The Rt. Hon. Sir John Major KG CH

Category: Prime Minister (1990-1997)

  • Mr Major’s Pool Interview en route to Bosnia – 22 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s pool interview given to journalists en route to Bosnia on Tuesday 22nd December 1992.

    INTERVIEWER:

    Prime Minister, why are you making this trip?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have British troops deployed out there, quite large numbers of them, and deployed out there in very difficult circumstances. I want to go and see the circumstances in which they are working and thank them for the work they are doing.

    INTERVIEWER:

    How important is that work because there were questions raised at the outset of whether this was a major contribution, a lot of troops but was this vital work that they were doing?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Oh it is vital, I do not think there is any doubt at all. The view of the United Nations and of everyone else is that the British troops there are now the absolute backbone of the humanitarian effort, they are doing a superb job in the most difficult circumstances and in the most difficult terrain, I think you will see that for yourself later today.

    INTERVIEWER:

    And will you be able to convince them that they are not at any greater risk as a result of plans to enforce a No Fly Zone over Bosnia?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Their safety and their security is my first concern, I want to see that for myself today, if it is necessary to make any changes in policy then we will make changes in policy. The security of our troops is paramount, absolutely no doubt whatsoever about that. And I want to go there, I want to thank them for what they have been doing and I want to tell them what is happening diplomatically and what that may mean for them, they are our troops, they have a right to know it and I am looking forward to telling them face to face.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on Bosnia – 21 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on Bosnia, made in an interview on Monday 21st December 1992.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if he had been pushed into a policy on Bosnia against his will].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I don’t believe remotely that is the case. We have reacted very cautiously on Bosnia but I think we also have to realise what is happening there. Many of the actions we have seen in Bosnia are quite unspeakable, quite intolerable, and I think we have to reflect that in our policy but I say there is caution and I say that for good reason. Although I think policy is now moving forward, people have to realise the wider issues that are actually at stake in Bosnia. Bosnia itself is very important, so of course is the danger of conflagration spreading either to Macedonia or Kosovo. Were either of those two events to happen, one might have a much wider Balkans war. That is something we need to bear in mind as we develop our policy as we have been doing.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if he had support from the US if British troops or aid workers were attacked].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am very happy with the discussions I had with President Bush over the weekend. There is still some more work to be done on the nature of the no-fly zone Resolution. I am confident now that there will be and that we will be able to take policy forward. I think for a raft of reasons it is desirable that we should have this particular Resolution and we have been looking at how it will be enforced, the nature of enforcement, the time-scale and those were all matters which we discussed over the weekend.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if there would be a 15 day warning period to the Serbs].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is certainly our wish that there should be a pause between the passage of the Resolution and its commencement for a whole series of practical reasons to do with the security of the UN humanitarian forces and also the British forces – that is certainly true.

    There is no agreement on the period. The 15 days has entered into parlance because that of course was the period that applied in Kuwait, but there are different circumstances in Bosnia and no time-scale has yet been agreed.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Statement with President George Bush – 20 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint statement with President George Bush on the situation in the former Yugoslavia, issued on 20th December 1992.

    STATEMENT BY PRIME MINISTER JOHN MAJOR AND PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH:

    The President of the United States and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom have agreed as follows.

    The objectives of our policy are:

    (a) to work for a peaceful and just settlement in the former Yugoslavia;
    (b) to prevent the spread of the fighting in particular to Kosovo and Macedonia;
    (c) to maintain the humanitarian aid effort which includes over 2,000 British troops and without which many more lives will be lost this winter.

    The President and Prime Minister paid tribute to the work of the United Nations in the former Yugoslavia and to the courage and dedication of the troops who are ensuring that convoys get through. They welcomed the success of the UN and its agencies, despite all the odds, in delivering large quantities of aid to those in need. They agreed on the importance of enabling that effort to go ahead.

    The United States and the United Kingdom have agreed to cooperate on a Resolution in the United Nations to enforce compliance with the ‘no-fly’ zone for Bosnia should violation of the existing ban continue. The aim of the resolution would be to prevent flights taking place other than those specifically authorized by the United Nations.

    The President and the Prime Minister:

    (a) agreed that steps need to be taken to prevent the spread of fighting into Kosovo and Macedonia;
    (b) welcomed the decision to deploy UN troops in Macedonia and hoped that this UN presence would be stepped up over the coming weeks;
    (c) agreed also to press for the very early increase in the numbers of observers in Kosovo;
    (d) agreed that our attitude to sanctions would depend on a rapid and radical change of policy by Serbia;
    (e) confirmed that they would be ready, depending on Serbia’s response, to impose new sanctions. They could initially include cutting postal and telecommunication links and could lead to closing the borders and complete diplomatic isolation for years to come.

    The President and the Prime Minister paid tribute to the work of Cy Vance and David Owen in trying to negotiate a peaceful settlement in the former Yugoslavia. Both Governments will continue to give the negotiators their full support.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Press Conference with President Bush – 20 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with President George Bush, held in Washington on Sunday 20th December 1992.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    Let me just say that once again we have had a very good meeting with the Prime Minister up at Camp David, I expect this will be my last such meeting but I will tell you that it was fruitful and I feel as strongly as I ever have about the strength of the UK/US relationship, it is vital to our own interest, I know the Prime Minister feels that way and the talks just could not have gone better. We covered a wide array of subjects, almost every area of the globe, we did it in a relaxed atmosphere, it was a special joy to have Mrs Major with us at this Christmas season, we inundated them with Christmas carols and I think as far as I am concerned it was a very wonderful visit with a distinguished world leader.

    We did spend a lot of time talking about the former Yugoslavia and we spelt out some objectives for our policy, nothing particularly new in it, but we agreed that working for a peaceful and just settlement in the former Yugoslavia is essential. We agreed that there is a risk and we must prevent the spread of fighting, in particular in Kosovo and Macedonia.

    Then I saluted the British leadership role in the humanitarian side of things, they have forces on the ground in harm’s way and those forces are doing the Lord’s work in terms of bringing relief, so we talked about maintaining the humanitarian aid effort which includes the British troops and without which clearly many more lives would be lost in the winter.

    So we spelt these objectives out and Prime Minister I enjoyed the visit, I do not want to monopolise it, maybe you would care to add something, Sir?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Mr President, thank you very much. Can I just echo what the President had to say about the discussions we have had over the weekend. But further than that, as the President said, this may be the last meeting we have of this kind and I have found the last two years especially fruitful in those discussions, there has been a lot happening in the last two years, I think it has been remarkably good not just for the United Kingdom but for Europe to know we have had such a good friend here in the White House and I think there are many people across the world who will have good cause to say thanks for the work that President Bush has done in the last four years. And I believe I speak not just for myself but for many millions when we wish him the best of futures after he leaves the White House in a few days time.

    We had not only a very enjoyable weekend, I think we had a very productive weekend. The President has set out the objectives that we discussed as far as Yugoslavia is concerned, we looked at some of the details to underpin those objectives as well, we did agree to cooperate in a resolution at the United Nations to enforce compliance with the No Fly Zone. The aim of the resolution will be to make sure we enforce the resolution previously agreed and to prevent flights taking place other than those that have been specifically authorised to do so.

    We looked also at the possible need for measures to prevent the spread of fighting into Kosovo and into Macedonia and that clearly is a matter of immense importance in the future. With that in mind we both agreed that it would be wise to press for an early increase in the number of observers in Kosovo and we also looked at the question of present and future sanctions and the present and future relationship with Serbia, we agreed that our attitude to sanctions would depend on rapid and radical change of policy by Serbia and concern that we would be ready, depending on Serbia’s response, to impose new sanctions on Serbia. The sort of things we had in mind of course were initially cutting postal and telecommunication links, but going on of course to the closing of borders if necessary, and if it proves necessary complete and total diplomatic isolation not just in the short term but making it clear to them that that would apply for a very long time indeed.

    Both of us wished to see a political settlement, the President was very sensitive to the work done by the British troops and by the UN agencies there and I am most grateful for his kind words about that this morning.

    Amongst a number of other issues we also looked at the problems that have arisen in Iraq in the last few days in the delivery of humanitarian aid by the United Nations to the Kurds in Northern Iraq. That has come to a halt temporarily as a result of the Iraqis placing bombs in a number of the trucks that were delivering that aid and we agreed that we were determined to ensure that that aid does get through to Northern Iraq and that is a matter that will have to be developed over the course of the next few days.

    So those were some, not an exclusive list, but some of the issues that we discussed this morning and I would just like to end by yet again thanking the President for the nature of these discussions and for the relationship between our two countries.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION:

    Mr. President, would US planes be used to enforce the No Fly Zone?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    This is a little ahead of where we are going and we do not discuss how we are going to do things, especially before we have decided what they are going to be, so I would just have to duck that one right now.

    QUESTION:

    Is there a 15 day deadline?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I saw those stories in the press this morning about a 15 day deadline, certainly that was nothing we discussed this morning, nothing we discussed over the weekend, that is a matter that is not just for the President and for I, not just for the United States and for the United Kingdom, that is something that would have to be agreed in the Security Council resolution so I do not know where these 15 day stories come from but they have no credibility at the moment.

    QUESTION:

    Would you be prepared to see British involvement if necessary in enforcing the deadline?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have got a lot of discussing to do before we determine how the deadline is going to be enforced. We have agreed that it is necessary to enforce the No Fly Zone, there is more than one way of doing that but we have to discuss that with a lot of other interested parties as well before we can agree the Security Council Resolution.

    QUESTION:

    What steps would be taken to protect the forces already on the ground protecting the humanitarian effort if there were to be retaliation as a result of the enforcement of the No Fly Zone?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have always made it clear, right from the start, that we were concerned about maintaining the humanitarian assistance that is going to Sarajevo and other centres, that clearly is of critical humanitarian importance and so is the paramount importance of preserving the security of the United Nations agencies and the British and other troops that are assisting in the delivery of that humanitarian aid. So clearly that has to underpin any resolution and any progress we make and these are the matters that will be discussed further over the next few days with our colleagues and allies.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    May I simply add to that that on behalf of the United States we are very sensitive to the fact that the sons and daughters from other countries are serving on the ground in Sarajevo and trying to facilitate the relief in the former Yugoslavia. The United States has done a fair amount, a good amount I would say, in getting relief supplies in but when it comes to taking decisions that affect the lives of troops, I would view British soldiers the same as I would if these were United States soldiers here, we must do that, we owe them prudence in making these decisions and the fact that these are Brits serving there in no way lessens the feeling I have that we must be very careful we do not needlessly put young men and women who are there in harm’s way more than they are. And I just want to say that particularly to the parents of the young people that are wearing British uniforms in the former Yugoslavia today, they must know that that is the way the United States views these things.

    QUESTION:

    Do you anticipate any problems from Russia in terms of getting an enforcement resolution?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    No we do not anticipate any, as a matter of fact they have not raised it, I talked to Boris Yeltsin for 35 minutes this morning on other matters and had that been on his mind I expect he would have raised it, he is a very frank interlocutor, as the Prime Minister knows, and so I do not anticipate difficulty. But the way we avoid that is to do exactly what we are doing, the ultimate in consultations at the United Nations.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I have nothing to add on that.

    QUESTION:

    Are you ready to sign the START treaty?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    We discussed that and I can tell you it is not agreed totally, we have made some real progress.

    QUESTION:

    Do you have a figure of some sort for these other sanctions that you have mentioned down the line, is there something that the Serbs would do to make these happen or is it just the passage of time?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    The answer to your question is no, we do not have a trigger time.

    QUESTION:

    Do you want the UN resolution to stipulate that planes which violate the No Fly Zone will be shot down?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I do not think that the UN resolution will stipulate anything of that sort, not in those terms. But the UN resolution is not yet decided, there is a lot of discussion, we need to get the agreement of the Security Council and others, there is some way to go before we get the resolution.

    QUESTION:

    Do you feel there is pressure to get it through quickly?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not think I want to put a timescale but I doubt it will be too long.

    QUESTION:

    If Mr Milosevic is elected how would that affect things?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think commenting on elections is a dangerous hazardous business, especially on the day of the election.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    So do I, that is a good way to end this I think, thank you all very much.

  • Mr Major’s Doorstep Interview in Washington – 18 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s doorstep interview in Washington, held on Friday 18th December 1992.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, what did you manage to achieve in the talks with President Bush this morning?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think they were extremely productive talks, I think the most immediate outcome of them is I believe we have put the GATT talks in Geneva back on track, there was an agreement between President Bush, President Delors and myself that we should instruct the negotiators to go back to the talks, beginning again in early January, and seek to reach a substantive conclusion by mid-January, if that can be achieved it is very good news.

    QUESTION:

    President Delors was leaving no doubt that he thinks it is the Americans who should make concessions now in services in the non-agricultural area, is that your view too?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    When you are in negotiations everyone makes concessions, that is the way one reaches agreement, I do not think one can be certain that it is the Europeans, the Cairns Group, the Americans, we are now into multilateral negotiations, not bilateral, and I think there may need to be movement on many sides. But the important thing is the sheer political will to make sure we reach a settlement, very important for the world economy, that political will has been put there today.

    QUESTION:

    How do you feel about the state of the special relationship after your telephone call with President-elect Clinton?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The special relationship, as you call it, is a very close relationship built on shared interests and it has been there for very many years, I do not have a shred of doubt that it will continue, not a shred of doubt.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think that things will change in American foreign policy?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think one must let President-elect Clinton get his feet under the table but I think the preliminary judgment that one makes is that foreign policy will be remarkably similar in the future, there may be changes in domestic policy, I cannot speak for that, but as far as foreign policy objectives are concerned I think they will be strikingly similar.

    QUESTION:

    What about the UN Assembly decision today to step up the pressure on Yugoslavia, does that suggest that we are moving now towards tougher action?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I hope to have the opportunity of discussing that further over the weekend. I think many people will regard as unspeakable many of the things that have happened in Yugoslavia but what we must do is temper that instinctive reaction with practical measures that will assist and not damage the development of policy in Yugoslavia. I shall be discussing that over the weekend.

  • Mr Major’s Speech in Ottawa – 18 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech in Ottawa made on Friday 18th December 1992.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Forty years ago, my family nearly emigrated to Canada. They did not at the last moment do so and so my first visit here has been somewhat delayed. I began to think as our plane moved from one airport to another and our car moved from one road to another that the delay might be even longer than I first imagined it to be but nonetheless, I am delighted to be here this evening and most grateful to you Brian and to you Mila for the very warm welcome we have received.

    We meet this evening in the Province of Quebec and we do so on the 200th anniversary of the first meeting of the parliaments of Lower Canada and Quebec City and I wondered when I uncovered that nugget of information what our forebears who fought over this place might have made of this meeting today. Were you to believe some of the accounts you occasionally read of European relations within the memberships of the Community, you might have thought that little has changed, that I was General Wolfe and Jacques Delors was General Montcalm. I must tell you that would be a misleading impression.

    Jacques Delors and I come here today to scale a different set of heights, a different set of heights in a different cause, partners in what we believe is a great enterprise – the building, the construction of the European Community and a new and wider Europe and as we debate from time to time the details of this directive or that piece of legislation, it is all too easy to forget what the principal aim of the Community is and all to easy to forget that the Community is unique amongst international organisations; unique in its shared framework of law among nations; unique in the way in which it has turned traditional enemies into firm friends in a matter of two or three decades; unique in the way in which it is breaking down economic and political barriers across Europe. It is a mixture, our Community, of vision and of shared self-interest.

    On this very day when you Prime Minister, George Bush and President Selinas have completed the North American Free Trade Agreement I should like to pay tribute to those same qualities which you have shown in bringing that agreement to fruition. [Applause].

    As so many times in the past, my country marches arm-in-arm in our instincts with Canada for in a fortnight’s time our Single Market in Europe will be fully open for business and since we faced the task of breaking down barriers among twelve countries, I think we too can take some small pride in that achievement.

    Both developments are welcome but there is a greater prize and both of us must continue to work together to secure the greatest free trade prize of all, a successful outcome to the Uruguay Round and a successful outcome as speedily and as comprehensively as we can get it. [Applause].

    Why do we need it? Not because of some free trade philosophy, some ideal; we need it for the most practical of all reasons, because of the boost it will bring to our economies, to the world economy at a time when that boost is sorely needed from one end of the world to the other. On both sides of the Atlantic we face similar problems, problems of recession, problems of recession leading to higher unemployment. In Canada, as in Britain, the burden of corporate debt has held back recovery. Many businesses have cut back their workforces, many people today are without work because of the depth, severity and length of that recession and yet productivity is rising sharply and that is vital to our success in today’s increasingly competitive markets, a success that can only be earned and will only be retained by those prepared to take tough decisions often unpopular at the time and often unpopular for many months after they are taken.

    In Canada, you have achieved exemplary success in controlling inflation. We too recognise the danger of that particular scourge. In Britain, we have now brought our inflation down below the European average, a dramatic change over the last two years. Our interest rates today are the lowest in Europe and even, Prime Minister, a touch today below yours.

    New growth is desirable in itself, desirable for prosperity but essential to bring unemployment down again in our countries. It will take time to reverse the trend so in Britain and at our Edinburgh Council across Europe as a whole we have announced initiatives to boost investment, reduce burdens on business and redirect government spending towards projects which will encourage long-term growth and short-term employment as that growth is built.

    These, I think, are shared instincts we have between Europe and Canada but let me say a word perhaps for a moment about Canada and the United Kingdom because your country of Canada and mine have a relationship which goes far beyond economics. We share a bond that comes from membership of the Commonwealth and from having the same Head of State. It is a deep bond, a lasting bond, an enduring bond and as we have developed a new relationship between the Community and Canada neither we the British nor for that matter the French have had to suppress our national ties of history, culture and shared interests. Indeed to the contrary, we have built upon those traditional ties and somewhere I suspect in that mix in Canada, somewhere Brian I think there has been an added ingredient – that tiny speck of Irish ingredient that may have given it perhaps a special flavour in your country. [Applause].

    We speak of ties, of shared links. I should like to say this evening to you, Brian, thank you for what you have done to strengthen those ties between Canada and Europe. I believe you can take pride in those achievements and also in the world role that Canada increasingly plays. Wherever you may look, look around as you will in the world’s trouble-spots, be it Yugoslavia, Somalia, Cambodia, you will find Canada is there and in Yugoslavia and Cambodia British forces are there alongside yours. In Somalia, our humanitarian agencies will be enabled by you and the United States to carry through their tasks and the European Community collectively is making an all-out effort to try and bring peace to the former Yugoslavia. That can only be done in partnership with others and in that partnership Canada’s role is both valued and crucial.

    So we, Britain and Canada, are partners in several enterprises. Today, Jacques Delors and I have approached Canada in a new guise, in the European Community-Canadian relationship and no European Presidency these days is complete without adding to that relationship with Canada. The strength and scope of it was very clear even in the brief discussions the President, the Prime Minister and I have been able to have since we arrived a couple of hours ago.

    I say tonight with total certainty that I confidently expect the same result in this new relationship as Britain has had over many years in all its dealings with Canada. Canada is a valued ally. More than that, Prime Minister, it is a close friend; it has been, it is and it will remain so in the future.

    You began this evening in a most agreeable way as we all await our dinner and I must say I think it is a very attractive trait to have the speeches before dinner – we will all enjoy our meal more, you will be more hungry and we will be more relaxed and we will all benefit. You began with a toast. Let me propose another, a toast I think of great importance, if you can reach for your glasses, one I propose with an immense degree of pleasure. I would like you to rise and drink to the further strengthening of cooperation between Canada and the European Community. That, Ladies and Gentlemen, is the toast – Canada and the European Community. [Applause].

  • Text of the NATO Statement on Former Yugoslavia – 17 December 1992

    Below is the text of the NATO Statement on Former Yugoslavia, issued on 17th December 1992.

    STATEMENT ON FORMER YUGOSLAVIA

    1 – We are profoundly disturbed by the deteriorating situation in the former Yugoslavia, which constitutes a serious threat to international peace, security, and stability. Recent meetings in Edinburgh, Stockholm and Geneva have made clear the international community’s impatience with the situation, its determination that the carnage and lawlessness in former Yugoslavia be brought to a halt, and its commitment to a negotiated, peaceful and lasting settlement. We are contributing individually and as an Alliance to the implementation of UN Security Council resolutions, and we are prepared to respond to further requests for such contributions.

    2 – Primary responsibility for the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina lies with the present leadership of Serbia and of the Bosnian Serbs. They have sought territorial gains by force and engaged in systematic gross violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, including the barbarous practice of “ethnic cleansing”. There is the systematic detention and rape of Muslim women and girls. Relief convoys are being harassed and delayed. All such acts must cease. Those individuals responsible for atrocities, whatever party they belong to, are accountable for their actions and liable to be judged accordingly. To this end, we welcome consideration of the creation of an ad hoc tribunal.

    3 – We reject any unilateral changes in borders, territory, or populations. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina must be restored. We call upon all parties in Bosnia-Herzegovina to accept the Geneva Conference draft outline constitution as a basis for negotiations. We strongly support the continuing efforts of the UN and EC Co-Chairmen of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia (ICFY).

    4 – We are deeply concerned about possible spillover of the conflict, and about the situation in Kosovo. We call urgently on all parties to act with restraint and moderation. Serious negotiations on the restoration of autonomy to Kosovo within Serbia and the guarantee of full human rights should begin immediately under the ICFY. We are in favour of a UN preventive presence in Kosovo. An explosion of violence in Kosovo could, by spreading the conflict, constitute a serious threat to international peace and security and would require an appropriate response by the international community.

    5 – We support CSCE efforts and a substantial increase in international conflict prevention measures, such as monitoring missions, and expect cooperation from all parties. We urge further speedy preventive steps by the UN or the CSCE to help defuse existing tensions. In that context, we welcome the decision of the United Nations Security Council to place peacekeeping forces on the borders of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia with Albania and Serbia and Montenegro.

    6 – Strict enforcement of UN embargoes is essential. We urge nations to continue efforts to tighten their enforcement.

    7 – The Alliance has contributed personnel and equipment to the UNPROFOR II Headquarters in Bosnia-Herzegovina, is helping to enforce UN embargoes in the Adriatic, and is providing to the UN data obtained from NATO Airborne Early-Warning (AWACS) aircraft to help monitor the Bosnia- Herzegovina no-fly zone. Members of the Alliance are prepared to take further steps to assist the UN in implementing its decisions to maintain international peace and security.

    8 – The Security Council will shortly consider adopting a resolution on enforcement of the No-Fly Zone, bearing in mind the need to continue the current humanitarian effort in Bosnia. Should such a resolution be adopted, and should violations continue thereafter, we would be prepared to support the UN in enforcing that resolution.

    9 – In view of the continuing attacks on Sarajevo, we urge the Security Council to consider further measures as soon as possible, as set out in the 9th December Statement of the UN Security Council President.

    10 – All parties, but in particular the Serbian authorities, in and outside Bosnia-Herzegovina must cooperate fully with UNHCR and UNPROFOR. We recall that UNSCR 770 authorizes all measures necessary to ensure relief deliveries to Bosnia, and that interference in relief activities is an international crime. All must refrain from any action which might jeopardize the safety of UNPROFOR and other UN personnel. If requested by the UN, the Alliance would be prepared to take appropriate measures if any of these personnel are threatened or harmed.

  • Mr Major’s Arrival Doorstep Interview in Montreal – 17 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s arrival doorstep interview in Montreal on Thursday 17th December 1992.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, can you confirm that Britain would not use a veto in the Security Council against any No Fly Zone enforcement moves that were taken up?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I will have the opportunity of discussing this over the next two days but I certainly do not expect that there would be a resolution that we would need to veto, I think that that is most unlikely.

    QUESTION:

    What form would the resolution take, do you think?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is still to be discussed and I hope to have the opportunity of discussing that over the weekend with President Bush.

    QUESTION:

    Are you certain yet how far you are prepared to go in committing any more military effort from Britain, whether it was to enforce the No Fly Zone or anything else?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Those are matters that we will discuss over the weekend, there are a number of complex matters that need to be brought together, I will discuss them over the weekend, I may have more to say by the end of the weekend.

    QUESTION:

    Do you accept what Mrs Thatcher is saying today that the West should accept some blame for what has happened in Yugoslavia?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I have not seen what Lady Thatcher has said about that and I have no comment to make about it until I have seen the text.

    QUESTION:

    Do you regard the Bosnian question as top of the agenda with President Bush?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think it must be top of many people’s agenda, there are other matters to discuss with President Bush, of course, the GATT Round is still very important and we have other matters to discuss as well. But I do not think anyone can have any doubt about the importance of what has been happening in Bosnia, many of the actions there are appalling, there is no doubt about that, but we need to look and see what can be done to bring a settlement but we need to do that in the context of maintaining the humanitarian relief that is now going through, were that to be broken there would be very serious consequences this winter.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think some of the voices on the American side are too gung-ho and do you think the British and American positions can be reconciled?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No I would not describe them in that fashion and I have no doubt that we will reach an accommodation before the Security Council resolution comes round, I have no doubt at all about that, I think there is a common acknowledgement of the problem and a common will to deal with it.

    QUESTION:

    To those who say something must be done, what do you say at this stage?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We all want to do something and we are doing something and the question is what we can do that is most effective. We have to bear in mind that there are many people in very great difficulty in central Bosnia who actually need those humanitarian lines to be kept open, we have to bear in mind what nature of conflict this is and consider what actions we can most take that are most successful. I am not interested in gestures, I am interested in actions that will be successful, those are the matters we have to discuss.

    QUESTION:

    Could action be taken before Mr Clinton takes over in the White House?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I cannot speculate upon that.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think you can make significant progress on GATT both in Ottawa later tonight and in Washington in unblocking the problems that are still facing the GATT negotiators?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    There are still some problems in Geneva and I think it is very important that we make progress, we will certainly discuss with the United States but of course we are now into multilateral negotiations in Geneva, it is not just a question of the Community and the United States, there are much wider interests as well.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Press Conference with Mr Brian Mulroney and M Jacques Delors – 17 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with Mr Brian Mulroney and M Jacques Delors, held in Ottawa on Thursday 17th December 1992.

    MR MULRONEY:

    The Prime Minister and President Delors have been travelling and they were sidelined to Montreal and they had to drive up here so they are understandably pretty tired and they have got a full day tomorrow in Washington. So I thank them for coming and I will just say very briefly to offer both a welcome to them and our congratulations to the Prime Minister for the excellent success of Edinburgh and the great progress that was made, the Canadians thought very skilfully handled and so we are always very happy for progress that takes place in the European Community because of its importance for Canada and for the United States.

    We just had an opportunity for roughly an hour to review some trade matters and some political matters, especially the evolving situation in Bosnia, and we will have a chance to chat again over dinner and early tomorrow morning before the Prime Minister leaves. So in the interests of time, because we do have guests waiting and you have deadlines, there will not be any individual statements.

    QUESTION:

    [Indistinct] and I would like to have the same comments from Mr Major, the decisions taken by NATO Foreign Ministers today in Brussels?

    MR MULRONEY:

    They are examining it, as we are causing it to be examined at the United Nations, and I had a call from Barbara McDougal a few hours ago and the steps taken today were prudent but our hope is that this matter will wind up with the Security Council of the United Nations and at that point in time there will be a decision I suppose that will be endorsed by the international community.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not think there is a great deal to add to that, it was a prudent and a balanced decision that was taken today. I suspect the matter is heading back in one form or another to the Security Council and at the moment there is a great deal of bilateral discussion taking place to determine exactly what happens there.

    QUESTION:

    [In French and not interpreted].

    MR MULRONEY:

    [In French and not interpreted].

    QUESTION:

    Lady Thatcher today said that the West must bear its share of blame for not stopping Serbian aggression and she called for a military [indistinct] in Bosnia, what do you make of those proposals?

    MR MULRONEY:

    Well of course I was a partner with Mrs Thatcher when she was Prime Minister in respect of Kuwait and her view was, and that I certainly endorsed, that action of this nature should come about as a result of the Security Council of the United Nations speaking on behalf of the civilised world, and that is what we did. The United Kingdom and Canada and France and the United States and I think 26 or 27 others were partners in the initiative under the aegis of the Security Council that allowed us to take the action in the Gulf. Unilateral action in this circumstance would be dangerous and perhaps self-defeating, it requires absolutely the moral authority and the effectiveness of the resolution of the Security Council before industrialised countries and others can go beyond where we are at the moment. That is why Canada and I think the United Kingdom and others have been pressing for this matter to come forward at the Security Council at an early moment.

    QUESTION:

    [Indistinct] whether they believe that given the danger of retaliation a No Fly Zone could be enforced in Bosnia without ground troops being available to finish the action?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    A key question, it is the question that may be unknowable until it is actually put to the test. The United Nations imposed the No Fly Zone and so far as one can tell it has been effective in that it has stopped combat aircraft flying, it has not been effective in that it has not stopped helicopters and other small aircraft flying. So there has clearly been no large-scale movement of troops, there may have been movement of commanders, there may have been movements of very small numbers of troops, that we do not know. The Security Council will clearly have to look at the question of enforcement and it will have to take into account the nature of enforcement, we need to be clear precisely what it means, whether it means that aircraft would be prevented from taking off, whether it means if they had taken off they were forced to land or whether in its most severe form it would mean shooting down aircraft that infringed it.

    These are matters that need discussing together with the impact of what that might mean for the humanitarian forces because there are two objectives and they run in parallel that the United Nations and its member states need to bear in mind. The first is the desirability, the necessity of seeking a political solution to stop the carnage in Bosnia and some of the unspeakable activities that have been going on there, that is the first objective. The second objective is one that we must live with day after day after day, and that is to sustain the humanitarian links that are actually taking food into literally hundreds of thousands of people who would otherwise face starvation and have no medical care or medicines whatsoever. And we need to keep those two things running parallel, it is a very fine judgment, it is why there is so much bilateral discussion at the moment before those judgments are taken.

    But I repeat what I said a moment ago, I think this matter is going back to the Security Council, there is a mounting impatience in the West over the events in Bosnia and I do not see that rapidly being stilled.

    QUESTION:

    If the United Nations and the EC are unable to stop the killings, as they seem unable to, is a unilateral role by NATO right out of the question as far as you are concerned?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is a matter for NATO, it is not a matter I can answer this afternoon. We have to bear in mind what nature of conflict this is. This is not the same conflict as Kuwait where you had one country forcibly invaded and raped by another country. Here you have what is in essence a civil war, beginning when people of one nationality locked together with others suddenly started to seek a greater share of the land, it grew up, it mushroomed from that beginning. It is a very messy and difficult problem, it is not one capable of easy solution. That does not mean we can stand by and take no action whatsoever, it does mean we need to be very measured and certain in the action we take before we commit ourselves to it and that is why it does need international decisions, it is right I think for it to go back to the United Nations and for NATO and other nations collectively to look at it there and I think that is the way it will be dealt with.

    QUESTION:

    Are there positions beyond which the UK is not prepared to go?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not going to anticipate what may happen in the future. We have made it clear at the moment that I do not think this is a matter that can be readily resolved with a few ground troops, we have got troops in Bosnia at the moment, the troops are there actually delivering humanitarian aid. We are seeking a political solution, we pursued that in the London Conference that we called during our European Community Presidency, Mr Vance and Lord Owen are still pursuing that settlement, there are a whole series of meetings that have been taking place just this very week. I am not going to anticipate beyond that, I do not think it would be wise from the point of view of the West and I do not think it would be wise in terms of indicating to others what might happen.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Mulroney are you worried about the threat to humanitarian forces and to troops already protecting them if there is military enforcement of a No Fly Zone?

    MR MULRONEY:

    Yes we are, we, like the British, have substantial numbers of people in former Yugoslavia and we are very concerned not only for their welfare but for the welfare of other NGOs and United Nations humanitarian personnel who are there because there have been indications strictly given by leaders of the Bosnian Serbs that any indications of action, multilateral or otherwise, would provoke retaliation against people on the ground and we have obviously a primary obligation to our people and the representatives of our allies who are on the ground now trying to deliver humanitarian services. And so that too, as Prime Minister Major has indicated, is one of the reasons why unilateral action, dramatically articulated, has a certain appeal, a certain cachet, but in point of fact the reality is that this matter can only be resolved multilaterally by the Security Council of the United Nations. That does not preclude under that umbrella action by NATO forces, we all happen to be allies together in the pursuit of this objective, but clearly the leadership must come from the Security Council of the United Nations and we are looking for that leadership because we are extremely dissatisfied with what is taking place, as you know, and as Prime Minister Major has just stated.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think that whatever does come perhaps should not occur before the elections in Serbia, that in fact you might strengthen the hand of Milosevic by taking a tough line at this moment?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Elections in Serbia are only a day or so away are they not?

    MR MULRONEY:

    I think the Prime Minister is right and then you are going to get this kind of unpersuasive response from Belgrade that they have got nothing to do with what is going on in Bosnia and so I hope no-one believes that. And so what is taking place there will be significant and hopefully the United Nations will deal with the situation both as it is in Bosnia and as the reality exists in Belgrade. The solution cannot come from one source alone, there is a bifurcation of responsibility here, it has to be brought together and dealt with strictly under the aegis of the Security Council of the United Nations but with both eyes on both of those areas and I think that to the extent that a solution might emerge it is in that regard.

    QUESTION:

    [In French and not interpreted].

    M. DELORS:

    [In French and not interpreted].

    MR MULRONEY:

    [In French and not interpreted].

  • PMQT Written Answers – 17 December 1992

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 17th December 1992.

    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Pit Closures

    Mr. Austin Mitchell : To ask the Prime Minister when the Government first received the plans for pit closures from British Coal ; and what consideration was given to publishing them immediately.

    The Prime Minister : The Government had been aware for some time of British Coal’s need to reduce capacity, because of the decline in the market for British coal. In addition, the Department of Trade and Industry and its advisers had made their own assessment of which pits might close, so that it could prepare measures to mitigate the impact, taking into account information from British Coal. British Coal informed my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade on 12 October of the final list of pits which it proposed to close. British Coal announced the names on 13 October.

     

    European Council, Edinburgh

    Mr. Llew Smith : To ask the Prime Minister what is his current estimate of the total cost to the Exchequer of the holding of the Edinburgh summit of the European Council.

    The Prime Minister : The cost of the organisation of the European Council is of the order of £6.9 million. The policing costs, 51 per cent. of which are funded by central Government, are expected to amount to a further £2.5 million approximately.

     

    China

    Mr. David Atkinson : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the outcome of the recent visit by Lord Howe to discuss human rights in the People’s Republic of China.

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. noble and learned Friend Lord Howe led a delegation to China from 1 to 7 December. The delegation had detailed discussions with the Chinese authorities on human rights and related issues, including legal and religious issues, national minorities, and Chinese policies towards Tibet. They also met families of dissidents and visited foreign embassies, courts and places of detention. They were able to convey frankly to the Chinese the concerns of many in the west about China’s human rights record. There was little meeting of minds with the Chinese authorities, but the basis has been laid for continuing exchanges on these issues. My right hon. noble and learned Friend Lord Howe will in due course submit a formal report on the visit to me. That report will be placed in the Library of this House.

     

    Constitutional Discussions

    Mr. Mackinlay : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer of 24 November 1992, Official Report, column 580, what communications he has had with the heads of Government of other Commonwealth countries of which the Queen is sovereign on matters relating to the common constitutional link of the Crown and his statement to the House of 9 December, since 24 November.

    The Prime Minister : I have had no such communications.

     

    Yalta Talks

    Mr. Cohen : To ask the Prime Minister how many documents relating to the Yalta talks have not yet been released under the 30-year rule.

    The Prime Minister : Such an exercise could be carried out only at disproportionate cost.

     

    Security Personnel

    Mr. Cox : To ask the Prime Minister what is the Government’s policy as to the cost of funding of security personnel who accompany former senior Government Ministers travelling for private purposes; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : Decisions on the personal protection provided for former Government Ministers making official or private journeys are operational matters for the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis. The cost of providing such protection by police officers is met from the Metropolitan police fund.

     

    Development Aid

    Mr. Llew Smith : To ask the Prime Minister what representations Her Majesty’s Government have received calling for increased United Kingdom and European Community development aid during the United Kingdom’s presidency of the European Council.

    The Prime Minister : The Government have received a number of representations about the future level of overseas aid provided by the United Kingdom and the European Community.

     

    Animal Welfare

    Mr. Gale : To ask the Prime Minister what is his policy on whether animal welfare should be a proper subject for European competence; what decisions on this subject were taken at Edinburgh; what effect the European Council conclusions at Edinburgh will have on animal welfare directives currently in force or under consideration throughout the European Community; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : The Community acts on animal welfare matters that fall within the common agricultural policy or trade policy; it also has discretion to act in other areas. At the Edinburgh European Council, the Commission made clear its intention to review Community legislation on animal welfare during 1993 in the context of subsidiarity. The United Kingdom remains committed to work for improvements in animal welfare throughout the Community, but this does not necessarily include Community legislation.

     

    Homeless People

    Mr. Llew Smith : To ask the Prime Minister what plans he has to visit homeless people in (a) London and (b) Huntingdon during the Christmas period.

    The Prime Minister : Ministers and officials in the Department of the Environment make regular visits to homelessness projects in different parts of England and keep me fully informed of the situation.

     

    Security Risks

    Mr. Milburn : To ask the Prime Minister on how many occasions in each year since 21 November 1979, and so far in 1992, the Director-General of the Security Service has reported to him information about a present or former Minister or senior public servant indicating that he or she may be or may have been a security risk; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 7 December 1992] : It is not the Government’s practice to comment on security matters.

     

    President-elect Clinton

    Mr. Winnick : To ask the Prime Minister what discussions he has had with President-elect Clinton about the inquiries made by the Home Office concerning a possible application at some stage for United Kingdom citizenship; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 11 December 1992] : None. I have told the President-elect of my regret at some of the press reports.

     

    Somalia

    Mr. Michael : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make it his policy that Britain’s efforts to help Somalia, whether through development aid or immediate financial aid and advice, shall be concentrated on the north (Republic of Somaliland).

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 15 December 1992] : Britain has pledged more than £31 million of humanitarian aid to Somalia this year, including our share of EC aid. All our assistance is channelled through United Nations agencies and British and international non-governmental organisations. In addition to food, we have funded transport and logistical support to the relief effort, medical supplies, water and sanitation equipment and agricultural supplies–seeds and tools. The EC has responded well and committed 206,000 tonnes of food aid of which two thirds has been shipped and one half delivered.

    Aid is allocated where the need is greatest, where mechanisms and agencies are available to deliver it and where it reflects the requests for assistance which we receive from the United Nations agencies and non- governmental organisations who are working on the ground.

     

    Slovenia

    Sir Dudley Smith : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make it his policy to continue to promote good relations between the United Kingdom and Slovenia, following the general election which took place there in December.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 15 December 1992] : Following President Kucan’s victory in the Slovenian elections on 6 December, we wish him and his Government well as they continue their programme of political and economic reform.

    Sir Dudley Smith : To ask the Prime Minister what assessment was made by the Council of Europe observer team of the fairness of the recent general election in Slovenia; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 15 December 1992] : We have yet to receive the Council of Europe’s definitive report on the Slovenian presidential and parliamentary elections. Preliminary press reports suggest that the elections were fair and free.