Category: Prime Minister (1990-1997)

  • PMQT Written Answers – 13 January 1992

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 13th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    RECHAR

    Mr. Morgan : To ask the Prime Minister if he will institute an official inquiry into the source of the leaked letter from the Secretary of State for the Environment to the Secretaries of State for Scotland and Wales referring to the RECHAR scheme.

    The Prime Minister : Where it appears that classified documents may have been leaked, it is for the Secretary of State for the relevant Department concerned, in the first instance, to decide, in consultation with his officials, what inquiries need to be made.

     

    Security Service

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the appointment of the new director of the Security Service.

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary announced on 16 December 1991 that Mrs. Stella Rimington had been appointed as the new director general of the Security Service, in accordance with the provisions of the Security Service Act 1989.

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister (1) what changes he intends to make in his policy for providing answers to questions from hon. Members on the Security Service;

    (2) if he will make it his practice to give information in reply to parliamentary questions concerning the Security Service;

    (3) if he will list changes made since 1987 in practice on providing answers to questions by hon. Members on the security services.

    The Prime Minister : The functions of the Security Service and other statutory provisions were debated in Parliament during the passage of the Security Service Act 1989. The Government intend to continue the practice adopted by successive Governments of not disclosing information relating to the operation of the Security Service.

     

    Roman Catholic Church (Recognition)

    Sir Hugh Rossi : To ask the Prime Minister whether, following the repeal in part XVI of schedule 1 to the Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1978 of section 24 of the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, he will now make it the policy of Her Majesty’s Government to accord the same degree of official recognition to the territorial sees and titles of the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales as is accorded to the unestablished Anglican churches outside England.

    The Prime Minister : This suggestion is currently being considered, and I will write to my hon. Friend about it as soon as possible.

     

    Government of London

    Mr. Gould : To ask the Prime Minister when he intends to reply to the letter dated 22 October from the hon. Member for Dagenham concerning the government of London.

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment has replied on my behalf.

     

    Government Achievements

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister if, pursuant to his reply, on Her Majesty’s Government’s achievements, to the hon. Member for Teignbridge (Mr. Nicholls) on 16 December, Official Report, column 22, he will set out (a) the cost of making this reply and (b) the failures of Her Majesty’s Government over the same period.

    The Prime Minister : My reply of 16 December to my hon. Friend the Member for Teignbridge demonstrated a consistent record of success and achievement throughout 1991. The cost of that reply, based on the cost of staff and overheads in various departments involved in its compilation, and the printing costs, is estimated at £1,520.

     

    European Union

    Mr. Spearing : To ask the Prime Minister what action he has agreed to or authorised in respect of the annex 1 entitled “Reference in the treaty to European Parties”, in the draft treaty on European Union; and when, and under what circumstance, the places and formulation of such reference will be determined.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 19 December 1991] : It is for the presidency to propose a precise formulation and place in the treaty for such a reference before signature.

    Mr. Spearing : To ask the Prime Minister if he will state which body or bodies will define which associations or foundations are deemed charitable, in respect of the declaration on co-operation with charitable associations in pursuing the objectives of either version of article 117 in the draft treaty on European union.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 19 December 1991] : Declarations by the inter-governmental conference have political rather than legal force, and the existing arrangements for defining charitable status are not affected. In the case of the United Kingdom, the competent body remains the Charity Commission.

     

    Western Shoshone People

    Mr. Cryer : To ask the Prime Minister if he will obtain for his office’s library the 1989 report by the United States Congress Office of Technology Assessment to which reference is made in the letter by Ambassador Renwick to Chief Rowell of the Western Shoshone people.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : I have already done so.

     

    Nuclear Weapons

    Mr. Cryer : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the technical basis for the requirement for the United Kingdom to carry out tests from time to time to ensure the safety of the nuclear deterrent deployment by the United Kingdom.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : It has not been the practice of this or previous Governments to give technical details of our nuclear test programme. Testing remains essential to ensure the effectiveness, safety and credibility of our independent nuclear deterrent.

    Mr. Cryer : To ask the Prime Minister what steps have been taken to co-ordinate the United Kingdom nuclear weapons deployment and development programme with Her Majesty’s Government’s commitments under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : For as long as our security depends upon the possession of nuclear weapons, the Government are committed to maintaining a minimum nuclear deterrent. This is entirely consistent with our commitments under the nuclear non- proliferation treaty.

     

    Coopers and Lybrand

    Mr. Cousins : To ask the Prime Minister which Departments, for what purposes, and at what cost, have used the services of Coopers and Lybrand since 1989.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : This information is not held centrally.

     

    Lockerbie

    Mr. Ron Brown : To ask the Prime Minister what representations he has received from Libya about the Lockerbie bombing; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : The Libyans have issued various statements and indirect messages about the Lockerbie bombing. None of these provided a satisfactory response to the requests we made with our United States and French partners on 27 November.

     

    Lt. Col. Partap Singh

    Mr. Madden : To ask the Prime Minister when he expects to answer the letter, dated 12 August 1991, from Lt. Col. Partap Singh (retired), president of the Khalsa Raj party; and if he will place a copy of his reply in the Library.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : My office has no record of receiving Lt. Col. Singh’s letter.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Doorstep Interview with UN Secretary General – 13 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint doorstep interview with the UN Secretary General, Mr Boutros Boutros Ghali, in London on Monday 13th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I was very pleased this afternoon to be able to welcome the Secretary General to London and to congratulate him at an early stage in his new appointment as Secretary General of the United Nations.

    We have had the opportunity this afternoon of a very wide ranging discussion on many of the matters of concern to the UN at present and there are of course a vast range of those. In particular I have been able to finalise with the Secretary General the arrangements for the Extraordinary General Meeting of the Security Council, which I can now confirm will be on 31 January.

    We now have confirmation from all the Heads of State and Government that they will be present on this occasion and it will give us an early opportunity in the Secretary General’s tenure to meet and to look at some of the issues of great importance to us all at present.

    I can in particular confirm that President Yeltsin will be attending and this of course will be the first occasion he will have had to attend such a meeting in his new capacity.

    In the Extraordinary General Meeting we see several matters that need to be addressed as being of particular importance. The first of those is the United Nations’ role as a peace-maker, a peace-keeper and as a settler of disputes. We will wish to look and examine how that can be enhanced with the vast number of regional conflicts that exist at present.

    The second area of particular importance will be the question of disarmament and non-proliferation and the very important role that the United Nations has to play in that.

    And the third continuing area of importance will be to stress yet again the very great importance that the United Nations generally gives to the maintenance of good government and human rights.

    I am very pleased that this special General Meeting is coming about. I do not claim it as an original idea, the original concept of this was President Mitterrand’s some months ago. But I am confident from the warm response it had from people around the world that it is an idea whose time has come.

    So these are the matters we have had the opportunity to discuss this afternoon and I am very grateful to the Secretary General for joining me. He now perhaps may care to say a word or two.

    MR GHALI:

    I just want to thank the Prime Minister for the Summit meeting of the members of the Security Council which will be held at the end of the month in New York and I believe that this summit meeting will be very useful for the United Nations, for the Secretariat of the United Nations and for the new mission of the United Nations – promoting peace, settling peacefully international disputes, contributing to peace-keeping, peace-making and peace-building, and promote human rights and democratic institutions in the different countries of the world. The summit meeting will certainly help me personally in my new job and I want again to thank the Prime Minister for proposing this meeting and I am sure that this meeting will be a success and will contribute to the reinforcement of peace and security all over the world.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, is President Yeltsin coming to London first?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I spoke to President Yeltsin at length on Friday afternoon and I invited him to London. In principle he would like to come, there are a lot of things happening at the moment, we are looking at the logistics to see if it is possible on that particular date. But if he cannot come on 30 January I hope he will come at an early date, but the 30th is not yet finalised.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, it is your contention, is it not, that it is only the Conservatives who can manage these changes for Britain that you are going to discuss at the Security Council in the way that Britain needs. Secretary General, could you assess Britain’s future role in the United Nations and do you share any worries about a change of government?

    MR GHALI:

    The United Nations is cooperating with Great Britain and this is what is important for the United Nations.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, is it your belief that only the Conservatives can fulfil the proper role in the UN?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You heard the Secretary General’s reply, you heard what I had to say, this is not an occasion for that sort of remark.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Ghali, could you answer this question in Arabic, if the Prime Minister does not mind. There is news today that there is an overall plan to solve the hostage dispute in the Middle East, do you have any comment on that?

    MR GHALI:

    No I have no comment, the United Nations is trying very hard to contribute to the release of the hostages, there are still two more hostages in the Middle East and this is one of the duties of the United Nations that my predecessor had played a very important role in this, and we intend to continue to do our best to release all the hostages in the Middle East and outside the Middle East also.

  • Mr Major’s Statement on Terrorist Bomb – 10 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s statement, made on Friday 10th January 1992, following a terrorist bomb.


    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION:

    What is your reaction to this terrorist attack?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Well I am grateful firstly that no-one has been injured and the Police have been able to deal with the matter so speedily and so effectively. But I think the terrorists really should have learned now that neither in Belfast nor in London nor in anywhere else in the United Kingdom will they be able to bomb people out of their normal activities, their homes, their schools or anything else. If they want to reinforce our determination to make sure we defeat them this is the way to do it. It’s utterly counterproductive.

    QUESTION:

    Of course this happens everyday in Northern Ireland but they’re hoping for maximum impact by doing it almost in the heart of Government aren’t they?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Well it is not the first time in the last year that they have tried that of course in London. But it is perfectly true the real thrust of their campaign has been against the people in Belfast who have stood it with very great courage for many years. The people of Belfast haven’t wavered, haven’t weakened, haven’t changed their determinations and neither will we.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think it is designed to damage the prospects of Peter Brooke’s talks?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think it is impossible to say. We are dealing with people who have many motives and many splinter groups. It is impossible to say precisely what their motives are. The only thing we can be certain about is that whatever the motives are they are not honourable motives and they will not succeed.

    QUESTION:

    It does reinforce the need for those talks to get underway though doesn’t it?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We are very keen for the talks to proceed. It has been a remarkable piece of work the way Peter Brooke has brought so many different people and so many different ideas around the table to talk. That’s the way to make progress. It is to talk. Not to place bombs that may or may not injure any innocent that frequently have in the past. That is not the way to behave, talking is the way to behave, talking is the way to behave and I think Peter Brooke has done magnificently so far, and we are keen to see that talks commence again.

    QUESTION:

    Will security be stepped up as a result?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not going to talk about security now.

    QUESTION:

    Why weren’t you in Downing Street at the time?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That’s because I had a meeting here that was arranged sometime ago.

  • Mr Major’s Speech to North East Businessman of the Year Award – 7 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the North East Businessman of the Year Award Dinner in Newcastle on Tuesday 7th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Today I have been able to see at first hand the continuing strength and the enormous diversity of the North East economy. This morning I visited Vickers – one of its oldest and most famous engineering firms. I spent a most enjoyable time clambering around Vickers’ new Challenger II tank. And inevitably my thoughts went back to the last occasion when I climbed on top of a Challenger tank. Just ten months ago in the desert in Kuwait.

    Everyone who went through the Gulf War knows of the efforts made by the Vickers Gulf team. Their ingenuity, their persistence and their sheer hard work ensured our tanks, guns and equipment were ready for action at all times. It made a vital contribution to the war effort – and I was delighted to see that contribution suitably “honoured” last June. It was thoroughly well-deserved.

    At Newcastle Business Park, I opened the new British Airways flight reservation centre. BA is, of course, just one of many enterprises attracted to the new Newcastle Business Park. With some £140 million in private investment, it is already 95 per cent sold or let. And by companies that read like a Who’s-Who of modern, innovative industry.

    That demonstrates another vital feature of this region. An understanding of the need to diversify: an eagerness to use both the public and the private sector to create new facilities; and a determination to attract new enterprise and new firms that will ensure the future growth of the North East.

    Finally, at Amec Offshore, or Press Offshore as many of you will know it, I had the opportunity to see the oil rig fabrication yard. In 7 years, the company’s turnover has increased 10 fold and its workforce by a factor of 4. Today, it has announced a further contract which will create 200 new jobs at Sunderland. Amec Offshore is surely a classic example of the way forward: building on our traditional engineering-based skills and applying them to a new and expanding sector.

    This combination of enterprising incoming firms and traditional strong businesses has given the North East greater resilience in recent years. I know times are hard. I don’t pretend otherwise. But in many ways the North East has proved more robust than other areas in recent months; it has built on its long-standing record in the engineering-related industries and transformed it into a worldwide reputation for success.

    And increasingly the North-East offers a greater diversity of enterprise and employment opportunities than ever before. Whole communities are no longer dependent on single industries; and that offers greater security to future generations than their predecessors ever enjoyed.

    Perhaps that success is best demonstrated by the attraction of well-known Japanese inward investment – Nissan, Fujitsu and Hashimoto. They could have gone anywhere in Europe. But they chose Britain. Chose England. Chose the North East.

    But the future for the North-East is also:

    – about new investment by successful UK firms – Glaxo, MTM and British Airways;

    – about the work of the Tyne and Wear Corporation to rehabilitate old industrial areas, and promote major commercial developments alongside the Tyne and Wear; and about the parallel activity of the Teeside Development Corporation alongside the Tees;

    – about the development by ICI at the Belassis Technology Park to encourage and attract small technology-based businesses;

    – and about the innovation centre at the Newcastle Science Park linked to the City’s university and polytechnic.

    With such a record of innovation, diversification and growth, you may well wonder why this Government is sometimes accused of having no industrial strategy. Well it’s partly politics of course. But also, if by industrial strategy, you mean an obsession with regulation, with intervention, with Government interference, with excessive taxation, then certainly we have no such strategy. What we have is quite different and, I believe, better for our longer term interests.

    Our industrial strategy is clear. It is based on creating the framework in which business and industry can flourish in a decade that will be more competitive than any we have previously known.

    – That is why low inflation is our top priority. Without that our companies cannot compete;

    – that is why we reward initiative and success through lowering taxes: we now have one of the lowest rates of corporation tax in the industrial world; we have cut income tax rates and our objective is a basic rate of 20 per cent;

    – that is why we will continue to return nationalised industries to the private sector – we are already discussing the ways in which British Rail and British Coal can be privatised;

    – and why we will continue to free up the labour market.

    Mr. Chairman, we have no intention of adding £1,000 to the annual tax burden on the average family; or of setting a 59 per cent top tax rate.

    And we have:

    – no intention of creating a national investment bank with regional branches trying to second guess business and markets;

    – no intention of introducing a minimum wage, thereby destroying the jobs of many lower-paid workers;

    – no intention of introducing a statutory training programme with every company subject to a half per cent of payroll tax, whatever their size or profitability at the time;

    – no intention of reversing the reforms that have transformed our industrial relations in this country.

    That is also why I was not prepared to sign up to the new Social Chapter at Maastricht. We could not see decisions taken in Brussels that would have reversed the better balance between the two sides of industry that we have achieved.

    Of course, that does not mean we are seeking lower standards for our workers; indeed, people know that in many areas standards in this country are higher than in other European countries. These are matters to be settled between individual employers and their employees – not by central government. And not by agreements at European level between trade unions and employers subsequently imposed by European directives – even though it might be opposed by the British Government, British management and workforce alike.

    We are a trading nation. We cannot flourish unless we can compete on level terms with other countries. That is why we consider a successful outcome to the current GATT negotiations so vital. It is why we are working so hard for the successful completion of the Single Market. And it is why I fought at Maastricht to make sure that in future countries which sign up to Directives implement them in full – or face penalties if they do not do so.

    Mr. Chairman, I recognise that for many sectors in our economy times are hard – in some cases very hard indeed. With growth faltering overseas in the world’s largest economies, our economy has not performed as well in the last year as had been hoped.

    But let us not get these matters out of perspective. We are at a different stage of the economic cycle than many of our competitors. For while Germany and Japan will continue to slow in 1992, I do not doubt that we will see recovery here in Britain.

    I know there is much speculation about the date of the turning point in the UK. Some economic pundits talk of little else. Yet in reality, there is no magic moment, no precise point when recession lies clearly in the past, while recovery stretches out into a better future. Inevitably economic data will show ups and downs and irregular patterns as recession ends and recovery begins.

    Recent economic figures certainly do not support the sudden swing into pessimism which has overcome certain commentators. Of course, there is no point in excessive optimism or trying to talk up the economy. But there is equally a risk in going too far the other way. And I certainly believe that the recent pessimism has been overdone.

    There are plenty of encouraging developments. If you listen to some of the dismal Johnnies you might never realise what has been achieved in the last year.

    We have reduced inflation from almost 11 per cent to around 4 per cent; it is now firmly under control.

    – We have cut interest rates eight times – faster and further than almost anyone expected: for some on annual mortgages, those cuts are only now feeding through into lower mortgage payments.

    – Thanks to our ERM membership, we have been able to bring our interest rate differential against the deutschmark to its lowest level for decades. In the 1980s sterling rates were on average 5 per cent higher than DM rates – today that differential is around 1 per cent.

    – Retail sales are higher than a year ago – and many stores are reporting record sales.

    – The trend rate of increase in unemployment has now slowed substantially.

    And real incomes are rising.

    Too many people seem to be losing sight of the issues that really matter. Governments cannot – and should not – try to adjust the economy month by month, or week by week. Policy cannot – and should not – react to every monthly economic statistic that is released. Our job is to provide a stable and predictable economic framework, with responsible monetary and budgetary policies so that business and individuals can have the confidence to take the right decisions.

    I believe we can look forward to 1992 with confidence. It is not just the Government but virtually every international, City and academic body that expects a return to growth. For we are getting the fundamentals of the British economy right. We have made clear our commitment to exchange rate stability through membership of the ERM. We have brought inflation down and will keep it down. We can look forward to growth founded on economic stability and low inflation.

    But, while we can create the right climate for future growth, it is up to business to seize the opportunities and build our future prosperity.

    What does that mean in present circumstances? Ultimately, at its very heart, business seizing opportunities is about the behaviour of individuals. About how they act. How they decide on their actions. About their skill; their foresight; their knowledge; and the sheer hard work, that they bring to decision-making.

    And it is also often about an independence of thought – what you might term being “canny”. Persisting with a view based on the evidence that the individual believes to be right. Having the initiative to look at a problem in a different way – and thus perhaps seeing the solution and way forward that escaped everyone else. It is about being able to spot and assess opportunities. And then having the skill, foresight and the courage to take the risk and then turn those opportunities into realities.

    And that of course is what tonight’s Businessman of the Year Award is all about. We are here to celebrate successful risk-taking, the very heart of a successful commercial economy. It was that spirit of enterprise which built the North-East in the first place. Now it is transforming the structure and diversity of its economy once again. It will enable that economy to grow and expand in the years ahead.

    I am confident about our prospects for the 1990s. In the last decade the Government and business – working together – turned an uncompetitive, ramshackle, over-regulated economy into an enterprise economy that out-performed most of its competitors. Now, as we come out of our difficulties, we must build on that. We will come out of the recession as we need to – with low inflation, a stable exchange rate and the prospect of steady, sustainable growth.

    If we build on that; if we ignore siren voices offering quack remedies; if we turn aside from re-regulation and higher taxation; if we build an enterprise partnership between Government and industry, then we can create a level of prosperity that exceeds anything we have known before.

    That must be our objective for the 1990s.

  • Mr Major’s Labour Tax Bombshell Statement – 7 January 1992

    Below is the text of the Conservative Party Press Release, ref 17/92, following a statement by John Major on 7th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    LABOUR’S TAX BOMBSHELL

    Speaking to a meeting of Party workers in Newcastle today, the Rt Hon John Major MP (Huntingdon), Prime Minister and Leader of the Conservative Party said:

    “We have a clear message for the electorate at the next General Election: there is only one Party in Britain which believes in lower taxation and that is the Conservative Party. This century the Labour Party has been in Government for a total of 20 years. In only three of those years did they reduce the basic rate of tax. One of those was at the end of the war, when we returned to peace-time finance. One was when we and the other Parties forced them to do so by beating them in the House of Commons. And the third was when the British economy was being run not by the Labour Government but by the IMF. Hardly the record of a tax-cutting Party.”

    “Before elections Labour politicians constantly promise to carry out their spending programmes without increasing the basic rate of tax. The evidence shows that once in office they always raise it. Labour has no enthusiasm for tax cuts, but a great appetite for tax increases. Some tax payers may wonder whether basic rate tax really would rise from 25 per cent to 35 per cent over a Parliament. The answer is yes – if Labour keep the promises on spending they have made. The unwary should remember. The last Labour Government hiked tax up to 35 per cent. They did it before. And they would do it again.

    “We already know that a Labour Government would raise the top rate of tax from 40 to 59 per cent bringing in a new tax on talent by imposing extra National Insurance contributions on all workers earning over £20,280 a year. They would also bring back a tax on thrift with a 9 per cent surcharge on savings. Those are only three of their eight admitted tax plans. But all eight together would raise at most £10 billion by the end of a Parliament. Far short of Labour’s existing spending commitments of at least £35 billion a year by that time. With this huge programme of promises, who can possibly believe Mr Kinnock’s incredible claim that 88 per cent of tax payers would pay no more?”

  • Mr Major’s Speech at the Oxford Farming Conference – 6 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the Oxford Farming Conference on Monday 6th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I cannot help thinking, standing here in this splendid pulpit, that this is more your scene, Bishop, perhaps than mine. But avoiding the temptation to say: “Dearly Beloved”, perhaps I might say what a pleasure it is to be here this evening and to have the opportunity of speaking to you about agriculture.

    I have over dinner been very well prepared. I have been sitting before [Inaudible] apple juice, it is very powerful stuff, I recommend it. If Maitland Battey has not tried it I am bound to tell him that when he does try it it will change the national drink in Scotland overnight.

    But despite this splendid pulpit this is not in my view an evening for sermonising. But I do have some serious things that I would like to say both about farming and about the countryside and about the future of both farming and the countryside.

    I have, as a constituency Member of Parliament, a farming constituency, mainly arable, some pig farming, sheep, root crops, a bit of horticulture, in fact a bit of almost everything except hill farming, and those of you who know East Anglia will know that despite the innovative nature of the farmers in my constituency, it is pretty difficult to be a hill farmer in Huntingdon.

    But apart from that I have a fairly broad spread of farming, and I make that point because I think it illustrates that I have some knowledge of how crucial farming is to the countryside. And I believe that no-one who understands that can possibly under-estimate the value of agriculture, not just to the countryside on its own, but to our whole way of life in the United Kingdom.

    And I know, too, and make no secret of the fact, how difficult farming has been in the last two or three years. I understand the uncertainty that exists and I dismiss from personal knowledge as unpleasant and ill-informed the absurd caricature that some people propagate of farmers living rich in the lap of subsidy.

    The reality is, we know too well in this room, that farming is short of confidence at present. And to regain that confidence it needs, in my judgment, a categoric answer to one question above all: what is to be the future of farming? Does it have one? And if it does, what is it and how soon will it come about?

    I want partly to try and answer those questions this evening. But only, I fear, partly. And I say that because a full answer to those questions cannot, will not be available until two vital issues are resolved: firstly the final outcome of the Uruguay Round; and secondly the long awaited and much needed reform of the Common Agricultural Policy.

    I start from the premise this evening that it is not for the government to tell you what to do with your farm businesses, they are your businesses, it is for you to decide. But for the past 5 decades the government has been intimately involved with agriculture and I think it is therefore not unreasonable for you to ask how the government sees the future of your industry. And that of course is why we recently published a paper on our farming future.

    For me to say to you this evening that agriculture must change is not to say anything new. Most, I suspect everyone in this room, know that very well. But I do want to touch upon three aspects of that change. First, and briefly, why it is necessary. Second, what the most promising new directions seem to be. And third, and crucially I believe, how the government views change in the countryside more generally.

    So why firstly is change necessary? Agriculture is first and foremost, always has been, an industry. But it is more than that, in the countryside it is both an industry and a way of life. It has an enormous impact on the physical environment around us. But ultimately it will stand or fall as an industry. And like other industries agriculture has its highs, its lows, its ups and downs, and a great deal of the agricultural scene has been in a low for several years now. And the prospects look at present uncertain to bleak for much of farming, even though the rest of the economy is now beginning to emerge from recession.

    Bleak, of course, bleak that is if you feel that the present patterns of production and levels of agricultural price support must be sustained at all costs. But I must say to you bluntly that the reality is that that is simply not possible, not in the United Kingdom, not in Europe, and indeed not anywhere in the world. In fact in many parts of the world, not just domestically in our own industry, in many parts of the world there is now widespread dissatisfaction with many aspects of agricultural support with the direct cost of agricultural support to consumers and tax-payers and with the indirect cost in terms of trade distortions that are particularly damaging to poor countries.

    And moreover those levels of support have other effects and another impact as well. They have, it seems to me, made agriculture a dependent industry – an absurd parody if I, as a non-agriculturalist can say it, an absurd parody when in my experience countryfolk generally, and farmers specifically, are among the most independent of individuals.

    But that is by no means the only evil of the present system of support. The high levels of support for agriculture in most developed countries have led to over-production, increasingly desperate efforts to dispose of surpluses through export subsidies and as a consequence of that, depress world markets. And that has been harmful both to rich countries and to poor countries. In the rich countries resources are wasted on a vast scale and in the poorer countries economic development is held back by the poor returns that their own farmers can earn on world markets.

    And it was that fundamental but crucial factor, the recognition of that, that led to the realisation that the misallocation of resources was so harmful that agriculture needed to be brought into the GATT Uruguay Round.

    International pressures, powerful international pressures, were one of the factors that led the European Commission to propose radical reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. But the internal pressures for change were even greater, despite the very significant, and no-one should understate them, improvements made to the CAP during the 1980s, production continues to expand beyond that capacity to consume it and expenditure continues to increase beyond that capacity to pay for it.

    This year, for example, spending on the Common Agricultural Policy, will be right up against the legal limit set by the agricultural guidelines. Has that helped farmers? Are they individually in the Community and in the United Kingdom better off as a result of that? The truth is it has not helped and they are not. Farming funds are under very great pressure in many parts of the Community and certainly under very great pressure here in the United Kingdom. More general expenditure has not meant more in terms of individual incomes, more has meant less.

    The present system, bluntly, has not served United Kingdom agriculture well. And not only is the level of the support in the Community too high, there are other problems as well. The various support mechanisms take no account, no account whatsoever, of their potential implications for the environment or for the needs of the market.

    So in its present form the Common Agricultural Policy does not operate in the interests of producers, consumers or tax-payers. And it has also led, if I may return to the point I made earlier, to the absurd prejudice that farmers are living in the lap of subsidy when in reality across Europe, and certainly in the United Kingdom, farming incomes are falling.

    The conclusion from this is inescapable and should not be ducked by anyone, there is no point in putting our heads in the sand about it, further reform of the Common Agricultural Policy is essential and farming simply cannot go on as it has at present for very much longer.

    So what are the reforms? What reforms are right for the future of agriculture? Let me set out some of the objectives of reform that the government are committed to.

    Firstly, we believe reform should reduce the resource costs of agricultural support and the burden that the Common Agricultural Policy imposes on the economies of the member states. It should encourage an efficient agricultural industry which has a long-term future driven by the demands of the market. It expressly should not subsidise an inefficient agricultural industry that is not subjected to the demands of the market.

    It should encourage agricultural policies which safeguard the environment and it should apply fairly across the whole of the European Community, regardless of the size or the location of farms.

    And I can promise you this evening that it will be against those objectives that we will judge the Commission’s proposals for reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. Though I welcome very much the Commission’s perhaps belated, but let us not be miserly about it, acknowledgement that major changes in the CAP are needed, in particular their recognition that support levels must be cut.

    A number of important elements in the Commission’s proposals do reflect the United Kingdom’s demands for reform, made consistently over many years. But I must add this. Our welcome does not extend to all aspects of the Commission’s proposals, many aspects of them seem to us more designed to perpetuate existing farm structures and production patterns primarily for social reasons than to bring about the innovative and competitive agricultural industry that we need and that the Community must have if it is to compete in a liberalised world market. The proposals before us at present are inward looking rather than outward looking and at present they are the wrong proposals.

    So reform of the Common Agricultural Policy must take account of the changes going on around the Community and notably the development of market economies in central and Eastern Europe.

    Last year Professor Vorichek, here again this evening, told this conference that Czechoslovak farmers were very unlikely to constitute a threat to the Western European market while Czechoslovakia itself could, with growing prosperity, become a good market for farm products and food. I personally look forward to the day, perhaps not in my political lifetime, when Czechoslovakia and all our other Eastern European newly democratised states become part of a European Community that stretches from one end of our continent of Europe right through to the other end.

    But other countries in Eastern and Central Europe have natural advantages when it comes to supplying the Community market with food. And the sensible approach must surely be to recognise this and look for ways of working with these new democracies. It may be necessary to take a long view, it is necessary to take a long view and some people are already doing this.

    This conference this evening, and over the next few days, is taking place against a background of change in the world, in politics, in the economies of the world and particularly our part of the world, and of course in agriculture itself.

    There is considerable uncertainty both about the outcome of the GATT round and about CAP reform. But if the details are unclear, some points I think are becoming increasingly clear.

    In future, whatever happens, United Kingdom farmers will face increased competition. They will be operating, from the end of this year, within a wider Community market and they are likely to be receiving lower levels of price support.

    So what is the key to surviving in this new environment? Surely, firstly, it must be the ability to respond rapidly to consumer demand. That is not I believe just a matter of efficiency. British farmers are already among the most efficient producers of primary food products in Europe. It is about quality, consistently producing to the standard that the market wants, and to achieve this I believe some farmers will need to change both their methods of production and their method of selling their produce once they have completed their production cycle.

    During the next two days you will be discussing the theme of prosperity through excellence. It is a good thing, it is the right theme I believe for you to be discussing at present. You will be focusing on the issues which I discussed recently with a group of food producers, manufacturers and retailers, at a seminar held at Downing Street. And I am glad to learn that this conference believes, as I believe, that the key issue for farmers now is to get closer to the markets they are aiming to sell to and concentrate on adding value.

    And that can be done, adding value can be done in a variety of ways. It does not necessarily mean processing a product on farm or selling direct to the final consumer. Both those options of course are included, both of them will of course suit some individuals, but there are pitfalls for the unwary.

    But adding value can be achieved also by providing a product for which there is a particular demand at precisely the right moment, and there are already encouraging examples of precisely what I mean. If you take, for example, boutique apples – a new term to me, I only learned it recently – I would have called them old fashioned English apples, Laxton superbs, Norfolk Royals, that is how I would have known them, and I feared that they had been swept off the supermarket shelves by standardised products which to my taste may be French, may be golden, but perhaps are less delicious than old English apples.

    But I was wrong about them being swept aside. Apple growers growing traditional varieties have been able to obtain a premium for their apples. Old fashioned apples may become as fashionable as old fashioned roses. Large retailers are now responding by offering more and more varieties and precisely the same is true for potatoes and can be true for many other products as well. And I touch now on delicate ground, but organic food can offer similar opportunities.

    I am aware that the merits or otherwise, I know when to keep out of an argument, it is the first law of politics, I am aware that the merits or otherwise of organic production are the subject of very fierce debate and I do not propose to participate in it, but the point I do want to make is a simpler one. There is a demand for organic products – a big demand, a growing demand – much of which is met from abroad. Why can we not meet more of that demand from within the United Kingdom? I believe that we can and I believe that we should.

    But we have many advantages, some of which I think we do not capitalise on. The higher animal welfare standard that we are determined to maintain in this country could be capitalised on by most of our farmers. The demand for free range eggs and poultry products shows that consumers are prepared to pay extra for food that meets their concerns over animal welfare issues.

    And it is important that the food and farming industry as a whole makes consumers aware of the high standards of animal welfare in this country. That, for example – a crucial illustration – veal produced in this country, cannot by law come from calves reared in the crates that so many consumers find unacceptable. That is something we should make clear to the people who buy these products.

    And if farmers are to take advantage of all these opportunities, better marketing of their products is going to be vital. It is not enough just to identify consumer demands. It is equally necessary to be able to meet that demand by providing the right quantities at the right quality and at the right time. And very often the individual farmer may not be able to do this because he cannot provide the volume or the continuity of supply that the modern food industry requires.

    And the answer to that, and I know it is novel and I know it runs against the instincts of centuries of some parts of farming in this country, but the answer must lie in better collaboration between farmers. That will not necessarily mean classical cooperatives, a whole range of other legal structures are possible.

    But it is because I am convinced of the central importance of improved marketing for the future prosperity of their farming industry that I held a seminar on this topic in Downing Street. And I learned a great deal on that occasion and I believe that the other participants in that seminar did so as well.

    Let me just share with you some of the things that emerged in that discussion. I heard at first hand what is involved in producing against specification, building in quality assurance and the necessary discipline to deliver what is actually wanted. I heard at first hand about the problems of scale, a critical point in selling direct to supermarkets. Producer groups must be large enough to guarantee the volume and consistency of supply needed to interest large buyers.

    And all those present at the seminar, without exception, stressed the need for relevant management skills. A farmer who can produce excellent food does not necessarily have the right skills for striking deals with supermarkets. And everyone emphasised the need to have an organisation providing a sound financial base.

    Following that seminar, large retailers are now ready to engage in a dialogue with producers. One cannot expect them to be other than hard-headed, their shareholders would not allow it and doubt that you would expect it. But as one of them put it to me, their very size now means that they have a responsibility to the nation as well as to their shareholders.

    So at the seminar retailers made four promises to me that I believe are relevant to the agricultural industry. Firstly, to target major opportunities for UK supply of food and food products. Secondly, to offer a more open door to producers. Thirdly, to second managers and non-executive directors to help produce a group to provide what the market wants. And fourthly, to declare country of origin on own label products where this is appropriate.

    So what in practice does that amount to, what does it mean? It means that the major retailers will identify the products which could be bought from UK producers without loss of quality or price advantage. The retailers will make it easier for potential suppliers in the UK to understand their needs. And in addition to that, they will help to make consumers more aware of where the excellent products on the shelves of some of the best supermarkets in the world actually come from.

    I hope that more and more of them will be British. The opportunity is there for more British producers to supply our supermarkets and they must grab this opportunity with both hands.

    And in saying that I am not on some nationalistic Buy British track, but the size of the current trade gap in food which we could produce ourselves is an indicator of the size of the market which our farmers could tap. The market is there if we tap it and have the right skills to make sure that we provide what is wanted, when it is wanted, at the price it is wanted to the people in this country who are demanding food that the people in this room produce.

    To underline the government’s commitment to better marketing, we announced at that seminar that we plan to offer group marketing grants to encourage the development of producer marketing groups and John Gummer has subsequently given details of this scheme.

    The Ministry of Agriculture has set up also a market task force to help identify and define product areas where there may be new or expanding market opportunities. And Food for Britain is ready to assist with its role of promoting and marketing the products of our farming and food industries.

    If British farmers can meet the high standards demanded by their customers in the food manufacturing and retail sectors they will greatly benefit. Not simply through recapturing their own domestic market but in penetrating substantial and rich markets elsewhere in the European Community.

    I believe that the various sectors of the food industry represented at my seminar can respond to those challenges. And just to make sure that they do, I have invited the participants to come back next November to report on progress – when I must tell you I expect to be at the same address – and when they do, I am prepared to continue to push initiatives that will help British agriculture because I believe in its future and I believe in the quality of its products.

    Let me say a word or two about a critical allied subject and that is change in the countryside.

    You and I know that agriculture is changing and will need to change further against the background of the GATT and CAP reforms that are to come and that it will change the countryside but we ought not to be alarmed about that. The countryside is changing anyway – it always has. If it had never changed, we would still have forests from one end of the United Kingdom to the other but as country dwellers you have a very direct interest in the change, the nature of it and the speed of it and, of course, some of the changes affect the way you go about your business.

    Rural depopulation is a significant problem in many continental countries but not in the United Kingdom. Outside a handful of remote areas, we have seen a shift of population out of the cities and into the rural areas over the past three decades. The economy in many rural areas has been thriving and I myself do not think that the government of a free country could or should stop people from living and working where they want to. I believe that the British are peculiarly attached to rural life so that when increasing prosperity, car ownership and the availability of jobs allows them to move to rural areas, this is precisely what many of our fellow countrymen and women choose to do either to bring up their families or to retire and the countryside which in the UK over the centuries has largely been shaped by farmers cannot be run either as a museum or as a week-end playground for people from the cities. [Applause].

    As I have said, the countryside is a place where an increasing number of people want to live and to work. Agriculture remains an extremely important industry but in many rural areas it is no longer the major employer that once it was. Changing practice and increased mechanisation have dramatically cut the number of jobs directly dependent upon agriculture although indirect dependence remains considerable and as the rural population changes, with a growing number of inhabitants with no links with agriculture, so attitudes in the countryside change. It is important for the farming community to see that those new to rural life understand that the countryside is a workplace and that efficient agriculture is essential to its health.

    On the other hand, we cannot write off the criticisms of the way that some farming techniques have affected the landscape. We know perfectly well that pollution from farming is no more acceptable than pollution from any other commercial activity and farming, like other industries, is cleaning up its act – another change to which farmers have had to adapt and have done so very well.

    An influx of population into the countryside does raise a number of crucial issues, I believe it is a healthier and happier state of affairs than the ghost villages which haunt some other countries but we must be careful. A balance needs to be struck between meeting people’s needs for homes, job, schools, shops and other services in rural areas and preserving what is best in the countryside and the record of the Government in protecting the environment is one I am proud of.

    We introduced the Wild Life and Countryside Act; we published the first comprehensive White Paper on the environment; we introduced the environmentally-sensitive areas scheme that has proved notably successful in encouraging farmers to maintain traditional less intensive farming practices but maintain the beauty of the countryside and the wealth of wild life and flora. Last year, the Government launched an experimental scheme “Countryside Stewardship” which pioneers a new approach to encourage farmers and other land managers to recreate some of our most valued landscapes and habitats and country stewardship, a traditional function through the centuries of farmers, goes beyond designated areas and includes additional incentives for the provision of new access for the public and there has, I must tell you, been an excellent initial response to this scheme with over 1200 applicants offering to provide the environmental products that are sought.

    But there is a point to be borne in mind in all this. We must not start conserving for conserving’s sake. Change can be frightening and when you are pleased with things the way they are, it can often be distasteful; sometimes it is unnecessary. But sometimes it is necessary to give more people an opportunity to enjoy what most of us want: reasonable living standards, job opportunities, good access to public services. Proposals which would affect the countryside have to be measured against this yardstick as well as against purely environmental yardsticks.

    This Government’s commitment to the countryside is based upon an appreciation of what people living in the countryside both want and need. Of course, priorities are different in different areas but many things are similar. In virtually all rural areas, you will find people looking for low-cost housing, people looking for jobs, people looking for accessible services. Government cannot wave a magic wand and resolve those overnight but we can and have taken action through carefully targeted programmes operated by the Rural Development Commission, and we have been successful in creating jobs in many rural areas.

    There are now only 3 rural development areas out of 27 with an unemployment level above the England average and the Government has also put in place two measures designed to increase the supply of affordable housing to rent and buy which are directed specifically at rural areas.

    People who live in the countryside should not feel disadvantaged by the mere fact that they are living in rural areas. That must be a fundamental of policy. Newcomers to rural areas often bring the prosperity which enables the children of local people to stay there if they wish. That is one of the side benefits of population movements. But we do not want to see a population exchange with the less well-off in rural areas being driven into cities by the absence of affordable housing and jobs in the countryside and the levers to ensure this does not happen are not all in the Government’s hands.

    Local attitudes to development expressed through the planning system have a crucial role to play. Elected politicians at all levels must give a lead. Proposals for development must not be turned down simply because that is the safer course. Those taking planning decisions locally must ask themselves what the proposed development is going to do for local job and local housing prospects. Do we really need these days to offer as much protection to farm land now that we have surpluses? What will be the consequences for jobs and housing if a particular application is turned down? If there is a problem, does it lie in the design or would the development fit better in a neighbouring site? Can constructive suggestions be made on all those points?

    Those are the questions when considering planning and other matters that must increasingly be asked if we are to ensure the greatest level of prosperity in all its aspects in our countryside in the future.

    We have rightly emphasised that the detailed siting of development is essentially something to be decided locally and this requires local communities to think responsibly about their needs as a community and the needs of their children. It means agreeing to the changes needed to provide opportunities for the young and the not-so-well-off in rural areas.

    These are all vital policy issues that we need to consider side by side for they are intrinsically linked with the future of agriculture and the future of our countryside in the decade ahead.

    Mr. Chairman, I took as my text tonight the need for change, change in agriculture and change in the countryside more generally. My Party has never set its face against change since it knows that it would be futile to do so. What we stand for is conserving what is best while accommodating new thinking and new aspirations.

    I believe that British agriculture has the resilience to adapt and to flourish in new circumstances. Does it have a future? Of course it has a future – of that I am wholly confident. That future is a future that will belong to those who study their market carefully just as it does in any other business and our rural areas have a future as well. I believe that most of you who live in the countryside hope for a future in which your children can if they want to live and work in that countryside as well and not be driven to leave that countryside and go off into the towns. Of course the jobs may change, the prospects may change, the nature of life and the rhythm of life may change just as they have done all the way through history but the key thing is surely this: to channel the enterprise which is undoubtedly attracted to rural areas and will be even more so in the years ahead in such a way that we have balanced communities offering something to people of all ages and ensuring we have a balanced population in each and every part of the rural communities of the United Kingdom.

    That, Mr. Chairman, is what I want to see. That is, I believe, what we should seek: a prosperous countryside, a thriving countryside; a countryside whose beauty will be maintained; a countryside that will cherish an agricultural industry which after the reforms to GATT and CAP will know what its future is, will have the confidence to pursue that future and will be able to look forward to a secure and a prosperous future for many years to come. That is the policy for which I will be working; that is the policy that I believe is in the interests of this country and in the interests of the whole of Europe and it is with that policy and that aspiration in mind that I ask you to rise and join me in a toast to agriculture.

    Mr. Chairman, the toast is agriculture! Agriculture! [Applause]

  • Mr Major’s New Year Message 1992 – 1 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s 1992 New Year Message, issued on Wednesday 1st January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    1992 will be General Election year. It is an Election that we must and will win. Over the last year we have wiped out our opponent’s big lead in the polls. And we have done that because of our solid record of achievement. We have:

    – Reduced inflation from some 11 per cent to about 4 per cent. Brought down interest rates eight times.

    – Led Britain with success into the ERM.

    – Committed record resources to the support of the NHS. Safeguarded child benefit against inflation for all mothers. Taken 400 measures to improve environmental protection. Replaced the Community Charge with a new Council Tax.

    This has been accomplished in the face of a world recession. I know it has been a tough year for many in business and for many families. But everyone will gain from the more stable economic position our policies have produced. I will never take short-term action that I know to be wrong, simply because it might be popular. We are now seeing the first signs of recovery, and all forecasters expect to see our economy growing again in the coming year.

    The Conservative Government has given strong leadership in Britain and outside.

    Our education reforms have won a powerful welcome from the parents of Britain. Only the Labour Party could oppose the idea for systematic inspection of all schools. Only the Left are resisting our campaign for a return to basics in the classroom. We will see this programme through under the next Conservative Government.

    Abroad, too, we have acted when and where it was needed. For me one of the most moving parts of the year was my visits to our troops in the Gulf. They did everything we asked of them – quietly, professionally, courageously. When the war against Saddam Hussein was won, they also played a crucial part in carrying through our plan to bring help to the Kurds, and to save hundreds of thousands of people from death in the mountains.

    There have also been great developments in Europe. Our Government was among the first to speak out for the forces of reform in the Soviet Union when they were threatened by a coup. And most recently we have won success for Britain in the important European Summit at Maastricht. The new Treaty followed months of patient discussion. We reached an agreement that was good for co-operation in Europe. To fight international crime and terrorism, drug trafficking and illegal immigration. To develop closer partnership in foreign policy and a greater role for Europe in defence while preserving the importance of NATO. And, on a British initiative, a crucial decision was taken to keep the European Community open to the other newly emerging European democracies. The Community was founded on the desire to bring democracy, stability and prosperity to Europe. The Maastricht Treaty has advanced that cause.

    But I was not prepared to accept an agreement on any terms, or an agreement that could have damaged our national interest. That is why we insisted on deleting from the Treaty a Social Chapter which would have put the trade unions back in the driving seat in British industry. And why did we not sign up now to a single currency. Parliament will decided on that only when it is certain whether economically or politically it will become a reality.

    Our Party has been consistent in its commitment to practical measures of cooperation in Europe. We Conservatives are not opportunists who flip from one policy to another as the opinion polls move.

    We know that it is the effort and initiative of individual people that leads to a successful economy. That is why we will continue to be the Party of low tax. We trust people with their own money. We want them to be able to save, to give them the ability to invest for the future, to start their own business if they wish, and to give their children a good start in life. We have helped many millions of people to own their own homes, to buy shares both in the company for which they work and the privatised utilities, to take out personal pensions. And we have introduced new vehicles for tax free savings.

    But I want to do more: people who have worked and saved during their lives should be able to pass on the fruits of that effort to their children – that ability is a great incentive to effort.

    I place great importance on the Citizen’s Charter programme. That is widening choice and raising standards in public service. Those services should all be properly responsive to the public’s wishes, and offer them the high quality that they need.

    The Conservative Government has already given choice in schooling through providing information, allowing open enrolment and increasing diversity of schooling. It has brought choice in training through training credits. And it has given more weight to local decisions in how the best health care can be provided and new guarantees for patients awaiting treatment.

    It is not only important that choice exists, but that everyone has the opportunity to exercise it. There must be no part of our country, no inner city area, no deprived family that does not receive first rate public services, so that they, through their effort and ability, can build fulfilled lives within the community.

    We faced great challenges last year and we surmounted them. We were able to do so because our actions were based on the enduring principles of Conservatism – sound money, strong defence, respect for the law and a belief in personal rights and responsibilities. It is on these principles that our Party has been elected for the last three General Elections. It is on these principles that we will win again.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the Soviet Union – 31 December 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the Soviet Union, made in an interview held on Tuesday 31st December 1991.


    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if the situation in the former Soviet Union was potentially dangerous].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think firstly one has to consider what Gorbachev has achieved and I think he deserves fair consideration. He has achieved I think two things: he has set the Soviet Union on the road to democracy but it is a difficult and it is a rocky road and it will take some time. And secondly what he has achieved is effectively the end of that form of socialism not just in the Soviet Union but around the whole world. Throughout the world you see it, in Latin America as well, countries that did declare themselves socialist are now looking at free markets and a different way of life. That is a very remarkable achievement.

    Against that, the future for the former Soviet Union is not going to be easy, there are going to be very great problems and it is essential that the West enters into the most comprehensive dialogue with each and every one of the new republics.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if Boris Yeltsin would be strong enough to bring about a stable new nation].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Only time will tell that, but he is a very considerable man. I think no-one who saw either at close quarters or at a distance the way he reacted during the coup could have any doubt about that. He is a man of stature, he is a man who is very concerned to make sure that Russia in particular is a success in the future and we must hope and help him to achieve the stature that will keep the Commonwealth together and enable the better relations we have had in recent years to continue.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if Mr Yeltsin understood the economic tasks ahead].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not sure that anyone in the republics understands the depths of the economic problems facing the Soviet Union. We have economic problems in the West as well, but they are frankly as nothing to the economic problems that are being faced now in the former Soviet Union and that will be there for a long time to come. No-one should imagine that suddenly putting a newer economic programme into place will be easy or that the results of it will be swift. There has been a massive loss of production, a massive decline in the old Soviet Union in recent years and it is highly likely that that will continue in the future.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked about the financial contribution the West might need to make].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think we should help the republics, I believe that is in our interests as well as I think being the humane sort of action that one would expect from the West. They do face very great difficulties. Over the past few months, largely because I have been Chairman of the Group of Seven, I have been intimately involved with the measures we have taken to put in place to help the republics in the future. There are many billion pounds worth of packages of assistance that are actually now available.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked about Mr Gorbachev comments of saying that more was needed].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Mr Gorbachev has said it is not enough but Mr Gorbachev also has acknowledged the tremendous amount that has been done both publicly and privately, some of the private letters he has written are letters I will treasure on that particular account. I have also proposed in the last few days that Russia should become full members of the IMF and the World Bank, I think that is a very important move forward. And I think it is also fair to say that this country has led the way in the provision of food aid and feed aid to animals in order to meet the short-term problems that they have, particularly in St Petersburg and in Moscow.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked whether nuclear weapons posed a danger].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I see no short-term risk there, but it is obviously a long term worry for a raft of reasons, not just who owns the nuclear weapons, but also whether some of the smaller republics might sell all or a part of their nuclear weapons armoury. And equally damaging, whether some of the nuclear scientific expertise that is in the former Soviet Union is actually purchased by Third World countries. We want to see no further proliferation of nuclear weapons and a reduction of the nuclear threshold that exists at present. So there are real worries there and that is why we are so keen to have a full and early dialogue with all the republics.

  • Mr Major’s Message to Amnesty International – 28 December 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s message to Amnesty International on 28th December 1991 to mark the charity’s 30th anniversary.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I believe Amnesty can look over its first 30 years with great pride and perhaps particularly with pride at its Nobel Peace Prize in 1977.

    Earlier this year when I went to China it was to Amnesty that I turned for a list of dissidents detained by the Chinese. As a result of those discussions some, a small number so far, but some, have now been released. I believe Amnesty can take much of the credit for that.

    So I am delighted to be here on this programme, “The Big 30”, to congratulate Amnesty on its birthday. May it have many more.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 20 December 1991

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 20th December 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Sunday Trading

    Mr. David Nicholson : To ask the Prime Minister what response he has made to the letter of 6 November from the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, the Chief Rabbi and the Moderator of the Free Church Federal Council asking him to make a public appeal to retail companies to obey the existing law on Sunday trading.

    The Prime Minister : It is not my practice to release such information. I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave to the hon. Member for Preston (Mrs. Wise) on 28 November at column 1066.

     

    New Zealand (Royal Navy Visits)

    Mr. Harris : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on his policy regarding Royal Navy visits to New Zealand.

    The Prime Minister : Following the Defence Secretary’s announcement in September that our ships would not carry tactical nuclear weapons in normal circumstances, the New Zealand Prime Minister has agreed that there is now no reason for British warships not to visit New Zealand. The timing of any possible future visit by a British ship to New Zealand remains to be decided in the light of operational needs.