minister : This, of course, is from the right hon. and learned Gentleman who had plans to increase tax by £35 billion in his shadow Budget. I made it absolutely clear last week in the House that we do not like raising taxes and we do so only when necessary. The Labour party raises taxes because it wishes to spend other people’s money on their behalf. We do it only when necessary.

    Mr. John Smith : Let me remind the right hon. Gentleman that it is he who has just raised taxes. Why on earth should anyone in this country believe what he says about future taxation when last week he broke clear pledges not to put VAT on gas and electricity and not to increase national insurance contributions? He made those pledges before the election. He broke them a year later.

    The Prime Minister : As I indicated to the right hon. and learned Gentleman a moment ago, we increased indirect taxes because we felt that we had to in the interests of the economy. As the right hon. Member for Birmingham, Sparkbrook (Mr. Hattersley) said,

    “in good times the Tories will hope to cut taxes.”

    So we will and that is what the public expect of us. But perhaps the right hon. and learned Gentleman can explain how he would honour his manifesto commitment to increase child benefit and pensions if he would not put up taxes and he would not increase borrowing. Either he cannot add up or he has broken every single manifesto promise that he set out. Which is it? Is he innumerate or without principles?

    Mr. John Smith : On the question of principles, does not the Prime Minister understand that this shameless Budget has put at issue two fundamental questions : first, the credibility of the Government and the Prime Minister himself, which is now in tatters; and, secondly, the deep unfairness of putting large increases on ordinary families to pay for his Government’s mistakes? Does he not now realise that whatever he says about taxation in the future, no one will and no one should ever believe him?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. and learned Gentleman’s noble Friend Lord Desai has called for all zero-rate items to be subject to the full rate of value added tax–not just fuel, but transport, books, children’s clothing and food. Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman repudiate that policy expressed by his noble Friend–the Labour party’s economic spokesman in another place?

     

    Q3. Mr. Brandreth : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 23 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Brandreth : In the light of Friday’s debate on tourism, will my right hon. Friend join me in saluting the British tourist industry in general and the hoteliers of Chester in particular on taking full advantage of a competitive pound to bring good business to Britain and the best business to Chester? Of course, good news for Britain is very bad news for the monomaniacs of misery opposite.

    The Prime Minister : I am happy to congratulate the British tourist industry on something like 18 million visitors to the United Kingdom last year. I have no doubt that, with the present competitive exchange rate, that figure will be well exceeded this year by the excellent British tourist industry in all parts of the United Kingdom.

    Mr. Jamieson : Will the Prime Minister join me in expressing our condolences to the parents and families of the four teenagers in my constituency who lost their lives yesterday in a tragic canoeing accident in Lyme bay? Will he ensure that the appropriate Government Department puts in place a full inquiry into how the tragedy took place and in particular why it took almost four hours for the emergency services to arrive on the scene?

    The Prime Minister : I will certainly join my hon. Friend, as, I am sure, will every hon. Member in the House. Our hearts go out to the parents of all those who died in that tragic incident. I think that it would be wrong, at the moment, to speculate on the causes of the tragedy before the necessary inquiries have been completed. Local inquiries are under way already. The primary responsibility for safety in outdoor school activities lies with the local education authority, or the governing body in the case of grant-maintained schools. In this case, of course, it is Devon local education authority.

    I must emphasise that there is no evidence at this stage that the necessary precautions were ignored. I have asked my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Education to consider any action necessary by his Department in the light of this tragic event.

     

    Q4. Mr. Peter Bottomley : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 23 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Bottomley : My hon. Friend will be aware that leading members of Sinn Fein have said that they find it very difficult to justify any atrocities as bad as the one at Enniskillen in 1987.

    Does my right hon. Friend agree that what limits the power of the Provisional IRA is both hard security and what their supporters are willing to tolerate? Will my right hon. Friend join me and people throughout these islands, in Ireland as well as in the United Kingdom, in condemning the kind of action that can kill a three-year-old and substitute bombs and bullets for arguments and for votes? Will he call on all people to try to persuade those still directing the violence to end it now?

    The Prime Minister : I believe that decent families everywhere will have been sickened by that cold-blooded attack on innocent people going about peaceful business on a spring Saturday lunchtime. Even for the IRA, that attack plumbed the depths. To take the life of an innocent child in that fashion and to wreck other lives is absolutely unforgiveable. It was, quite literally, an evil act, made more evil in my judgment by messages deliberately designed to confuse those people who should have helped to prevent that incident from taking place. That behaviour has done one thing : it has provoked revulsion and determination that violence will not prevail.

    I can assure my hon. Friend that no effort will be spared, within the rule of law, to bring the people responsible to justice. If there were a shred of humanity in the IRA they would hand over those killers for justice without delay. If they do not, as I fear they will not, I hope that they will know that we shall hound them for the rest of their days until we find them and punish them.

    Mr. Hume : I agree with the Prime Minister and my constituents, who know exactly what the people of Warrington have experienced, will join totally with what he has just said.

    Is the Prime Minister aware that the Northern Ireland Housing Executive, which is its public housing authority, has transformed public housing there over the past 20 years, in difficult circumstances, to the point where the Governments of the emergent democracies of eastern Europe are now coming to learn from them? Why have the Government begun the process of privatisation of that public authority and laying off the direct labour force, thus leaving unemployed people who are held in such high respect in our society? Given that his Government make so many efforts to reach agreement among the parties in Northern Ireland and that we are totally agreed on the subject, will the Prime Minister respond positively by keeping the housing executive and its direct labour force in existence?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman’s words about the disaster at Warrington. The whole House knows that he has had direct experience of these matters in the past and speaks with a special knowledge of the matter.

    So far as the housing executive is concerned, the proposals made by my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State are made precisely because he believes that responsibility can be better carried out in another fashion. It is for that reason and for none other that he has proposed those changes.

    Mr. Allason : My right hon. Friend will be aware that water rate payers in Torbay and in the rest of the south-west are facing increased charges of up to 16 per cent. in bills coming through their letter boxes this week. Does my right hon. Friend agree that much of this increase is due to a European directive? Will he also undertake to ensure that representations are made in Brussels to delay the implementation of the infrastructure investment that is being demanded of South West Water and is being put before the charge payers in the south-west?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend may be referring to the bathing water directive, which is, among other things, very important for the tourist industry. The essential reason for the very high bills in the south -west and in some other areas–and, as my hon. Friend will know, I am examining those at the moment–is the sheer scale of the investment in water and sewerage services which, frankly, was not made over the past 30 years in the public sector.

     

    Q5. Mr. Ernie Ross : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 23 March.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Ernie Ross : The Prime Minister will have seen the disturbing scenes outside the Timex factory in my constituency yesterday. He will know that this has become a bitter dispute following the sacking by the management of 343 hourly paid employees. Those workers, many of whom are women, have 20 or 30 years’ service to the company. That dispute went through the Government’s employment legislation to the letter. I have asked the Secretary of State for Scotland and my hon. Friend the Member for Dundee, East (Mr. McAllion) and I have asked the Secretary of State for Employment and the Leader of the House to intervene personally, given that those workers have lost their jobs following the Government’s employment legislation. Will the Prime Minister now intervene and ask the company to go to the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service to settle this dispute now?

    The Prime Minister : I note from the reports that none of the people arrested in the scenes at Timex yesterday were workers from Timex. I believe that the ex-convener at Timex said that those dismissed

    “never called for a sit-down demonstration and do not sponsor violence.”

    It seems that rent-a-picket is back and I do not think that that is in the interest of the Timex workers. Workers who choose to go on strike have always faced the risk of being dismissed without the right to claim unfair dismissal. That was the case under legislation enacted by the last Labour Government.