Category: 1994

  • Mr Major’s Speech on the Opening of the New Security Service Building – 30 November 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the opening of the new security service building in London on 30th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I’m delighted to be here today to open Thames House.

    It’s an imposing building. A far cry from the early days of the Service. In 1909, the Service did not have squash courts or a swimming pool. Stella tells me that the swimming pool has been filled in and used for storage, but I intend to check that out on my tour.

    In 1909, MI5 had a tiny office in Victoria Street, which the head of the Secret Intelligence Service and the head of MI5 shared. And a total staff of two, one clerk and one retired police detective.

    SIS and MI5 did not share an office long. As Maurice Hankey rather quaintly put it:

    “it was found that their work had not much in common and they separated”

    Now of course you and SIS are closer together again, this time in rather grander buildings on either side of the Thames.

    Even in its early days MI5 rapidly realised the importance of technical surveillance. The first record is an application to the Treasury in 1920 for 70 shillings for the purchase of a camera. Quite a lot in those days but described as “indispensable for our work”.

    From a 70 shilling camera to the technical wizzardy we see today. From one elderly retired detective to fully professional teams of experts. From a single clerk with a manuscript diary to today’s comprehensive registry. From its dingy office to Thames House, the Service has come a long way.

    The modern Service plays a crucial role in maintaining security in Britain today. A role that is now more widely recognised thanks to greater openness.

    A role that has expanded since, two years ago, the Service took over responsibility for leading the intelligence effort against mainland terrorism.

    I would like to pay tribute today to what you have achieved against the IRA; and to the way the Service has worked with the police to bring this about. The progress that has been made towards peace owes much to what has been done, both in Northern Ireland and on the mainland, to frustrate the IRA’s efforts to achieve their aims by violence.

    I see reports of the Service’s operations. Incredible bravery. Patience and persistence. Careful analysis. Skilful technical operations. Most of it never known to the general public. But all of it hugely valuable and much appreciated by those who do know.

    The work of the Service does, of course, go very wide. International terrorism, espionage, proliferation, all of great importance. And what has been particularly impressive over recent years has been the Service’s flexibility in adapting to changing threats. Particularly of course those in the former Soviet Union.

    This has owed much to Stella Rimington’s contribution. Her job is demanding. As Sir Findlater Stewart commented in 1945:

    “The appointment of Director General is one of great responsibility, calling for unusual experience and a rare combination of qualities.

    Still very true today.

    But Sir Findlater spoiled the effect by continuing:

    “Having got the right man for the job …”

    Ah, Sir Findlater: how things have changed!

    Stella has of course played a leading role in promoting greater openness about the work of the Service. For the Director General to give the Dimbleby Lecture is a remarkable development. But it is right. For far too long the image of the Service was damaged by needless secrecy, which encouraged the fantasists to believe every lurid tale and to neglect real achievements.

    Next week another symbol of the secretive past will go: no longer will the notepaper be headed “Box 500”. Instead – and I dread to think how many committees must have laboured over this – the paper will be headed “The Security Service”.

    Today, the Service is at last housed in one building. No longer will Stella have to trek across the middle of London for her meetings with me or with the Home Secretary.

    It therefore gives me great pleasure to unveil this plaque and declare the building officially open.

  • Mr Major’s Speech to the CBI Investment Conference – 30 November 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the CBI Investment Conference on Pakistan, held on Wednesday 30th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Prime Minister, Mr Chairman, my Lords, Ladies and Gentlemen. It was a very great pleasure earlier this week to welcome the Prime Minister back to the United Kingdom that she knows so well. While we had been standing there over the last few moments, she and the President of the Board of Trade have been discussing days at Oxford, commenting upon the Cambridge members of the Cabinet – almost entirely favourably I should tell you, and clearly they have a great deal in common on those particular matters. But then we have a great deal in common with Pakistan on many matters. The Prime Minister and I met and had a discussion at the Commonwealth Conference in Limassol a year or so ago and on that occasion we discussed the prospect of having just such an occasion as this and from what I can see standing here, it looks to me as though this morning has been outstandingly successful and I am delighted that it has proved to be so.

    Of course Prime Minister, you have a huge number of friends in this country and I think it is self-evidently the case that you have a huge number of friends in this audience as well. We had the opportunity at Downing Street on Monday to discuss a very wide range of matters. There was certainly no shortage of things to talk about. Bilateral matters, trade and commercial matters of course and at some length. Regional matters and matters of joint interest across the Commonwealth of which both Britain and now thankfully, once again, Pakistan are prominent members. I found it extremely useful to have the opportunity to discuss so many issues in such depth and the Prime Minister and I, although time limited on that occasion, could undoubtedly have talked on for many hours about the matters of interest to us.

    But those talks in no sense ended at Downing Street. They sparked off a series of detailed discussions that the Prime Minister has subsequently had with other members of the Government, both as I recall from Oxford and Cambridge Colleges, over the last day or so. The Prime Minister has seen the Speaker and other leading Parliamentary figures. And discussed key aspects of the United Kingdom and Pakistani relationship with the Foreign Secretary, with the Defence Secretary, with the President of the Board of Trade, with the Minister of Overseas Development. In fact looking at your programme Prime Minister, it seems to me that thus far at least this week you have seen more of my Cabinet than I have. I shall consider in privacy whether that is desirable or not.

    When we discussed the idea in Cyprus of having this Investment Conference we decided to remit it to be taken forward and I’d like to express my thanks to the CBI for their role in this but above all my thanks to all of you for being here and turning what seemed to the Prime Minister and I to be an excellent idea into a living reality that is likely I believe, to lead to a substantial increase in trade and investment between our two countries. I strongly support the development of this relationship, strongly support the Conference that we’re having here this morning because there is beyond a shadow of doubt a very large potential to build on in our commercial and other relationships.

    Britain and Pakistan are not new friends. We’ve had a friendship. Occasionally an odd edge of friction, as is so often the case amongst even good friends in the Commonwealth, has emerged in our relationship. But it’s a lengthy relationship and it is a very deep relationship across a very wide range of issues. Even before this morning of course, before the signing of a £1 billion of new welcome business between our two countries, there was a great deal of business done between Britain and Pakistan. Our trade last year was almost entirely in balance. British exports to Pakistan went up significantly by around 8 1/2 per cent and we are the fourth largest exporter to that country and we are of course also the second largest foreign investor in Pakistan and I very much hope to see an acceleration of our investment there. I would like to see us do better and I think we can do a good deal better in this bilateral relationship. There hasn’t been a better time for British exports and British exporters, as our trade figures show, at any time in our long history and that record in overseas investment of British companies placing their confidence in overseas countries including Pakistan. Our record in external investment is truly remarkable and I think that is a very great strength for British industry and for the British future.

    The Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement which the Prime Minister and signed this morning will help to reinforce those economic links. Not create them, but reinforce them. Provide another element upon which we can build a larger and better relationship and it was, if I may say so, a particular pleasure to have the opportunity of signing it before an audience that has a great relationship already between Pakistan and the United Kingdom and an audience that represents much of the best of industry and commerce from both of our two countries. In Pakistan Prime Minister, you are in the midst of building a modern Muslim state. Easy to say. Less easy to do. It takes a great deal of political courage to undertake many of the changes that the Prime Minister is seeking to bring about in Pakistan. It is easy to set the objective. That is never a difficulty. What is more difficult is to determine how you reach that objective step by step, difficult decision by difficult decision, overcoming obstacle by obstacle and yet that is the task in which the Prime Minister and her government are engaged in Pakistan at the moment.

    Much has been done. Much that is remarkable has been done. You have introduced bold and important economic changes, restructuring, liberalisation, privatisation – I’m not sure yet whether you have privatised the Post Office, but I recommend it. A little chat with an Oxford colleague will tell you all the advantages of privatising the Post Office. Advantages that I wholeheartedly endorse and look forward to the day when they are wholeheartedly endorsed by a large number of other people as well. Some of those changes Prime Minister are inevitably painful and difficult, but they are necessary and the fact that you are seeking to bring them about, their introduction I believe is remarkably enhancing Pakistan’s image amongst overseas investors and trading partners and I think if I may say so, the evidence for my assertion is sitting in front of you, businessmen, British businessmen, a fairly hard-headed bunch in my experience. Charming of course, wise of course, the epitome of all the virtues of course but hard-headed. And yet they have formed their judgement of the changes that are being made in Pakistan and it is a favourable judgement and I believe as a result of that there has rightly, in my view, been a sea change in British companies perception of Pakistan, of their role in Pakistan and of the extent of the business and commercial relationship that can exist between our two countries. So our economic ties are growing and I think beyond a shred of doubt they will grow further. The agreements that we’ve just witnessed covering areas from hydro-electricity to tourist infrastructure testifies very eloquently to that and I hope that the Investment, Promotion and Protection Agreement will foster that growth and I hope too, that areas in which I believe Britain has unrivalled expertise could also be put to good use in Pakistan. We certainly have unrivalled expertise in all the mechanisms of privatisation and I know that is an area of great interest to Pakistan and one where I believe the United Kingdom can offer a great deal of advice and assistance as your programme rolls ahead.

    I know, Prime Minister from our discussions in Limassol and elsewhere, that you share my belief, Britain’s belief, in free trade. The United Kingdom has fought hard for free trade within the European Union. And I have to tell you from time to time we have to fight hard for free trade in the European Union. You and I Prime Minister have both argued exactly the same case concerning GATT at the Commonwealth Conference and together Britain and Pakistan, you and I, our respective Ministers, are committed to working for greater trade liberalisation around the world and I think the very strong support for the GATT/Uruguay Round by both Pakistan and the United Kingdom illustrated that very clearly.

    As we meet here on this occasion, Pakistan offers a favourable and an open environment for foreign investment. Many British companies have already recognised this. Many more in the future I am sure will come to recognise this and I am sure that today’s Conference and your very welcome visit here, will encourage many others to do so.

    So let me just conclude by saying this. That I wish you a very successful Conference, not just a successful Conference, but a Conference that plays its own part in identifying trading and investment opportunities between our two countries. There is no doubt, no doubt whatever, that those trading and investment opportunities exist. What we need to do, the Government, but above all businessmen in both countries, what they need to do is to root out and develop those opportunities and then bring them about. I’m here this morning Prime Minister and you’re here this morning because we both share the wish that that is precisely what will happen. That the trade we have seen will not just be sustained but will grow and flourish in the future. I look forward to a future Conference on another occasion with the same cast list once again assembled, but perhaps in a much larger venue with a much larger cast list, when we can report a much larger trade and investment flow between our two countries. That this will happen I have no doubt and when it does happen we may be able to look back on this occasion and on this Conference as the catalyst for bringing it about. Thank you for being here this morning.

  • Text of the 1994 Budget – 29 November 1994

    Below is the text of the 1994 Budget, held on 29th November 1994 and presented in the House of Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Kenneth Clarke.


    Budget Statement

    Mr. Deputy Speaker (Mr. Michael Morris): Before I call the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it may be for the convenience of hon. Members if I remind them that at the end of the Chancellor’s speech copies of the Budget resolutions will be available to hon. Members in the Vote Office.

    The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Kenneth Clarke): The “Financial Statement and Budget Report”, with a number of press releases filling out the details of my proposals, will be available from the Vote Office as soon as I have sat down.

    Mr. Dennis Canavan (Falkirk, West): The Chair has already said that.

    Mr. Clarke: I was making sure that I had the hon. Gentleman’s attention. I congratulate him on his alertness.

    INTRODUCTION

    I have three priorities in my Budget this year. The first priority is to keep the economy on track to achieve the great prize of sustainable growth. This recovery offers the best prospect that the British people have faced for many years to enjoy the benefits of growth that does not pass through illusory boom to painful bust. My second priority has been to use this recovery wisely to encourage the creation of more jobs, particularly for people who have been out of work for some time. We must combine greater prosperity for the majority of our people with measures to prevent the emergence of a deprived underclass, excluded from the opportunity to work and dependent on welfare.

    The third priority is to strengthen the economy in the longer term. We must aim for a modern economy in which the growth of enterprising companies will give people a greater sense of confidence in the flow of new jobs that will always be required to replace the old jobs eroded by technology and competition.

    UK Economy

    The background to this year’s Budget is the healthy growth in output that we are seeing in Britain and overseas. The recovery has been under way at a modest pace for over two and a half years. It is now stronger and output has grown by over 4 per cent. over the past year. That is easily the fastest rate of growth of any of the major European economies. The forecasts I am publishing with this Budget show the economy expected to grow by 3 per cent. next year. As the recovery has got stronger, growth has come increasingly from exports. Over the last year, British exports have grown by over 8 per cent. Investment in plant and machinery has grown by over 5 per cent. Consumer demand has increased by a more modest 2 to 3 per cent. That is a very healthy shape for this stage of the recovery and bodes well for our long-term future as a competitive industrial economy.

    Our exporters have been able to take advantage of the pick-up in growth overseas, by keeping their costs down and raising their productivity. Our producers have succeeded in improving their performance in domestic markets, so that while exports continue to rise, imports are little changed. Overall, I expect our balance of payments on current account to improve by over £6 billion this year. An improving balance of payments is remarkable for this country at a time when the economy is growing stronger. More encouragingly still, inflation has remained low.

    Underlying inflation has fallen to levels that we have not seen for a generation. Indeed, only about one third of the adult population of this country have ever experienced such low inflation during their adult life. The other two thirds are still finding it difficult to adjust to the change to a low-inflation economy. [Interruption.] They are not going to adjust back under the Labour party, either. Unemployment is on a clear downward trend, having fallen by over 450,000 since December 1992. The United Kingdom, as I have already said, is the only major economy in Europe where unemployment has fallen over the past year.

    The unemployment rate in this country is lower than the average for the European Union. And the number of people in work is rising. The “Labour Force Survey” shows an increase of 226,000 in the number of people in work in the last 12 months. That means real new jobs for people up and down the country.

    We are seeing strong output growth, strong export growth, falling unemployment, an improving balance of payments and low inflation. That combination is almost unique in this country since the war. But let us be under no illusions. Those promising conditions have to be sustained if they are to deliver higher living standards and secure jobs for men and women. And these promising conditions have arisen at all only because of the difficult decisions that the Government have been prepared to take in recent years.

    We must not now throw away the gains that have been made by turning to some short-term dash for yet faster growth. Growth will be sustained only if we keep the lid on inflation, get public borrowing down further, and push ahead with measures which strengthen the industrial economy. That is the way to convert growth into prosperity and jobs.

    That way lies the virtuous circle of improved competitiveness, rising productivity, economic growth, low inflation, and more jobs. We must not change our minds now for the sake of short-term popularity. [Interruption.] Those who bask in their short-term popularity and neglect the need for sound economic measures will live to rue the day hereafter. Only by keeping our nerve and sticking to the determined policies that we have put in place over the past couple of years will we be able to enjoy the full fruits of improved economic performance in rising prosperity and lower unemployment.

    Inflation

    Let me deal first with inflation. Low inflation creates a climate of stability which encourages savings and investment in the future of this country. Nothing would be more damaging than if we let inflation off the leash again only to have to take another dose of bitter anti-inflationary medicine. The British experience is that high inflation has brought economic recovery to a halt three times over the past 20 years. That is three times too often for my liking. And while we have succeeded in bringing inflation down to levels that were last seen when England won the World Cup, we must never take that for granted. Before that game I had lived in a low-inflation economy. After that game came Harold Wilson, in political terms.

    I live in a low-inflation economy again now and am glad to say that our inflation rate is now well below the European average. We need to keep up that performance if we are to be a competitive manufacturing nation enjoying the living standards of the best in future. I will therefore continue to set interest rates to meet our objective of keeping underlying inflation in a range of 1 to 4 per cent., and in the lower half of that range by the end of the present Parliament. That is a tough target by Britain’s recent standards, but not by those of some of our best competitors.

    To make sure that we achieve that target, I have backed good intentions and resolve with a number of important decisions over the past year that have strengthened the framework of policy. The Bank of England’s quarterly inflation report is now fully independent of the Treasury. The Governor decides the precise timing of interest rate changes. And, most importantly, I decided in the spring to publish the minutes of my meetings with the Governor. As a result, we in Britain now have one of the most open frameworks for monetary policy-making in the world. This will stand us in good stead in keeping inflation permanently low; but it will most certainly not avoid the need to take tough decisions at times.

    In September the Governor and I agreed that, with the recovery strengthening at home and prices rising abroad, there was a sufficient risk of inflation picking up here to justify raising interest rates by half a per cent. By acting before retail price inflation itself picks up, we will aim to nip inflation in the bud. I expect inflation to rise slightly over the next year, reaching a temporary plateau of around 2 per cent., as a result of higher commodity prices and stronger profit margins in our very buoyant manufacturing industries. But continuing competitive pressures will ensure that producers and retailers keep costs under control and pass on the benefit to consumers. I expect that underlying inflation should then resume its downward trend.

    Gilt Market Repos

    Before I turn to the public finances, I can announce an important further development of the gilts market. The Bank of England is publishing today a consultative document on the establishment of an open sale and repurchase – a so-called repo – market. This should improve both liquidity and efficiency, reducing yields and hence reducing the Government’s debt interest costs. Each reduction in yields of just one basis point – one hundredth of 1 per cent. – will eventually save more than £25 million a year of public expenditure.

    Public finances

    I turn now to the public finances.

    Last year, I continued the process started by my right hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Thames (Mr. Lamont). I announced measures which cut the public sector borrowing requirement by 1 per cent. of GDP by the end of this Parliament. Combined with the healthy growth in the economy that we are now enjoying, those measures have helped to bring the public sector borrowing requirement from £45 billion in 1993-94 to an expected £34 billion this year. My objective remains the same: to balance the Budget over the medium term. We remain on course to eliminate Government borrowing entirely by the end of the decade. By 1996-97 borrowing will be approximately equal to the Government’s net capital expenditure.

    About half my own cuts in public borrowing last year were achieved through cutting public spending plans. But, because of the length of the recession, my right hon. Friend and I also had to raise taxes to meet the objective of healthy public finances. Delay and failure to act would have caused, since then, intolerable additional pressures to raise interest rates faster and to raise taxation still further. We would not have had strong and sustainable recovery now if we had failed to cut spending and raise taxes last year.

    For that reason, the public spending cuts and the tax increases that I announced last year remain, of course, quite essential to the strategy of achieving economic recovery. We have restored confidence in our ability to achieve sustained recovery by the process of taking firm measures. We would damage that confidence again if we now seemed to falter, or even to go back on any of the measures that we have already put in hand.

    VAT on Fuel Compensation Package

    I am able to improve the package of help that I announced last year to cushion the effects of VAT on fuel on all pensioners and on vulnerable groups – enormous though that package was when I announced it last year. Last year I doubled public spending on the very effective home energy efficiency scheme so that, for the first time, everyone over the age of 60 became eligible for a grant. This has been a huge success. Soon over a million people will have received grants to improve the insulation of their homes, reducing their excessive heating bills and improving their comfort. That is still not enough. Therefore, on top of last year’s doubling, which will of course be carried forward each year, I am now adding another £10 million a year to the resources to fund grants. Soon British homes will at last be a match for the British weather in every part of the United Kingdom, especially for the elderly.

    Cold weather payments were set at £6 each week only two years ago. I now intend to increase them to £8.50 each week in order to reassure people that they will get help with their bills when spells of freezing weather occur.

    Furthermore, next year, 1995-96, there will be an additional £52 for single pensioners and £73 for couples built into all retirement pensions as compensation for VAT on fuel.

    From April 1996 there will be £68 extra on the single pensioner rate and £96 extra for pensioner couples. That is more than the whole of the VAT on fuel bills for a significant number of them. In addition, electricity prices have been falling for many people. Gas prices are to be raised for the first time since 1991, but this will be coupled with discounts for prompt payment which will reduce many peoples’ bills.

    The House should appreciate that, so far, including the first stage of VAT – the 8 per cent. already in payment – both gas and electricity bills have fallen by 1 per cent. in real terms over the last two years. That real-terms fall is for everybody, before taking into account the package of help for pensioners so far in payment. The full burden of the tax is, of course, only borne by people of working age who are not receiving means-tested benefits. I have made it quite clear that people of working age cannot expect tax cuts or a reverse of previously announced tax increases this year.

    PUBLIC SPENDING

    I would like to turn now to the Government’s new plans for public spending.

    Last year’s Budget set a new milestone in the control of public spending. We managed to reduce the control totals that had been set in the previous spending round, by £8 billion over three years, and we reduced general Government expenditure by £15 billion over the same period.

    That was a measure of the success of the new system of public expenditure control that we first introduced in 1992. Last year saw the first fruits of the programme of fundamental reviews of all Departments.

    The reaction to that new approach was predictable. A welcome from the Government side of the House, criticism and alarmist nonsense from the Labour party and scepticism from the so-called experts who doubted whether those plans could be delivered in practice. In fact, for the current year, 1994-95, the first year after last year’s announcement, we expect to do better than the plans that were set and we expect to underspend by more than £1 billion.

    At the start of this year’s survey, the Cabinet decided that we should also keep within last year’s planned totals for 1995-96 and 1996-97 and allow no more than 1 per cent. real growth for 1997-98. The plans I am about to announce deliver that remit. But it has not been easy. Last year’s settlement was extremely tight. I am grateful to my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary for his skilful handling of what has been a difficult spending round.

    We have been guided by four basic principles this year. First, we have taken advantage of the welcome fall in inflation since the last Budget. Thanks to lower inflation, the price levels that we will be facing in 1995-96 will be 2 per cent. lower than we expected when we decided on spending plans last year.

    We have not let that feed through into a higher level of real resources for Government Departments. We have reduced our cash plans for almost all programmes. Lower inflation needs to be matched in the public sector by lower cash spending.

    The second principle is that we have built on the increasingly important role played by private finance. All Government Departments are now looking actively at private finance options for their capital expenditure.

    Thirdly, we have focused our search for savings on administrative and running costs, cutting the back office and protecting the front-line delivery of our key public services. Our aim has been to provide a better output of public services, for fewer inputs. Fourthly, we have taken a close look at the Government’s own spending priorities. We have looked for savings on some programmes so that resources can be channelled into the services and policies to which the Government attach most importance.

    Private Finance

    The right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, East (Mr. Prescott) reacted to my mention of private finance. Privatisation and private finance for capital investment are rapidly becoming the chosen method for raising the quality of public services in the majority of countries in every continent in the world. They started in this country. Although the political debate here has been transformed since I first became a Minister, an irritating amount of post-socialist resistance still persists. The right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, East will welcome the news that, fortunately, the Government’s private finance initiative remains alive and well and is growing rapidly.

    Last year, I announced that a number of transport schemes would go ahead under the private finance initiative. Significant progress has been made – £370 million of private capital has been invested in transport projects in the past two years, with a further £760 million already committed. In addition, £3.5 billion of projects are currently out to competition and the value of contracts placed will steadily build up from a stream to a significant flow. The right hon. Gentleman does not look so cheerful.

    The private finance initiative, however, runs wider than transport. There are now more than 50 health projects either approved or completed, bringing more than £100 million of new capital into the national health service. Bids have been received for the first two privately financed prisons and more than £1 billion of information technology projects are now following or considering the private finance route.

    In higher education, universities now receive approaching a third of their revenue from the private sector and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment announced on 31 October new proposals to make it easier for local authorities to form joint ventures with the private sector.

    New projects are constantly emerging as the initiative breaks new ground. Today, I can announce that we are on course to let contracts in 1995 under the private finance initiative, leading to around £5 billion of capital investment. We said that we could do it, we introduced it and we are doing it.

    Transport

    The growing importance of private finance has helped us to find significant savings for the taxpayer in the transport programme. In recent years, there has been a huge increase in public expenditure on the trunk roads and motorway programme which has risen by one half in real terms in the past 10 years. That was essential to tackle traffic bottlenecks and to reduce costs on British industry seeking to get goods to markets at home and abroad.

    Now that the main need of the economy is control of public spending and borrowing, we cannot carry on pumping in the same amount of taxpayers’ money. We have, therefore, significantly reduced planned public spending on trunk roads and motorways. Even so, public spending on such roads – without taking account of the expected contribution from the private finance initiative – will be considerably higher in real terms than the average level of provision in the 1980s. Rapid progress with private finance of design, build, finance and operate roads will take provision still higher and the first four DBFO schemes will shortly go out to tender.

    Private finance will also now play an increasingly major role in London Underground investment. In particular, I am pleased to report that the private finance competition for the provision of a new Northern line train service has proceeded rapidly. My right honourable Friend the Secretary of State for Transport will be able to announce a decision very soon.

    That, together with future deals, should improve the quality of London Underground investment as well as its quantity. In addition to the contribution from private finance, the plans in the Budget imply total investment in the underground network next financial year of around £1 billion. The Budget also takes account of the key effects expected to arise from rail privatisation, not least the privatisation of Railtrack within the lifetime of this Parliament, as announced by my right hon Friend the Secretary of State for Transport last week.

    As has been the case with other privatisations, rail privatisation will bring benefits to passengers from more efficient management bearing down on costs and being more responsive to passenger needs.

    Running Costs

    Private finance will play an increasingly important role in financing better infrastructure for public services in coming years. I now turn to the need for firm control of the Government’s current, as opposed to their capital, spending.

    One of our key objectives this year has been to intensify the search for savings on administrative and running costs. My right hon Friend the Chief Secretary joined the Treasury team from the Ministry of Defence, where he played last year a lead role in preparing the defence costs study. That experience served him well.

    The success of the defence costs study is just one example – a very successful one – of how key programme objectives can be protected by bearing down on the administrative costs of delivering them. The outcome has been a substantial benefit for the taxpayer and for the front line.

    The defence plans in the Budget fully cover the costs of the important equipment orders that the Secretary of State for Defence announced in his statement to the House in July. Indeed, taking account of the changes in inflation since last year, these plans actually allow a slightly higher real terms level of spending than implied by the plans last Budget, accommodating the costs of military redundancies associated with the defence costs study.

    Improvements in the efficiency of delivering services is a policy that must apply throughout the public sector. The plans in this Budget reflect the results of a rigorous scrutiny of the Government’s own administrative costs. It must be right for modern government to modernise their own management structures and to get their own overhead costs down.

    As last year, we have maintained the policy that the pressure from pay and price increases should be met by greater efficiency or other economies. This has already allowed public services to achieve very reasonable pay settlements that reflect low levels of inflation and allow modest increases in real earnings. It is ridiculous to describe this long overdue and sensible practice as a pay freeze.

    But, in total, the plans in this Budget are for central Government running costs not to rise in cash terms over the four-year period from 1993-94 to 1997-98 taken as a whole. That represents a real-terms reduction in those running costs of more than 10 per cent. in the cost of government. It is consistent with the civil service White Paper expectation that total civil service staff numbers will fall significantly below 500,000 over the next four years to their lowest levels since the war.

    Local Authorities

    It is only right that local government should follow central Government and take a similarly tough approach to containing its costs. The Government’s proposals for local authorities have been set on that basis. The 1995-96 total standard spending in England will be 2.2 per cent. higher than this year, including provision for community care. That is perfectly reasonable after a year in which provision was far better than local authorities had expected or planned for because of the Government’s success in reducing inflation.

    As in central Government, local authorities will need to pursue opportunities for savings rigorously. Local authorities have substantial scope for improvements in efficiency, and for other economies. By that means, and by concentrating on their priority areas, they will be able to protect key services. The Government will use their powers to cap excessive local authority budgets should that prove necessary.

    My right hon Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment will announce the details of the local authority government settlement on Thursday.

    Housing

    We have managed to find savings in housing capital expenditure, in particular that of the Housing Corporation. The Government will comfortably exceed their election manifesto commitment on the provision of new social housing up to 1994-95. The new plans will still allow a substantial social housing programme to continue, assisted by the corporation’s success in levering in private finance.

    Employment

    Against the background of steadily falling unemployment, it has also been possible to make economies in the employment programme while still improving the quality of the programmes that are provided. A major reform of training for unemployed adults, based on payment by results, will seek to ensure that more trainees get jobs when they finish their courses.

    Social Security

    As a result of the announcements in last year’s Budget, we are already down the track of a thoroughgoing reform of the social security benefits system. We intend to ensure that it is better targeted on today’s real needs and we intend to make it simpler and less susceptible to abuse.

    Legislation to reform statutory sick pay and to introduce a new incapacity benefit was enacted in the previous Session. This Session will see the passage of the Jobseeker’s Allowance Bill and a major Pensions Bill to modernise the framework for both state and occupational provision.

    Tomorrow, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security will announce the details of the next phase of this programme of reform. I wish to mention now three of the initiatives that he will announce, from which I expect substantial public spending savings to flow.

    First, there is housing benefit. My right hon. Friend will announce tomorrow a reform of the arrangements through which the general taxpayer subsidises local authorities’ payment of housing benefit to the tenants of private landlords. The effect of this will be that authorities will not be fully reimbursed if they pay housing benefit on rents that are significantly above the average for the area and the type of property. Local authorities will, therefore, scale back the benefit they actually pay in line with the new restriction on central Government subsidy. They will, however, retain discretion and have some funding to pay the full rent in individual circumstances which they consider justify it.

    The previous arrangements meant that neither the landlord nor the tenant usually had any incentive to negotiate a lower rent because housing benefit would usually pay the rent in full – [Interruption.] This has had the inevitable effect, as seems to be acknowledged, of driving up rents and public expenditure – [Interruption.] I see that that is a welcome reform. At the moment, the social security budget sometimes pays the rent in full in cases where the rent is far above the average rent for property of that type in the neighbourhood. In future, people on housing benefit will have an incentive to make the same judgments about what they can afford as people who have to pay all their own rent. The system will no longer be a prey to the unscrupulous landlord. The reform will take effect from October 1995. Existing claimants remaining in the same property where they live now will not be affected.

    My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security will be glad to hear the encouraging response from Opposition Members – [Interruption.]

    Let me see how far I can take the Labour party down the process of social security reform. Secondly, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security will announce tomorrow further measures to limit support for mortgage interest through the income support system to constrain the cost to the taxpayer and to minimise the distortion to work incentives.

    Most people are readily able to insure their mortgage interest payments, if they wish, against periods of sickness or unemployment and many people already do so. For new mortgages taken out by people of working age after October 1995, support will not normally be available for the first nine months, although my right hon. Friend will consult on the precise arrangements, including different treatment for circumstances in which insurance might not be available. There will also be some scaling back of support for existing borrowers.

    One reason why insurance has not become more widespread is that the taxpayer has picked up the interest bill too readily in too many cases. This change will give more borrowers an incentive to ensure that the mortgage costs of people who are temporarily unable to keep up with their payments will be met by the borrowers themselves and by lenders, rather than by the taxpayer.

    Thirdly, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security will also announce a major intensification of the war against fraud in the social security system. We are already saving £700 million a year from existing efforts. The further measures on fraud, which include a major project to pay benefits in post offices by electronic means rather than by paper transactions, will, at a cost of £300 million, save another £2 billion over the next three years.

    The Government know that firm control of public spending and reduced public borrowing are essential to sustained recovery, prosperity and jobs. We will also show that strong control of public spending overall can be combined with improvements in key public services selected as Government priorities.

    Education

    The Department for Education provision will increase in real terms by almost 1 per cent. next year. The Government are intent on extending their significant achievements in education, and we have also managed to find savings in parts of the education programme. Almost one in three young people is going to university, compared with one in eight in 1979. That is a remarkable achievement. A period of consolidation to secure quality and standards is now required after a period of very rapid expansion. However, the overall package of student grants and loans will once again increase in line with inflation. There will be continued growth in student numbers in further education, again to record levels. The new plans also allow for further growth in the number of grant-maintained schools and for additional capital spending in our schools.

    Home Office

    The Government continue to attach high priority to spending on law and order. The new plans for the Home Office increase provision for the police by 3 per cent. in 1995-96. Major efficiency improvements from the Sheehy proposals will enable more police officers to be released for front-line duties. The reforms to be implemented next year will give chief constables much greater freedom to manage their own increased resources and to respond more effectively to the public’s priorities.

    Single Regeneration Budget

    As a former Minister with responsibilities for the inner cities, I am pleased to say that within the single regeneration budget we have found extra resources to support new projects in our rundown urban areas and elsewhere. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment will be providing for more projects under the current bidding round and he will be able to conduct a second round of bidding with funds starting in 1996-97. In all, there will be more than £800 million for new regeneration projects over the next three years.

    Health

    That brings me – finally, on public spending – to the Government’s plans for the health service. With inflation so much lower than expected this year than last, it would have been perfectly possible for us to reduce our previous plans for health and still to meet our manifesto commitment to real growth in resources for the national health service each year. Due to the high priority that we give to the national health service, we have decided not to claw back the unexpected provision in this way. Instead, the health service will keep the unplanned bonus that it has had this year from lower inflation. I shall spell out what that means. Next year, spending on the national health service will grow by £1.3 billion. That is 1 per cent. growth in real terms against the per cent. increase that we originally allowed for in last year’s Budget. It will come on top of a real increase of 3 per cent. this year because of the drop of inflation.

    So, in addition to the extra money from the taxpayer, the health service continues to benefit from the improvements in performance flowing from the Government’s reforms. Further improvements in efficiency are expected to release at least £600 million extra for patient care next year. All those savings, including gains from rationalising management and administration costs throughout the Department and throughout the national health service, are ploughed back into patient care. Those extra funds, on top of the extra provision that I have announced, which are achieved from savings coming from a variety of measures, have only one thing in common. All those savings – therefore all the extra funds – have so far been opposed by the Labour party.

    All this – the extra provision and the savings – means that next year we shall all benefit from an even better financed health service, which has seen real increases in spending on it by the taxpayers in every year since the Government took power. It will be delivering even better standards of patient care, with further improvements in patients charter standards, and more progress in reducing waiting times.

    HELPING PEOPLE BACK TO WORK

    At the beginning of this speech I said that the combination of healthy growth and low inflation we are now seeing is virtually unprecedented in Britain’s recent past. Few doubt the strength of the recovery. But everyone in touch with the real world knows that the benefits of recovery have yet to feed through to many people in this country. Unemployment remains far too high.

    Thanks to the labour market and trade union reforms of the 1980s, unemployment did start falling at a much earlier stage of this recovery than it had in recent previous recoveries and, unlike other European countries, we have resisted pressures to add social costs on top of wage costs for our employers.

    Unemployment will, of course, fall further as the economy recovers. But I have long believed, as my panel of independent forecasters points out and as is now widely recognised, that demand expansion on its own is not enough to produce a sufficient fall in unemployment. We have to do more to reduce unemployment in ways which are consistent with sustained growth and low inflation.

    I have been making speeches on this and giving lectures ever since I became Chancellor on the need to ensure that we do not have recovery without jobs. As well as giving speeches, I have already done something about it. In my last Budget, I did three things. I announced measures to make it harder for people who are quite capable of working to stay on benefit without looking for a job. That is at the heart of the job seeker’s allowance. I made it easier for people with children to take jobs, by introducing a child care allowance into family credit. I made it cheaper for employers to give people work, by cutting the lower rates of employers’ national insurance contributions by a full percentage point.

    In this Budget I want to do more on all three fronts. We must get people back into work and out of dependency on benefit. We must reduce – not increase – the cost to employers of employing people who have been out of work. I aim to ensure that we do not have a class of people in this country who are excluded from economic activity.

    Incentives for employers

    The first step is to encourage employers to look more favourably on people who have been out of work for some time. I can announce, therefore, a wholly new incentive to encourage employers to take on more people who have been unemployed for two years or more. In future, employers will get a full national insurance rebate for up to a year after taking on such a person. That will provide employers with an important new reason to give a second chance to someone who has been unemployed for some length of time – [Interruption.] Yes, but the Opposition were very late on the scene on which we have been working for a long time and they have got most of it wrong. I am going to announce a package which will show the Opposition how to do it. This first whole-year national insurance contribution holiday will run from April 1996. More immediately, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment intends to develop new pilots under the Workstart scheme. This offers employers a grant to recruit people who have been unemployed for over two years. There will be around 5,000 new job opportunities. Experience with existing pilots that we have been running suggests that the scheme helps to break down the prejudice which can blight the long-term unemployed.

    I know that some employers will still worry that people who have been unemployed for a long time may have lost the habit of working. We introduced the work trials scheme to counter that. It allows unemployed people to try out a new job for three weeks, without losing their benefit. They will keep their benefit entitlement. It costs employers nothing for those three weeks and it lets employers see for themselves whether the people they take on can be relied on to hold down a steady job. The record so far is impressive. A large number of people are kept on at the end of the trial period. So I propose to expand the scheme to provide 150,000 job opportunities over the next three years.

    In addition, I propose a further cut in the lower rates of employers’ national insurance contributions for every employee. From next April, they will come down by another 0.6 per cent. This will reduce the cost to employers of providing lower-paid jobs by another £230 million in 1995-96, on top of the reduction of £940 million carried through from 1994-95. It must make sense to keep on cutting the burden on employers who create jobs and in particular on those employers who provide jobs for less skilled people. The Labour party keeps wanting to go in the opposite direction by increasing the costs on employers with a minimum wage and a social chapter.

    Incentives to look for work

    I need to match these incentives to employers with measures to ensure that people get the rewards to which they are entitled when they move from unemployment into work.

    First, we need to ensure that people are kept in touch with the labour market and do not stay on benefit unnecessarily. The job seeker’s allowance will reinforce the link between claiming benefit and looking for work. It will be supported by an unprecedented range of measures to help the unemployed.

    One of our existing measures, Community Action, was due to finish next year. My right honourable Friend the Secretary of State for Employment has decided to extend the scheme in revised form. It will provide work experience and a route back to jobs for around 40,000 long-term unemployed people each year.

    We introduced Restart when I was Minister of Employment in 1986. That required people who had been on benefit for a long time to come in for an interview and advice to help to get back into work. It gave positive help to many people and got many back into work. It also revealed that some could not be bothered to come for the interview. They lost benefit.

    For young unemployed people, we have been experimenting with similar schemes called Workwise and 1-2-1. We propose to extend them nationwide.

    Helping employees with the transition to work

    But it has to be worth people’s while to take jobs. I also intend to introduce new measures to ensure that people are not deterred by genuine, short- term financial problems when they try to move from unemployment into work.

    Anyone moving from benefit into a low-paid job is likely to be better off, but it may not seem like it to the man or woman concerned. The first thing that happens when a person takes a new job is that income support disappears, and with it all help with the cost of housing and their council tax. In due course, the person in the new job may be entitled to family credit and housing benefit. But at the moment it can be hard to find out how much that will be, or when it will come.

    In the meantime, the person concerned has all the expenses of getting to work – buying clothes or tools, travelling to work, and so on. Time and time again, I have had people tell me that this is a major deterrent to taking a job and that they really cannot afford to take a job because of these gaps in the system. I have a number of measures to help.

    I propose to speed up the payment of family credit, so that anyone who takes a job can be sure of getting the benefit to which they are entitled, and getting it quickly.

    I propose to enable people who take a job to go on getting the same help with their rent and council tax as they had on income support, for their first four weeks in the new job. I propose to speed up the payment thereafter of housing benefit, so they can be quite sure where they stand at the end of the four weeks.

    I propose to exempt from tax the back-to-work bonus which my right honourable Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security announced in October. That will give people who have been unemployed, but have managed to do a bit of part-time work while receiving their benefit, a lump sum when they leave benefit and take a job. I also propose to expand the number of grants available to people who take jobs, to cover their start-up costs. These are known as jobfinder’s grants. I propose to make available around 25,000 grants of an average of £200 for those who have been unemployed for more than two years.

    Family Credit

    Family credit has been an important and effective way of encouraging lone parents and couples with children to take employment. By providing top-up benefit for those in work it makes it worth while to give up unemployment and benefit dependency. At the moment it helps half a million people. Last year, I improved family credit by announcing the new child care allowance which was introduced in October.

    I now intend to give low-paid and unemployed people with families an incentive to take full-time work. The existing structure of family credit strongly favours part-time rather than full-time working. But the majority of the people who have been unemployed long term are people who need to find full-time work.

    I therefore intend to introduce a £10 a week premium for full-time workers on family credit to give a new incentive to take full-time work rather than stay on benefit. This will also give a substantial boost to the incomes of 345,000 low-paid families with children.

    But childless couples and single people account for two thirds of the long-term unemployed. These people, of course, cannot, at present, claim family credit. I would like to examine whether introducing a new in-work benefit for childless people would be effective. This is obviously a very big step and I have agreed with my right honourable Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security that we should try it out on an experimental basis. We intend to test run a new benefit through a pilot scheme covering 20,000 people. If the pilot shows that the benefit helps to get childless couples and single people back into work we will then consider introducing a national scheme.

    I have also been impressed by an imaginative scheme pioneered by the training and enterprise council in Lincolnshire. This helps people build up full-time work by parcelling together a number of part-time jobs. The scheme is known in Lincolnshire as Jobmatch. I propose to extend it to help up to 3,000 people a year.

    Overall, these measures constitute an extremely important and carefully thought-out package of support for unemployed people. It is no longer credible for some people to campaign for reductions in long-term unemployment and to reduce benefit dependency without having effective policies to deal with it. [Hon. Members:– “When?] It comes into effect steadily from this Budget. The details will be announced by my right hon. Friends the Secretaries of State for Employment and for Social Security. There will be a social security statement, in the usual way.

    The days of priming the pump to cut unemployment are long since past. The Government are building reforms on reforms to remove at last the distortions and anomalies from the benefit system which discourage so many unemployed people from taking jobs.

    This package aims to lift people from dependency into work and to smooth the transition from out-of-work benefits to modest in-work benefits. The measures will work because they are carefully put together and they are affordable and because they are being introduced at a time of strong economic recovery based on our sound economic policies so that more jobs are becoming available. They are a set of effective policies to tackle the big problem of structural unemployment which faces the whole western world, and I believe that we are ahead of other countries in tackling it. I am sure that they will eventually gain widespread support – even from those who have no practicable ideas of their own. [Interruption.] Opposition Members – I hear from their interruptions – still do not understand. If we look to the minimum wage, if we look to the social chapter, if we load costs on those employers who might otherwise create low-paid jobs, we will make matters worse. We are giving incentives to create jobs and making the transition from unemployment to work easier. We started work before the Borrie commission. We have come up with better recommendations and the Borrie commission and the Labour party have a long way to go before they even understand how the system works.

    TAX

    Let me turn now to my proposals for taxation. Happily, in this year’s Budget, I have no need to raise revenue overall in order to secure the public finances. The action in last year’s Budget, combined with a firm approach to public spending, will see to that. Nor – as I have already made clear publicly – are significant tax cuts justified this year. But I do have a number of proposals to ensure that we raise the necessary revenue in ways which do least damage to the economy while helping vulnerable groups.

    Anti-avoidance

    I am delighted that there now appears to be a wide political consensus in the House on the need to close loopholes and to prevent the artificial avoidance of taxation. There is, I have to say, in some quarters a tendency to exaggerate the extent of tax avoidance by including proposals, as the hon. Member for Dunfermline, East (Mr. Brown) always does, that would actually impose extra taxes on legitimate business under the guise of a crackdown on so-called loopholes.

    I have said before and demonstrated before that we are no friends to the tax avoidance industry. Last year, I announced a number of measures to close genuine loopholes, raising £2 billion over three years.

    This year, I intend to go further by tackling the artificial avoidance of VAT on property transactions and share issues, by stopping the purchase of companies simply to make use of their surplus management expenses and by preventing tax avoidance through operations with discounted securities.

    In total, the anti-avoidance measures in this Budget will yield an additional £1.5 billion in the next three years. We will continue to close down genuine loopholes wherever we may find them.

    Vehicle Excise Duties and VAT on cars

    I have some major proposals on vehicle excise duty this year. Few things annoy honest motorists more than knowing that many people still drive without a tax disc and waste the time of police and the authorities in trying to track them down.

    Earlier this year my right hon. Friend the former Secretary of State for Transport announced that the Government intended to move to continuous licensing. That means licensing on possession rather than use of a vehicle. We will be issuing a consultation paper setting out how we intend to do this. The move is designed to combat evasion and help fight crime by enabling the police accurately to check the ownership of vehicles.

    I can, however, reassure the House that we will not seek to disadvantage those motorists, including classic car owners, who do not pay vehicle excise duty now because their cars are genuinely off the road.

    I also intend to bring up to date the system of concessions and exemptions from vehicle excise duty. The existing highly complex arrangements go back, in some cases, to before the second world war and have little relevance to the modern world.

    The number of different concessionary classes will be reduced from 132 to nine, a simplified and sensible handful. This will come into effect from 1 July 1995 and will yield about £30 million a year.

    But the House will be pleased to hear that special treatment will still apply to cars for disabled drivers and emergency vehicles. Moreover, I have also decided that accessories for the disabled fitted in company cars will no longer be taxed as a benefit-in-kind from next April.

    I propose to increase the rate of vehicle excise duty for cars – the tax disc – by £5, to £135. But to avoid adding to industry’s costs, lorry duty rates will again remain unchanged.

    I propose to introduce a significant change to one part of VAT relating to cars. Since 1992 taxi and car hire firms, unlike most businesses, have been able to recover the VAT on their cars. In response to industry’s concerns about market distortion, I propose to extend this to cars bought by any business wholly for business use. This will mainly affect leased cars, with consequential changes to their VAT treatment when sold or leased on. The change should be revenue neutral in the long run, but will cost £140 million in the first year.

    Fuel Duties

    In my last Budget, I announced that road fuel duties would increase on average by at least 5 per cent. in real terms in future Budgets. This year, I intend to stick to that commitment. It is an essential part of the plans that I set out last year to deliver healthy public finances as quickly as possible and it forms an important part of the Government’s strategy to return carbon dioxide emissions to their 1990 level in the year 2000. From 6pm tonight petrol taxes will therefore go up by 2p a litre for both leaded and unleaded petrol, taking into account the effect of VAT.

    In recent years there has been a small differential between the duty on diesel and the duty on unleaded petrol. The differential is becoming difficult to justify in economic, health or environmental terms. I therefore propose to tax diesel at the same rate as unleaded petrol. This means an increase of about 3p a litre on diesel. I also propose to increase the duty on gas oil and fuel oil by p a litre, which will raise £70 million a year. I propose, however, to freeze the duty on road fuel gases.

    Tobacco

    I turn next to duties on tobacco. The Government are committed to reducing smoking. I continue to believe that higher tax is the most effective and fair means of doing so.

    Last year I said that I intended to increase tobacco duties by at least 3 per cent. in real terms on average a year. I intend to stick to that commitment today.

    Tax on cigarettes will therefore increase by 10p on a packet of 20 from 6 o’clock tonight. Duty on other tobacco products will go up by a similar proportion.

    Alcohol

    The single European market has brought real benefits to British industry, through an expanded market for business, increased competition, reduced bureaucracy at frontiers and cheaper transport costs. These have all greatly benefited our consumers. But one of the most widely publicised other effects of the single market has been the increase in legitimate cross-border shopping in alcohol and tobacco, and in smuggling.

    Both of these have inevitably meant some loss of duty to the Exchequer, pressures on the British drinks industry and some damage to British business. No Chancellor can remain unmoved in the face of this, but nor can any Chancellor simply adopt popular measures to cut taxes on alcohol which would threaten the Revenue and require taxes on other goods to be raised.

    In the longer term, the solution is for the Government to work with our European partners to bring duties more in line. The forthcoming review of Europe-wide minimum excise duties gives us the opportunity to make a start on that. This year, pending that, I have once again listened to the concerns of the industries. I propose no increase in the duties on beer, table wine and spirits. This will mean that the proportion of the cost of an alcoholic drink represented by tax in this country will continue to fall. Ten years ago 37 per cent. of the price of a pint of beer was tax. Today it is only 30 per cent.

    Betting and gaming duties

    The Government also intend to modernise and deregulate betting and gaming. This process is, in my opinion, welcome and much overdue. The coverage of taxation must also keep up to date with the modern world. I therefore propose to widen the coverage of gaming machine licence duty to cover amusement machines such as arcade video games. It is anomalous that we should tax amusement machines with prizes, but not those without. I am sure that this measure will be welcomed by many parents, although perhaps not by all children.

    Gaming machine licence duty has been increased only once since 1987. I propose to restore its real value to the 1987 level, but at the same time to allow payment by instalments. Those measures will raise about £60 million in a full year.

    In 1991, my right hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Thames announced a reduction in pools betting duty of 2 per cent. Since then, this has helped to fund the Foundation for Sport and the Arts. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for National Heritage and I have now reviewed the reduction. We have agreed that it should continue for a further five years, provided that the pools companies also continue to fund sport and the arts at their present level. [Hon. Members:– “Hear, hear.”] Many of my hon. Friends appreciate, as I do, that the foundation continues to support a number of worthwhile projects to encourage participation in sport and the arts. I am delighted that the pools companies have generously reaffirmed their commitment.

    Business taxes

    A strong and thriving business community is the only way to ensure a strong and thriving economy. The Government have a record of achievement in developing the tax system in ways which improve competitiveness, sharpen incentives, simplify administration and encourage the small and medium-sized businesses which are so important to the future development of the economy.

    I should like to announce a package of measures today which will add further to the strength of British industry. Decisions on many of the measures that I shall be announcing today have been informed by the industrial finance initiative undertaken last year by my hon. Friend the Minister of State, Treasury and my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary and his predecessor.

    Corporation tax and capital allowances

    First, I should like to say a few words about corporation tax and capital allowances. We have one of the lowest corporation tax rates in the industrialised world. Low tax rates are good for incentives. They mean that businesses can keep more of their profits to use as they, the businesses, want. Since 1984 we have cut the main corporation tax rate from 52 per cent. to 33 per cent., while scaling back capital allowances to a level broadly matching commercial depreciation.

    I have considered again all the calls for increased allowances to encourage investment. They have a simplistic appeal. But I remain firmly of the opinion that increasing capital allowances would distort investment decisions and would not encourage the high-quality investment needed to improve economic performance. A narrower tax base would jeopardise our ability to maintain the low tax rates which have helped to transform British industry over the last decade. The change from high capital allowances to low rates of corporation tax has been very successful. I propose to maintain that emphasis on low rates for the successful rather than high allowances for all in our system of business taxes. I also have no changes to announce on the rate of advance corporation tax or the value of the tax credit on dividends.

    Business rates

    I would now like to deal with business rates. We are about to implement the first five-yearly review of valuations of properties for rating purposes. Without those five-yearly reviews the rate base would become hopelessly out of date. The property market has changed a lot over the past five years with wide regional variations. [Hon. Members:– “It has gone down.”]

    As a result of the review, many properties in the south of England will begin to see reductions in their rates bills. Some businesses in the midlands, the north, Scotland and Wales will benefit as well, but others will discover that up-to-date valuations will raise their liability.

    I am glad to say that I will be able to continue to find resources to help businesses through this new transition period in the same way as we have been helping business through the transition from the last revaluation. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment and my right hon. Friends the Secretaries of State for Scotland and for Wales will announce details of the scheme later today.

    But I can tell the House now that increases in bills will be limited to 10 per cent. in any one year for large properties, once adjusted for inflation. Small business properties account for three quarters of those receiving protection.

    We have decided to limit real increases for such properties to 7 per cent. This protection will in part be financed by limiting real reductions in rates bills for large properties to 5 per cent. and for small properties to 10 per cent.

    But the revenue from limiting gains is not enough to help those businesses which find themselves worse off as a result of more up-to-date valuations. I have therefore decided to provide assistance of £605 million next year to finance the transitional relief. That is similar to the amount that we are spending on the former transitional relief scheme this year.

    ECGD

    I laid stress at the beginning of my speech on our improved export performance. We need to build on this and not become complacent. Strong export growth will be essential if healthy recovery is to be sustained.

    My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade and I have taken a closer look at the services provided by the Export Credits Guarantee Department. We have agreed that a reduction in premiums of around 10 per cent. on average is possible while still protecting taxpayers’ interests. This will improve our competitiveness, building on the premium reductions in the past two years.

    Furthermore, we have agreed to increase the amount of ECGD cover available to many important developing markets by £300 million for 1997-98. Those measures will provide an added incentive for British exporters to play an even greater role in the most successful and rapidly growing economies in the world.

    Landfill tax

    As I said earlier, one of my main objectives for the tax system is that it should raise revenue in ways which do the least possible damage to the economy. In some cases, taxes do some good, by helping markets work better and by discouraging harmful or wasteful activities.

    Taxes can play an important role in protecting the environment. One major problem is the disposal of waste. I would like to make an announcement today to help tackle the problem.

    My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment and I will issue shortly a consultation paper setting out details of a new tax to be collected by Customs and Excise on waste disposed in landfill. We propose that a new landfill tax should come into effect in 1996. It should raise several hundred million pounds a year. But I am determined not to impose additional costs on business overall. I shall therefore be looking at ways to offset the impact of the new tax by making further compensatory reductions in the level of employer national insurance contributions when the new tax is introduced. In brief, I want to raise tax on polluters to make further cuts in the tax on jobs.

    Small Businesses

    I have more measures to help small businesses in particular. The need to focus on smaller firms with growth potential has been an extremely important theme of the industrial finance initiative. It is absolutely essential that we have a healthy and vigorous small firms sector for the future economic well-being of the country and to achieve higher levels of employment.

    One important way in which we can help small businesses is by encouraging the venture capital industry. A flourishing venture capital industry plays a key role in promoting job creation, innovation and growth. The British venture capital industry has been growing in recent years and I am determined that that growth should continue. In my Budget last year, I announced the introduction of the enterprise investment scheme and I announced consultation on a possible new venture capital trust scheme and an extension of capital gains tax reinvestment relief. All three measures were aimed at encouraging equity investment in small companies. I want to build on them today.

    Enterprise Investment Scheme

    The new enterprise investment scheme is now in place, offering tax relief for investment in unquoted trading companies. Over 40 per cent. of the schemes set up so far involve so-called business angels, who want to invest their expertise, as well as their money, in a small, growing business.

    That is a good start, but the scheme has some complex rules and I have decided to simplify them. I am also extending capital gains tax reinvestment relief to the enterprise investment scheme, which should increase greatly its attractiveness.

    Venture Capital Trusts

    I have consulted widely on venture capital trusts and the response has been very positive. I have accepted suggestions for change on some details and I propose to implement the scheme in full. I want to go further by making investment in risk capital even more attractive than I originally contemplated when I announced the consultation period. Investment up to £100,000 a year in new shares in a venture capital trust will offer 20 per cent. up-front income tax relief and capital gains tax reinvestment relief, in addition to tax-free dividends and capital gains. I believe that venture capital trusts will make a successful contribution to filling a gap in our enterprise economy by encouraging more people to become venture capitalists.

    The cost of the new scheme is expected to be £150 million next year, rising to £290 million in 1996-97. Of course, those costs have to be based on an estimate of the take-up, but we expect considerable take-up. It could mean that funds of £2 billion might be raised over the next three years, providing much more investment where it is most needed in our small, growing, technologically advanced and innovative companies.

    My proposals go significantly beyond what I first set out 12 months ago. They now put in place an effective and imaginative set of measures aimed at generating equity investment in dynamic, innovative growing businesses. They should be widely welcomed by everyone who understands how a modern free market economy works and how new jobs are created in the modern world. Unlike some hon Members, I do not describe tax reliefs of this kind to stimulate investment in business and enterprise as tax loopholes, which they are usually identified as by the Opposition.

    Insolvency reform

    During the recent recession businesses, particularly small businesses, were too often being closed down by their creditors and jobs lost before rescue options had been properly explored. Following consultation, my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade will shortly issue a paper setting out the Government’s main conclusions on company rescue procedures in future.

    To give management more time to reorder their affairs, we will introduce a 28-day moratorium binding upon all parties. This will give companies a breathing space to assess rescue prospects and come to an arrangement with creditors. We are also consulting further on a mechanism to help substitute equity for debt of firms in administration or receivership. I hope that those measures will contribute further to the creation of a rescue culture, discouraging the needless and wasteful liquidation of businesses that could become sound.

    Loan guarantee scheme

    The impact of the 1993 changes to the loan guarantee scheme has been encouraging, but its rules are still quite rightly being criticised as too complex. Together with my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade, I intend to review those rules with a view to making the scheme simpler and more attractive.

    Lifting burdens on business

    The tax system not only imposes a financial burden on business that pay tax, but a regulatory burden and an overhead cost as well. I want to reduce those burdens on businesses. Simply running PAYE and national insurance contributions is difficult for many small businesses. From next April, I propose to increase by more than 30 per cent. the threshold for businesses to make quarterly rather than monthly payments to the Inland Revenue.

    That will benefit around 100,000 employers at a one-off one-year cost of £75 million. That means that nearly two thirds of all employers in the country will now be able to make quarterly payments on their PAYE. I also propose to consult on a move towards annual VAT payments for small traders and to further simplification of VAT accounting.

    Furthermore, I intend to improve the administration of the tax system by encouraging closer working between the two revenue departments, the Inland Revenue and Customs and Excise, as well as closer co-operation between the Inland Revenue and the Contributions Agency. This will all be directed at improving the service offered to businesses seeking to comply with their tax obligations.

    I would also like to make some progress towards closer alignment of tax and national insurance. From next April, clearances given by the Inland Revenue concerning non-taxable expenses will also count for national insurance purposes. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security will give details of this and other measures in his statement tomorrow.

    I also intend to raise the registration threshold for VAT to £46,000 tomorrow in line with inflation. This will help a number of the smallest businesses.

    Finally, I turn to self-assessment. I am publishing today for consultation some details of the remaining legislation for self-assessment. The Inland Revenue has been consulting widely on the changes. The response has been positive and it is a worthwhile reform for which to aim. My right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary and I intend to go ahead with our proposals and aim to keep any burden placed on employers as low as possible.

    Taken together, this latest extensive package of tax reliefs and deregulatory measures provide a substantial package of support for the business community. They aim to strengthen British businesses not by intervention, but by easing cashflow problems, cutting back red tape and providing targeted help for small businesses. That is how we maintain our improved business performance, help to sustain the recovery and help to create more jobs.

    SAVINGS

    Higher savings also have an important role to play in helping sustain growth, by providing additional resources for investment.- [Interruption.] I must tell the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) that the Budget contains extremely serious proposals to help small businesses, to cut unemployment and to produce all the real improvements in the economy that the people of this country want. I have already announced measures to encourage savings into unquoted companies. There are two further measures I would like to announce today.

    PEPS and corporate bonds

    Personal equity plans have been very successful since their introduction in 1986. Over £15 billion has been invested in over 4 million plans to date. They have widened share ownership and played an important role in providing finance to industry. I want to take that success further and in particular to widen the type of finance available to industry through PEPs.

    I propose that, from next year, people will be able to invest through PEPs in a range of corporate bonds, convertibles and preference shares, and not simply equities. This change is expected to cost £10 million in 1995-96 rising to £40 million in 1997-98.

    TESSAs

    When my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister introduced tax exempt special savings accounts – or TESSAs, as they came to be called – it was understood that tax-free interest would be allowed to build up over a five-year period. For some of those accounts, the five-year period will soon be coming to an end.

    I have had to consider whether this tax exemption for savings should be extended. TESSAs have been very popular, allowing many people to catch the savings habit and build a nest egg for their future. Over 4 million people have invested over £20 billion since they were first introduced.

    Given their success and popularity, I have decided that all or part of the capital accumulated in a TESSA at maturity can be reinvested straight away in a new TESSA. Anyone who wants to continue to save tax-free will therefore be able to do so up to an overall limit of £9,000. This measure will cost £150 million in 1996-97.

    Income tax

    Finally, I turn from taxation to income tax.

    The lower, basic and higher rates of income tax will remain unchanged in 1995-96. However, we can at last begin to benefit from our steady return to healthy public finances. This means that I can fully index the personal allowance, the threshold for higher rate tax, and the income limit for the age-related allowance.

    I have been able to provide some additional help in two important areas. First, I want to do a little bit more for pensioners. I propose to increase the age-related personal allowance by more than indexation. The allowances for everyone aged 65 and over will be increased by £430. Nearly 3 million pensioners will gain from this, at a cost of £200 million in a full year.

    Secondly, I also propose to widen the 20p lower band to £3,200. That increase is twice the amount necessary for indexation for inflation. One in five of all taxpayers will now only pay tax at the lowest rate of 20p.

    The tax measures that I am announcing in this Budget – all the tax measures that I have described – reduce revenue by £1 billion in 1995-96, but that is because I have had to provide £605 million, as I have said, for the transitional relief for business rate payers. I have said many times that I would like to go further and that I will in due course go further. Conservative Members are tax cutters by instinct. But I have also made it clear over and over again that tax cuts can come only when we can afford them and when it is in the interests of our industrial economy that we should make them. That means two things. We have to continue to improve further our long-term economic performance. That is why in my Budget today I have introduced numerous measures – boring the hon. Member for Bolsover – to strengthen the economy and make sure that recovery is sustained and that we become a powerful manufacturing and industrial economy. The second requirement is firm control of public spending.

    PUBLIC SPENDING AGGREGATES

    All my efforts to help businesses and help the unemployed will be to no avail if I did not keep a firm grip on public spending. I have already dealt with spending by each Department. But I have not yet described what will happen to public spending overall as a result of our decisions. Last year’s spending round delivered substantial cuts in overall public spending. This year’s has not been easy because of that.

    Public spending control is not only about controlling costs. It is about choice of priorities. That is the language of politics. Within this year’s settlement, my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary and I have succeeded in producing real increases in resources for priority programmes such as the national health service and the police service. We have also managed to protect the delivery of public services generally by focusing our search for savings on administrative costs.

    We have avoided our tight settlement last year being turned into a wasteful one by ensuring that success in lowering inflation does not simply increase the volume of spending on programmes.

    I am glad to tell the House that that approach has allowed us to make overall savings which are even greater than those achieved last year.

    Last year, we managed to reduce the control total by £8 billion over the three years. This year we have done a bit better – not 10, not 15, not 20, but another £24 billion off the control total over the next three years on top of last year’s reductions.

    Last year we reduced public spending plans so as to reduce general Government expenditure by £15 billion over a three-year period. This year, on top of last year’s reductions, we will reduce general Government expenditure by £28 billion. That is a total reduction in Government expenditure over the four years covered by my two Budgets of £43 billion.

    Those savings have allowed me to reduce my projection for the public sector borrowing requirement. Taking into account the tax and public spending measures, I now expect to be able to reduce borrowing from £30 billion to £21 billion in 1995-96, from the previously forecast £21 billion to £13 billion in 1996-97, and from £12 billion to £5 billion the year after that. This reduced borrowing should provide an added stimulus to business confidence, strengthen the recovery further and give us the healthy public finances that we need to put our economy and our economic policy on course.

    CONCLUSION

    This Budget keeps Britain firmly on track for real economic growth that can last. This Budget concentrates on strengthening British businesses. This Budget will help to create more jobs. And it will lay the foundations for sustained rises in prosperity. I commend it to the House.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 29 November 1994

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 29th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    State Property Inventories

    Mr. Redmond: To ask the Prime Minister if he will give the dates on which state property inventories have been checked since 1980.

    The Prime Minister: Departments are responsible for maintaining records of property which they hold for their specialised or operational use. Property Holdings maintains a record for the common user office estate. No central record is kept and the information requested could be obtained only at disproportionate cost.

     

    Lockerbie

    Mr. Dalyell: To ask the Prime Minister what evidence he has to support the public statement of Mrs. Stella Rimmington that MI5 had assisted in the tracking down and issue of warrants for the culprits of the Lockerbie crime; and if he will place in the Library the report of the conduct and knowledge of MI5 about terrorist threats against airliners in October to December 1988.

    The Prime Minister: The greater part of the Security Service’s efforts is directed to countering terrorism.

    As I made clear in reply to my hon. Friend, the Member for Ravensbourne (Sir J. Hunt), on 14 July Official Report, column 712, it remains the Government’s policy not to provide information on the operations of the security and intelligence agencies. I have, therefore, nothing further to add to what the Director-General has already said.

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Harry Greenway: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    Sir Peter Tapsell: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

     

    Zoological Society

    Mr. Alex Carlile: To ask the Prime Minister what assessment he has made of the conduct of the council of the Zoological Society of London in respect of its adherence to its constitution and its performance of its objectives; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister: The Zoological Society of London is an autonomous body operating under a royal charter. Ensuring adherence to the charter is not a matter for the Government.

     

    Government

    Mr. Kaufman: To ask the Prime Minister how many members there are of his Administration, including Whips, (a) in the House of Commons, (b) in the House of Lords, (c) in neither and (d) in total; and if he will provide comparable figures for November 1989, November 1984 and May 1979.

    The Prime Minister: This is a matter of public record. The information requested can be obtained from the Library of the House.

     

    Ministers

    Mr. Tony Banks: To ask the Prime Minister what was the number of Ministers in Her Majesty’s Government in each year since 1979.

    The Prime Minister: This is a matter of public record. The information requested can be obtained from the Library of the House.

  • PMQT – 29 November 1994

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 29th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mrs. Maddock: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major): This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mrs. Maddock: Can the Prime Minister tell us whether his Government will treat any vote on reducing VAT on domestic fuel as an issue of confidence–yes or no?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Lady knows that VAT on fuel has been approved by the House on several occasions–I think from memory on four occasions. It was introduced two Budgets ago, and clearly it would be a very important vote if a fresh vote were manufactured on the issue. But it does not fall into the same category as the European Communities (Finance) Bill.

     

    Q2. Mrs. Gillan: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mrs. Gillan: Did my right hon. Friend have the opportunity to listen to the interview yesterday with the chairman of Rentokil– [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker: Order. [Interruption.] Order. The House must come to order. [Interruption.] Order. This is using very valuable time.

    Mrs. Gillan: The Opposition find one of the most successful businesses in the UK amusing. The company was awarded a most respected award in a Management Today survey last week. The chairman of Rentokil said that, in his experience, our low inflation, low costs and record exports were unprecedented. Is that not the real story and the background to today’s Budget statement?

    The Prime Minister: There is no doubt that business men and business women around the country recognise that we have the best combination of economic circumstances for many years, and my hon. Friend is quite right to say that that is the background to the Budget. There is no doubt that my right hon. and learned Friend the Chancellor will sketch out further details shortly.

    Mr. Blair: Is it true, as some Back Benchers were saying this morning, that in exchange for their support last night they were offered by Ministers a referendum on further European integration?

    The Prime Minister: I made clear my views on that to the House in May, and my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary echoed those views only last Friday. They have not changed.

    Miss Emma Nicholson: In his busy day, has the Prime Minister noted the visit of the Speaker of the National Assembly of Kuwait, and his colleagues? Would my right hon. Friend now like to endorse the integrity of Kuwait’s sovereign border and the need to keep Kuwait alone, intact and in power as a state?

    The Prime Minister: I am happy to do as my hon. Friend asks, and I think that that would be the overwhelming view of every hon. Member. Recently, when it seemed as though–yet again–the integrity of Kuwait’s border was threatened, British troops and aircraft were there to defend it. That would of course be the position were that to happen again.

     

    Q3. Mr. Byers: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Byers: Will the Prime Minister confirm that last year his Government spent £355 million on management consultants? Is he aware that such a sum of money would have paid every pensioners’ bill for VAT on fuel? Does the Prime Minister not feel that the time has come for his Government to get their priorities right and to put the needs of pensioners before the profits of City consultants?

    The Prime Minister: As the hon. Gentleman knows, substantial sums of money have been made available to assist pensioners with their value added tax on fuel bills. Very large sums have been made available and there is no relationship between that expenditure and expenditure on management consultants to help improve the efficiency of the Government, to release resources, to keep taxes down and to help ensure that there is money available to assist pensioners and others.

    Sir Roger Moate: Does my right hon. Friend share the widespread disappointment that Norway will now not be alongside us in our battle against a federal Europe and a single currency? In view of the immensely strong ties that exist between our two nations, will he and the Government do their utmost to ensure the continuation of the European economic area, which is such a beneficial arrangement for Norway and the whole of Europe?

    The Prime Minister: I am extremely sorry that the Norwegian people decided not to join, but of course we respect their decision in that. Norway would have been a net contributor to the European Union, and on many issues, but perhaps not all, it would have been a valuable ally for the British point of view in Europe. I am, however, delighted that Austria and the other EFTA states have decided to join.

     

    Q4. Ms Hodge: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Lady to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Ms Hodge: Now that he leads a minority Government, will the Prime Minister break the habit of a lifetime, stick to at least one of his election pledges and scrap the proposed rise in VAT on fuel?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Lady will have heard me say just a few moments ago that the House had debated that matter on four separate occasions.

    Mr. Clappison: Is my right hon. Friend aware that in my constituency alone hundreds of children from less well-off families benefit from the assisted places scheme? Is it not a shame that the Labour party wants to deprive children of that opportunity, especially when some in its leadership have had the benefit of a similar opportunity?

    The Prime Minister: I entirely agree with my hon. Friend about the assisted places scheme. The whole purpose of that scheme and, indeed, of the education reforms generally, is to give children opportunities that otherwise they would not have had. I regret very much that many of those opportunities seem to attract the opposition of the Labour party. One of the more distasteful sides of politics is seeing those who have climbed up the ladder of opportunity kicking it away from other people.

     

    Q5. Mr. Rendel: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Rendel: What moral difference does the Prime Minister see between what we all agree is wrong–Members of this House accepting payment to ask questions–and a party which accepts payment from the tobacco industry in return for vetoing a ban on tobacco advertising?

    The Prime Minister: There is no relationship between the two facts.

    Sir Jim Spicer: My right hon. Friend will remember the speech that he gave last Thursday at the staff college at Camberley. We know how well the students there received that speech. In it, he referred specifically to Bosnia and said that we could not impose peace on those who did not wish to accept it. He said that if we tried to do so we would leave many hundreds of thousands of troops on the ground. Will the Prime Minister give us all an assurance that those troops–British, French, Dutch and all the others who have served in Bosnia–will be our first priority and that, if need be, he will make sure that they come out of that mess safely?

    The Prime Minister: Let me say to my hon. Friend that I reject totally some of the lurid and misplaced criticism of the United Nations protection forces that have been made in some American newspapers in the past few days. The protection forces in Bosnia are not a combat force; they were never intended to be a combat force; they are not equipped there to be combat force. They are there on a humanitarian mission, and that mission has saved the life of hundreds of thousands of Bosnians.

    I very much wish UNPROFOR to continue its humanitarian work, as long as it can do its job without there being unacceptable risks to the United Nations troops that are there. However, I have to say to the House that if the parties to the conflict make the humanitarian task of UNPROFOR impossible, if they intensify the war rather than seek a peaceful settlement, they could create the conditions in which the United Nations would have no choice but to withdraw. I do not wish that to happen, but I have to say to the House that that could happen.

     

    Q6. Mr. Simon Hughes: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Hughes: When the Prime Minister was first elected four years ago, he set himself the aim of creating a nation at ease with itself. In the light of last night, at which of the following does he think he has been more successful–creating a nation at ease with itself or creating a party at ease with itself? [Interruption.]

    The Prime Minister: I am grateful to hon. Members on the Labour Benches for suggestions as to how I should reply to the question from an hon. Member on the Liberal Benches. Given the fact that one can find a different Liberal policy from each Liberal to the next, and a different Liberal policy from each door to the next, each street to the next and each constituency to the next, I think that the hon. Gentleman should look at his own party before he criticises mine.

    Mr. Ashby: Is my right hon. Friend aware that in a recent survey of every household in my constituency, more than 90 per cent. expressed themselves satisfied with the national health service? That is reflected in other surveys. Will my right hon. Friend join me in condemning those newspapers that continually talk down one of the finest health services in the world?

    The Prime Minister: I will happily join my hon. Friend in that. There is no doubt about the affection for the national health service and, although we often hear a great deal of generalised criticism of it, that criticism tends not to come from the people who have just had treatment in the national health service. They tend to be very supportive of it, and rightly so, because of the treatment that it offers and the service that it gives.

     

    Q7. Mr. Ieuan Wyn Jones: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Jones: I am sure that the Prime Minister will wish to join me in congratulating Customs officers, including those based at Holyhead in my constituency, on their efforts to combat drug smuggling. Does he agree that those efforts would be severely damaged if reports are true that 4,000 Customs officers are to lose their jobs as a result of an announcement today? How will that equate with the fact that the Prime Minister has announced the war on drugs? Will it not blow a gaping hole in his policy?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Gentleman is quite right about the importance of the battle against drugs; hence the domestic and international initiatives that we have taken and the work set in train by the Committee chaired by my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council. Whatever may happen to the budgets to which the hon. Gentleman refers, I can assure him that the battle against drugs will not suffer.

    Sir Peter Emery: In welcoming Senator Dole to this country, will my right hon. Friend point out that the United States Congress has many friends on both sides of the House, but that that friendship has been built up by Members of Congress and of the Senate fully understanding the work of their allies?

    The Prime Minister: I certainly look forward to meeting Senator Dole tomorrow, and I know that he is also meeting my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary and my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Defence. We have a wide range of matters to discuss, and I am sure that those discussions will be fruitful and productive.

     

    Q8. Ms Janet Anderson: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Lady to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Ms Anderson: Will the Prime Minister confirm reports that the President of the Board of Trade is looking again at the privatisation of the Post Office?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Lady should not be in any doubt that we think that the right decision, when we have a majority in the House, will be to privatise the Post Office.

    Mr. Thurnham: Will my right hon. Friend consider giving to the shareholders of privatised utilities greater powers to decide the salaries of their directors in advance, rather than reading about them months after the event?

    The Prime Minister: My hon. Friend makes an ingenious suggestion, which I shall be happy to consider.

     

    Q9. Mr. McKelvey: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 29 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. McKelvey: The Prime Minister appeared to be somewhat ambivalent on the question of a referendum on European Union affairs. Could we have a referendum in Scotland so that we can tell the right hon. Gentleman and the country how we wish to be governed?

    The Prime Minister: I seem to recall that there was a referendum on that issue some years ago. The hon. Gentleman knows, and in their hearts most people know, that the establishment of a Scottish Parliament would be immensely damaging both for Scotland and for every other part of the United Kingdom. It may well be Labour party policy, and we shall test to what extent over the weeks ahead, but it is not a thought-out policy, it is not a policy in the interests of Scotland, or of the people of Scotland, and it is not a policy in the interests of the United Kingdom as a whole.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 28 November 1994

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 28th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Special Advisers

    Mr. Vaz: To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement concerning the cost to public funds of employing ministerial special advisers in his Department.

    The Prime Minister: There are five special advisers in No. 10 Downing Street.

    Salaries for special advisers are negotiated individually in relation to their previous earnings, and are confidential. They are, however, normally paid on a special advisers’ salary spine of 34 points ranging from £19,503 to £67,609 or, in some cases, at a rate appropriate to a relevant civil service grade. Appointments are non-pensionable, and the salary spine reflects this.

     

    Christmas Expenditure

    Mr. Bayley: To ask the Prime Minister how many official Christmas cards he intends to send out in 1994; and how much these will cost.

    The Prime Minister: I have nothing further to add to the reply I gave to the hon. Member on 22 November 1994, Official Report, column 89.

     

    Internet

    Mrs. Anne Campbell: To ask the Prime Minister what plans he has to provide information via the Internet; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister: My office is currently studying options to provide information via the Internet.

     

    Mohamed Al-Fayed

    Mr. Redmond: To ask the Prime Minister if he will set out the considerations which led the Cabinet Secretary not to interview Mohamed Al- Fayed in his investigations into allegations of improper behaviour by Government Ministers.

    The Prime Minister: The Cabinet Secretary indicated his reasons in his report, which I published on 25 October 1994, Official Report, columns 521-22, and I have nothing further to add.

    Mr. Redmond: To ask the Prime Minister if the Nolan committee will be interviewing Mohamed Al-Fayed in its examination of standards in public life; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister: It is for the Committee on Standards in Public Life to decide whom it wishes to invite to give oral evidence.

     

    Crown Appointments Commission

    Mr. Redmond: To ask the Prime Minister who are the current members of the Crown Appointments Commission.

    The Prime Minister: The Crown Appointments Commission is a standing commission of the General Synod of the Church of England. Its membership is set out on page 38 of the current edition of the “Church of England Year Book”, a copy of which is available in the Library of the House.

     

    Utility Regulators

    Mr. Nigel Griffiths: To ask the Prime Minister if he will review the powers of the (a) gas and (b) other utility regulators over boardroom salaries, shareholdings and perks.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 25 November 1994]: The utility regulators’ role is to promote competition and operate price caps in areas of monopoly. Within this framework it is for each company and its shareholders to exercise control of board membership, pay and conditions.

  • Mr Major’s Speech at the Army Staff College in Camberley – 24 November 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the Army Staff College in Camberley on Thursday 24th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Duke of Wellington used to offer some succinct advice to Members of Parliament:

    “Don’t quote Latin; say what you have to say; and then sit down.”

    I shall try to follow his advice this evening. You will be relieved to hear that I am not going to speak in Latin.

    I am delighted to be, for the first time, in this famous Staff College. If my spies are correct, no British Prime Minister has been here since 1910 at least.

    But the purpose of my visit is not to deliver a staff college lecture. Someone kindly provided one, but I hope you’ll forgive me if I do not use it.

    Some of you may remember the broadcaster Gilbert Harding. In the 1950s, during McCarthy’s campaign against Communism, he arrived in New York. One of the questions on the immigration form asked whether the purpose of his visit to the United States was “to overthrow the Republic”. Harding managed to get himself arrested by writing the reply: “not sole purpose of the trip”.

    The purpose of my visit here is not to tell you things you already know far better than I do.

    I’d like instead to give you my personal view of the Armed Forces, based particularly on my experiences over the past four years as Prime Minister.

    Then I’d like to give a view on the tasks which lie ahead, and the principles which should underlie security policy in Britain and Europe.

    Personal impressions

    I am in the company of servicemen and servicewomen virtually every day, so I promise not to give you all of my impressions. But let me take a few vignettes to illustrate my conviction that Britain’s modern, professional Armed Forces are a peerless national asset.

    I’ll start with Iraq.

    With 20/20 hindsight and a pair of blinkers, the allied victory in the Gulf war may now look easy. You will rightly have a different recollection.

    The political issues were clear enough. In a premeditated and unprovoked attack, Iraq had tried to annex a sovereign member of the United Nations and a country with which we had friendly relations. It had flouted international law. And its actions posed a direct threat to the stability of a region in which the UK and the West had vital interests.

    But militarily, the task was formidable. Iraq is 3000 miles away, and had an army of nearly a million men – the fourth largest in the world – and 700 attack aircraft. We did not know how good the Republican Guard was – but they had a formidable reputation. Iraq also had chemical weapons and was developing a nuclear and biological capability. We could not be sure they would not use, in particular, chemical weapons.

    To defeat Iraq, we had to combine with our American, French and regional allies in an operation of extraordinary complexity involving all arms of our forces.

    This did not just require courage, though our forces displayed bravery of the highest order. It also demanded organisation, the ability – borne through long experience – to work with allies, the deployment and maintenance of highly sophisticated equipment, and at all levels intelligence, skill and clear-sightedness.

    As I saw for myself, all of these qualities were vital to our eventual success. And our commanders operated with total confidence in themselves and their men and women.

    Typically, during the conflict British aircraft and troops moved into action late at night, UK time. Night after night, I sat up very late at Downing Street, waiting to hear the outcome of their actions. Such experiences leave an imperishable memory.

    However, the job did not end when fighting stopped.

    When Saddam Hussein turned against the Kurds, we faced a challenge of an entirely different kind. Not a high-intensity desert war, but a military and humanitarian operation without precedent in almost inaccessible mountainous terrain. That too was carried out regardless of difficulty, and the Kurds have lived under the umbrella of the Northern No-Fly Zone ever since.

    We must not relax while the threat to the Kurds remains. But thanks to Operation Haven, thousands of Kurds, who would otherwise have died or been displaced, are alive today.

    Only last month, Saddam Hussein tested the international community again. And once again he met an unambiguous response, and our friends were shown that we had both the will and the skill to come to their help.

    We had aircraft overhead within hours, ships off Kuwait within days, and 1,200 troops from the Spearhead Battalion deployed by 110 Hercules sorties in a week and a half.

    Thanks to high readiness and military efficiency, our forces played a leading part in this successful act of pre-emption.

    Without firing a shot, they defended British and international interests.

    The conflict in the former Yugoslavia has faced all three Services with yet another set of demands:

    – on the ground with UNPROFOR, the tasks of humanitarian relief; local peacemaking; ceasefire monitoring; and the maintenance of safe areas;

    – in the air with NATO, the enforcement of exclusion zones; reconnaissance and close air support; and deterrent action;

    – at sea with the WEU and NATO, the enforcement of sanctions and the arms embargo.

    And this is far from an exclusive list.

    I shall say more in a few minutes about the worrying situation we now face in Bosnia. But let me just summarise my impressions of an unforgettable 24 hours there in the spring:

    – the day started with a matter-of-fact briefing by Brigadier John Reith on how, over the past three weeks, he and his troops had negotiated and mapped, a ceasefire line of 206 kilometres, and brought the heavy weapons under control;

    – I then had a dramatic ride over the mountains in a Sea King flown with gusto by a fearless naval pilot;

    – -in Bugojno, the Duke of Wellington’s Regiment were just settling into their new quarters – a former tannery caked in animal waste, without heat, running water or sanitation. Mortars flew overhead at intervals. And the morale of these young men and women was sky high;

    – at the field hospital in Vitez, I met a theatre sister who said she wouldn’t have swapped her time there for the world;

    – in the same camp, I talked to sappers who were making streets safe, one of whom – Corporal Barney Warburton – sadly gave his life a few days later on a mine-clearance operation;

    – I went to Sarajevo, and was driven around by General Rose. Thanks to the UN’s efforts, the trams were running again down sniper alley, and people were out on the streets. Without helmet or flak jacket, Mike Rose calmly drove through a road block on a confrontation line, to show me where a sniper had shot a civilian only days before. “He’s up there now”, he said gaily, pointing at a nearby bomb-damaged tower block – much to the consternation of my security officers;

    – and as the sun set, the RAF lifted me out, near-vertically, in a Hercules which was running the gauntlet in order to keep vital supplies flowing into the city.

    Perhaps the most indelible of all these memories was the sight of children playing outside for the first time in months, and families beginning to dig their gardens and repair their houses.

    And I knew that it was thanks to the skill, dedication and toughness of British and other UN forces that they had survived and were able to do these things.

    It would be a tragedy if those gains were now to be lost.

    One of the reasons for the superb British performance in Bosnia has been the experience gained over the past quarter century in yet another role, in Northern Ireland. Whenever, around the world, I have discussed peace-keeping, soldiers and politicians alike refer to the skills of the British Army, honed in Northern Ireland.

    Our forces have patrolled the streets and the countryside there for one simple reason: to help the RUC defend the people of the Province, irrespective of political or religious affiliation, against terrorism.

    They have made a great sacrifice. Since the troubles began, 648 members of the armed forces and 296 policemen have lost their lives to terrorism in Northern Ireland.

    But their sacrifice has manifestly not been in vain. On my visits to the security forces in Northern Ireland this year, I have found growing optimism that there is a fundamental change in the atmosphere.

    The security forces have withstood the most determined and heavily armed terrorist campaign in modern Europe. And they have proved that violence cannot win in Northern Ireland. Without their steadfastness, there would be no ceasefire and no hope of a brighter future today.

    Let me briefly mention two other recent images.

    Early in September, I saw British forces leave what had for years been the front line of the Cold War. At the Airlift Memorial and the Brandenberg Gate, they and our Allies were given heartfelt thanks by the people of Berlin, whom they had defended and sustained through dark and threatening times.

    Later that month, I witnessed in South Africa another skill which the British Army has recently developed. Fourteen years ago, a British military team helped to integrate the new army of Zimbabwe at the end of a long and bitter war. So successful were they that they were invited to perform a similar function first in Namibia and then in Mozambique. Now they are acting as consultants to a process which is vital to the South African transition.

    What have these various experiences shown me?

    First, though I was never in any doubt of this, the Armed Forces are – and will remain – integral to the success of the nation, at home and overseas. Wherever they operate, they are held in the highest respect, and reflect enormous credit on the United Kingdom.

    Second, there is no substitute for excellence. It is the sheer quality of each of our Services which shines through, wherever you meet them. The quality of recruitment, training, leadership and equipment. I am in no doubt that we have been right over many years to concentrate on quality rather than quantity, and to ensure that our resources are focused to this end.

    Third, the tasks which the Services now fulfil are surely more diverse than at any time in our history. From nuclear deterrence to counter-terrorism, from UN peacekeeping to the training – at home and overseas – of personnel from other countries. Without sacrificing core functions and specialisations, we need flexibility and adaptability. As Enoch Powell once said:

    “History is full of the wars people said would never happen.”

    Fourth, modern military operations tend to be coloured Purple. The Gulf conflict and Bosnia have demonstrated how vital it is to have close integration between ground, air and naval forces, and a wide understanding by commanders of the potential of the different service arms. This must be blended with the esprit de corps and individual traditions which are also essential elements of the British services.

    Future shape and role of the Armed Forces

    So much for the present. How in broad terms do I see the future of our forces?

    Let me first emphasise a point I have made on several recent occasions.

    The forces have been through a period of change which was both inevitable and, I know, unsettling. In order to reshape our forces for the future, hard and often painful decisions have been required. I am very conscious that, while the policy decisions have now been taken, it will take some years to implement them fully.

    It is therefore particularly important for you and your colleagues to be assured – as I can assure you – that the big upheavals are over. The level of front line manpower has been set and we do not intend to reduce it.

    You may ask what will happen if we are able to reduce our commitment in Northern Ireland – the largest commitment which the Army has had over the last quarter century.

    I of course hope that we shall be able to make this reduction.

    We shall take no risks over security there, and in the first instance it is the hours of duty rather than the manpower which need to be reduced. But our long-term objective, when the security situation allows, is of course to return to exclusively civilian policing.

    However, this will not mean that we reduce the size of the Armed Forces. It will instead give us leeway to deal more effectively with the demands on military resources, and to provide more time for training. If we have a margin, we shall certainly not be short of tasks for it.

    Your future effectiveness also depends on having the right equipment. That was one of the key objectives of “Front Line First”.

    As you know, Front Line First enabled us to confirm £5bn worth of orders and tenders for new equipment – ships for the Navy, tanks for the Army, laser-guided bombs and the upgrading of Tornados for the Royal Air Force.

    “Front Line First” also dealt with the way the Armed Forces are organised and managed. It benefited greatly from the involvement of middle ranking and junior service personnel, and will encourage the devolution of responsibility. It will also lead to a permanent Joint Headquarters, a Joint Rapid Deployment Force and a Joint Services Command and Staff College.

    Over the past 45 years, Britain has played a unique role in defence, both in Europe and globally. Defence has always been one of this country’s outstanding strengths.

    Through the changes I have described, I am confident that our Armed Forces are in the right shape for to play an equally strong role in the future. They will have the people, the material, and the management that they need to carry out their changing tasks.

    Their highest priorities are the protection of the United Kingdom and its dependent territories, and collective defence through NATO.

    The independent nuclear deterrent, which the Royal Navy and the RAF have maintained since the 1950s, provides the ultimate guarantee of our national security. It is a vital element of NATO’s system of war-prevention and a force for stability in Europe.

    This Government is pledged to maintain that deterrent through Trident, which will come into service around the turn of the year.

    We also have a formidable capability to promote our wider security interests. We can deploy forces on land, sea and in the air anywhere in the world, to play a significant role unilaterally or in a coalition.

    And, as our current experiences show, we have the flexibility to carry out diverse military tasks:

    – When the need arises, as it did in the Gulf, we have a war-fighting capability.

    – We have the equipment and the experience for peacekeeping. We have done this for years in Cyprus, for example.

    – Our forces are operating, as I have said, in several different roles in Bosnia.

    – In Rwanda, we deployed 600 specialist troops to support humanitarian operations, in an unfamiliar and horrifying environment.

    And in Europe, our forces have taken part in the first three “Partnership for Peace” exercises. These brought together – in Poland, the Netherlands and the Norwegian sea area – the forces of countries which only a few years ago were divided by the Cold War.

    These and other tasks, including training, mean that Britain now has troops deployed or stationed in over 40 countries around the world – a remarkable figure which seems more likely to increase than to diminish.

    Those deployments, great and small, help to support and defend Britain’s global interests. They have a central role in our external policy.

    Bosnia

    Before I turn to the wider security environment, I should say a word about Bosnia.

    The situation on the ground has deteriorated sharply over the last few weeks. It is all the more important to be clear about our objectives there.

    Neither UNPROFOR nor NATO can take sides in this war. Nor are they equipped to impose peace on the warring parties. If this were achievable, it would require a massive intervention on the ground, including a very large contingent from the United States. That is not, and has never been, in prospect.

    Nor is there, in our judgement and experience, any prospect of imposing peace through aerial bombardment.

    Our objective is a negotiated settlement, acceptable to all parties. We believe that this is the only solution which could last. We must reinvigorate diplomatic efforts, as UNPROFOR’s peacekeeping operation cannot be sustained indefinitely in a vacuum.

    I have therefore written to the leaders of countries in the Bosnian Contact Group to stress the urgency of progress when our Foreign Ministers meet in Brussels next Friday. If humanitarian operations are to continue, we need a commitment from all the parties to the search for a peaceful settlement, and a firm undertaking to respect the status of United Nations and other international personnel in Bosnia.

    We must also do all we can to prevent the war from spreading. We have succeeded so far. But the risk of a wider Balkan conflict reigniting is real.

    UNPROFOR’s mandate is to convey relief supplies to those in need, and to promote and monitor local ceasefires. Thanks to UNPROFOR, the area of conflict within Bosnia was greatly reduced this year, as I saw on my own visit. But the latest offensives and counter offensives in Bihac and elsewhere are threatening to turn the clock back.

    UNPROFOR should not remain if it cannot carry out its appointed tasks, or if the risks become intolerable.

    I of course do not want to see its withdrawal. However, if the parties restart all-out war or the arms embargo breaks down, UNPROFOR could have no choice but to withdraw.

    There would be no winners. Millions of ordinary people in Bosnia would be the losers.

    We must see this danger clearly. The parties must be made to see it, too, by a collective diplomatic effort of the kind I have suggested.

    We should not yet write off the possibility of further progress; but without it, the UN cannot allow the lives of its soldiers and aid workers to be endangered needlessly.

    It is time for a sober reappraisal by all who have Bosnia’s interests at heart.

    Wider Security Environment

    The paradox created by the end of the Cold War is by now familiar.

    The potential threat of general war may be far less. But there is also, undoubtedly, less peace.

    We have the opportunity to manage security in a much more rational way, through co-operation between the major powers; but we also have the problem that the lid has been lifted off a great many regional crises.

    There are two areas of potential instability in or near to Europe.

    To the East of Europe and down to the Balkans and the Caucausus, States which have just regained or acquired independence face a huge transition combined, in many cases, with internal ethnic tensions.

    In parts of North Africa and the Middle East, there is instability of a different sort, fomented or exploited by extremism.

    These are the challenges to which Europe must adapt. It is a process we need to carry further.

    The European Union has a role to play in both areas. By developing political and other contacts, by opening its markets, and where appropriate by helping countries in Central and Eastern Europe to move towards full membership, the EU can do much to extend prosperity and stability.

    We must also strengthen links through the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. This should be the aim of the CSCE Summit which I shall be attending in Budapest at the beginning of December.

    The CSCE should set standards in European security, for example, in the treatment of minorities. It should provide an early warning system and a means of conflict prevention. Though it will not have the capability to manage military operations, it should be better equipped to carry out such practical tasks as the provision of liaison officers and observer missions.

    NATO must of course remain the bedrock of our security. In practice, it is the only organisation which can provide for our own defence and that of our allies. Its inner strength and transatlantic link should not be weakened. NATO must adapt to the new environment. It should put greater emphasis on crisis management. It must not be seen as simply an alliance of last resort, brought into play only when the territorial integrity of its own members is under threat.

    NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme has been a very important stage in its evolution. Twenty-three nations have established partnership with the alliance. Partnership for Peace is helping military establishments to adjust to their new roles in a democratic society.

    Russia is of course central to this. We are building up a new relationship with Russia which reflects her position as a major international power. At the UN Security Council, in the annual Summit meetings, through the European Union and CSCE, through Partnership for Peace of course, and in our direct bilateral contacts, we are working with Russia on an equal and co-operative basis. Consultation between us is becoming a matter of habit, as it is with our international partners.

    For some, the Partnership for Peace programme will naturally lead in time to inclusion in the alliance itself. We and our Allies have said that we expect enlargement of NATO, but it will be a gradual, evolutionary process which will threaten no-one. It must contribute to our central objective of extending security and prosperity eastwards; and it must be taken forward in parallel with a closer relationship between NATO and Russia.

    This should be the aim of NATO Foreign Ministers when they meet in Brussels next week and commission work on the principles and obligations of NATO membership.

    But NATO cannot cope with everything. We cannot expect American troops to be present in every international crisis. There will be problems in which Europe’s interests are more closely involved than those of the United States. In these cases, we will need to ensure that we Europeans can do the job effectively ourselves, in a way that is compatible with NATO.

    This does not mean a European Army, answerable to a single European authority. Decisions on the use of our Armed Forces must rest with the Government and Parliament of the United Kingdom. Armed forces are a fundamental attribute of a sovereign nation-state.

    In the Western European Union, however, we have a ready-made European pillar for NATO. The WEU has been given a mandate to become the defence arm of the European Union. Defence is not an area where the traditional institutions of the European Community – the Commission, the Parliament, the Court – have any role to play. Instead, those European governments which wish to do so should improve their ability to take military action together by developing the WEU.

    One potential problem is already being resolved. January’s NATO Summit launched the concept of Combined Joint Task Forces. They will provide a command structure for operations in which the United States is not involved. They will be separable from NATO but not, crucially, separate.

    I believe that a realistic objective would be for the WEU to be able to undertake military operations of at least the scale of the current UNPROFOR operation in Bosnia. But for this we shall need to do three things: to improve the WEU’s capabilities for military planning; to put in place arrangements for the high level, political direction of military operations; and to ensure that the WEU can work in harness with other countries, including its own associate partners.

    Improving the collective capabilities of the WEU means also improving our ability to operate alongside individual partners.

    We are developing this in a pragmatic way, step by step. With Germany and other allies in NATO formations also available to the WEU. With the Dutch, with whom we have long had a joint amphibious force. And of course with the French. At my Summit meeting with President Mitterrand and Prime Minister Balladur last week, we set up a Franco-British Air Group. It will have its headquarters at High Wycombe, and its first Commander will be a French General. This planning group will help our two Air Forces to work more effectively together in future multilateral operations.

    Conclusion

    I have done no more than sketch out some of the elements for the future European Security and Defence Identity.

    This is an important subject for the future, and one in which the United Kingdom will play a strong part.

    Among the member states of the European Union, Britain’s contribution to the defence of Europe in the post-war period has been second to none. In her Armed Forces, Britain has the experience, skill and professionalism to meet the new challenges facing Europe.

    And this is a contribution which we are of course making also to the United Nations and directly to our friends in the Commonwealth and around the globe.

    Some of you in this room will have worn the blue beret of the United Nations. Others will certainly do so in the future.

    As a country which leans heavily on her worldwide interests and trade, it is right that Britain should play a full part in peacekeeping, peacemaking and humanitarian relief.

    In Africa, for example, we are ready to expand our role, by providing support and training to African peacekeepers. Under an initiative which the Foreign Secretary and I launched in September, we hope to do so in tandem with the French, and perhaps also with the help of other partners through the WEU.

    The United Nations tends to be burdened with the problems that others cannot solve. Inevitably it cannot always solve them. The operation in Somalia, for example, has left us with lessons to draw. But the UN has a responsibility to try where there is a realistic chance of success, and it deserves our active support.

    Whether you are serving at home or abroad, whether you are from the Royal Air Force, the Royal Navy or the Army, you will have a role to play in the new strategic environment.

    You will be part of an outstanding Service which needs some of the brightest and bravest of our citizens.

    Part of a body of men and women motivated by your Service Ethos:

    – by pride in your traditions and institutions;

    – by comradeship and team spirit;

    – by the emotional, intellectual and moral qualities which lead people to put their lives on the line;

    – by loyalty and patriotism;

    – by an enduring belief in British values and an unshakeable determination to defend them.

    You will have a career to be proud of, and the country will be proud of you.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 24 November 1994

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 24th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Ministers’ Conduct

    Mr. Dalyell: To ask the Prime Minister what is the position of Her Majesty’s Government on inviting senior civil servants, such as the Cabinet Secretary, to sit with the Patronage Secretary to examine Ministers about their conduct.

    The Prime Minister: From time to time, my right hon. Friend the Chief Whip and the Cabinet Secretary are asked to advise me on matters relating to the registration of Members’ interests and “Questions of Procedure for Ministers”. This may necessitate establishing the facts with the Ministers concerned.

     

    Lockerbie

    Mr. Dalyell: To ask the Prime Minister how many Government Departments are involved following up the Pan Am 103 crash over Lockerbie; and if he will identify their respective responsibilities.

    The Prime Minister: The Crown Office is the lead department on matters relating to the prosecution of those suspected of the Lockerbie bombing. The Foreign and Commonwealth office is the lead Department for international aspects. These Departments consult others on issues for which they are responsible, as they arise.

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Harry Greenway: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    Sir Peter Tapsell: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister: This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

     

    Halsbury Statutes

    Mr. Mackinlay: To ask the Prime Minister if he will make it his policy to review the Halsbury statutes of 1717 with a view to their repeal; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister: I am not aware of any statutes passed in 1717 which are both still in force and in need of repeal.

     

    Ministers’ Pensions

    Mr. Wilson: To ask the Prime Minister which Ministers in Her Majesty’s Government between 1986 and 1994 have had pension contributions paid by outside interests while they held ministerial office.

    The Prime Minister: Pension arrangements are a personal matter for individual Ministers. However, they are expected to follow the guidance in paragraphs 128 134 of “Questions of Procedure for Ministers”.

     

    Salary Increases

    Mr. Winnick: To ask the Prime Minister if the Government will ask the Confederation of British Industry to request that salary increases for chief executives and chairmen of companies should not exceed the rate of inflation; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave to the right hon. Member for Sedgefield (Mr. Blair) on 22 November, Official Report, column 465.

  • PMQT – 24 November 1994

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 24th November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. McKelvey: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major): This morning, I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. McKelvey: In the course of his very busy day, will the Prime Minister show some concern for the plight of the disabled, the elderly and the poor in our society who suffer disproportionately because they cannot pay their fuel bills? Will he chuck the intended VAT increase into the dustbin where it belongs and replace it with an adequate cold climate allowance?

    The Prime Minister: As the hon. Gentleman may know, my hon. Friend the Minister for Social Security and Disabled People will be making a statement on the disabled after Question Time. On fuel and power generally, the VAT compensation package compensates not only poorer pensioners but others for VAT on fuel. The measures are worth about £2.5 billion over three years. From 1996-97 onwards, spending on benefits and pensions will have been increased permanently by £1.25 billion a year. That is an indication of the extent to which we are prepared to make and have made provision to help people on low incomes.

     

    Q2. Mr. Gill: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Gill: Does my right hon. Friend understand that I for one would rather resign the party Whip than vote for a Bill with which dozens of his right hon. and hon. Friends do not agree and for which there is no popular support? Will he recognise the absolute folly of imposing a highly unpopular tax for the purpose of paying the subscription to a highly unpopular and increasingly expensive club?

    The Prime Minister: Like me, my hon. Friend has a large rural constituency and I suspect that there are many net gainers in his constituency as a result of our membership of the European Union. On the European Communities (Finance) Bill, as my hon. Friend knows, there was very broad support in the governing party and in other parties for the deal that I reached at Edinburgh in 1992. It has a small additional cost for the United Kingdom–£75 million next year, rising to £250 million in 1999. It preserves the United Kingdom abatement, which is very important and which has saved us £16 billion since 1984. As a result of the agreement that I reached, the United Kingdom’s share of the cost falls proportionately by a substantial amount and becomes far less than that of many other member states. As a result of the agreement, we shall be below Germany, France, the Netherlands, Austria, Sweden and Norway in the league table of net contributors. It is an agreement that we can legitimately commend to the House and, on its merits, it merits support.

    Mr. Blair: Now that the Cabinet has confirmed that next Monday’s vote is indeed a vote of confidence, may I take it that the Prime Minister will be leading for and speaking for the Government in that debate?

    The Prime Minister: The vote of confidence relates not just to the vote on Monday but, as I said to the House some time ago, to the passage of the Bill in all its essentials. In those circumstances, the Cabinet considers it right that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should open.

    Mr. Blair: I find that extraordinary. Can the Prime Minister understand why people do not feel confident in his Government? Would the following be a fair summary of where he stands this week? The deputy chairman of his party is found to have written a memorandum which admits the total contempt that the British public has for his party. The vice-chairman of his party is forced to resign after remarks about our European partners which beggar belief in an adult politician. The chairman of the Prime Minister’s Back-Bench Committee is challenged because he is too loyal to the Prime Minister. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, meanwhile, talks of suicide pacts among Ministers while getting his sums wrong on the European budget. Meanwhile, the Prime Minister’s Back-Bench Members roll around the television studios in a state of anarchy. After this week, would not any objective, reasonable observer conclude that his party has become an ill- disciplined rabble incapable of governing this country?

    The Prime Minister: As the right hon. Gentleman managed to muddle most of his facts as between deputy chairman and vice-chairman, he is certainly wrong on almost every statement that he uttered. If he really wants to know about divisions and rabbles, he might well look at the divisions in his own party, not least below the Gangway. He might well look at divisions between himself and the deputy leader of the Labour party. He might well look at the divisions in his own position on Europe. It was the right hon. Gentleman who said some years ago– [Interruption.] I know that the Opposition do not like it, but perhaps they should hear it. It was the right hon. Gentleman who said:

    “We’ll negotiate a withdrawal from the EEC.”

    It was the right hon. Gentleman who said more recently:

    “Well, I wasn’t actually opposed to membership of the European Community.”

    Just a few days ago, it was the right hon. Gentleman who said: “Under my leadership, I will never allow this country to be isolated and left behind in Europe.”

    The only thing that moves that fast is a rabbit heading for its burrow.

    Mr. Dykes: Does my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister also agree that, apart from the comprehensive answer that he gave previously, the essential reality for Monday is that the glib repudiation of a solemn treaty, an international agreement and a modest proposal for European Union financing increases would be almost as bad as a shameful attack on our closest foreign allies, which we have heard from other quarters in the past few days?

    The Prime Minister: My hon. Friend touches on an important point that was missed by the Leader of the Opposition. The Government are standing by an agreement that we reached in 1992 with strong support in the House at the time and that we reached with our European partners. The Bill before the House implements an international agreement that was negotiated with full Cabinet backing, accepted by the Cabinet and widely endorsed by the House. It is for that reason that it is inescapably a matter of confidence that the Government should secure the passage of that legislation.

    Mr. Ashdown: Whatever the Prime Minister’s protestations, does he not realise that it is the view of most people in this country that his Government and their kamikaze Cabinet have now descended into farce and civil war? If, on Monday, they were forced to go, the whole country would cheer and a start could be made on putting our nation’s problems right.

    The Prime Minister: I sometimes think that the right hon. Gentleman spends all the time between Tuesday and Thursday and between Thursday and Tuesday practising his next sound bite. He certainly gives that impression week after week. I remind him that it is he and his party who claim to be strong Europeans, he and his party who time and again joined in procedural votes to try to wreck the Maastricht treaty, and he and his party who will find an excuse next Monday to vote against the Government. Their commitment to Europe is skin deep when it comes to essentials.

    Mr. Ottaway: Is my right hon. Friend aware that the Cairo conference on population and development in September was a landmark in dealing with world population growth in that it produced a global action plan agreed by almost every country? Does he agree, in particular, that the best way to implement such a plan would be for other countries to follow the Government’s example and announce a similar huge increase in funding of 60 per cent. such as he announced in July?

    The Prime Minister: I agree with my hon. Friend. It is a very serious international problem and I think that the international conference which took place was an extremely useful and worthwhile event. As my hon. Friend indicated, we made a substantial contribution–I think, from memory, that the commitment was around £100 million over the next two or three years–and we played a very positive part in that conference. It is a matter of importance and one to which we shall give continuing interest in the future.

     

    Q3. Mr. Robert Ainsworth: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Ainsworth: Following today’s astonishing revelations of a massive security breach by an employee on a short-term contract at British Telecom, will the Prime Minister be ordering an inquiry? If so, will it cover the huge increase in agency and casual labour since privatisation?

    The Prime Minister: I have seen the report in The Independent this morning to which I assume that the hon. Gentleman is referring. I understand from inquiries made this morning that BT has carried out an investigation and tells us that it is satisfied that there has been no hacking of the system, nor any evidence that confidential information referred to in the article has ever been available on Internet.

    Dame Elaine Kellett-Bowman: Has my right hon. Friend heard of the presumptuous attempt by the town of Preston to usurp the place of the city of Lancaster as the county town of Lancashire? Will he put every possible obstacle in the way of that outrageous presumption?

    The Prime Minister: I see that my hon. Friend has the cross-party support of the hon. Member for Blackburn (Mr. Straw). As a southerner unfamiliar with this particular matter, I think that it would be unwise for me to commit myself, but, naturally, as my hon. Friend raises the matter, I shall look at it very carefully.

     

    Q4. Mr. Hall: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Hall: Is the Prime Minister aware that the former Prime Minister, the right hon. Member for Old Bexley and Sidcup (Mr. Heath), yesterday told the House that he was disgusted with the Maples proposals for inter-party warfare, yobbos and trying to trick people into positions? He said that they were completely unjustifiable and called on the Prime Minister to repudiate them immediately. Will the Prime Minister do that this afternoon–yes or no?

    The Prime Minister: If the hon. Gentleman is concerned that any of my hon. Friends would be nasty to the right hon. Gentleman, I give him my assurance that my hon. Friends will be very gentle with him.

    Mr. Cormack: Does my right hon. Friend agree that this country’s international reputation for probity is built on the proposition that contracts are honoured and commitments kept?

    The Prime Minister: I agree precisely with that proposition. It is upon that proposition that the Cabinet is determined to honour the agreement that I reached on behalf of the British Government two years ago with our European partners in Edinburgh.

     

    Q5. Mr. Gapes: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Gapes: Is the Prime Minister aware of the acute financial crisis facing Redbridge and Waltham Forest health authority, which is asking Redbridge health care trust to do 10 per cent. more work for about £2.5 million less next year? Will he express his clear and unambiguous commitment to do everything possible to keep King George’s hospital open and stop any closure of its accident and emergency department?

    The Prime Minister: I will certainly study the position that exists within that health district and ask my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health to examine it. I do not have the facts in front of me and I do not propose to commit myself until I have looked at them.

    Sir Wyn Roberts: As the Leader of the Opposition welcomed the recovery, growth and low inflation in the economy, is there any reason why we should pay any attention whatever to the shadow Chancellor, who is intent on sabotaging those achievements?

    The Prime Minister: I would think probably no reason at all. Clearly, the right hon. Gentleman does not do so–and if he does not, I see no reason why we should.

     

    Q6. Dr. Lynne Jones: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 24 November.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Lady to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Dr. Jones: Does the Prime Minister recall that, in an answer to the hon. Member for Hemsworth (Mr. Enright), he told the House “No Government have ever been more open than this one and there is no suspicion of sleaze.”–[ Official Report , 26 April 1994; Vol. 242, c. 104.]

    Is that still his view, or does he at last realise that he set the standard at the last general election when he accepted money from foreign-based business men in return for continuing tax concessions?

    Hon. Members: What about Maxwell?

    The Prime Minister: My hon. Friends remind me of one person who formerly funded the Labour party. The hon. Lady ought to contemplate that. Perhaps the Labour party should return the money to the Maxwell pensioners which they donated to it some time ago.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 23 November 1994

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 23rd November 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Court of Auditors

    Sir Thomas Arnold: To ask the Prime Minister what response he proposes to make to the latest report of the EC Court of Auditors; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister: The United Kingdom welcomes the Court of Auditors’ report for 1993; its findings and recommendations will assist in the fight against fraud and financial mismanagement and in favour of better value-for-money. The United Kingdom has been in the lead in pressing the Commission and the European Parliament to attack fraud and improve financial management. We secured important improvements in the treaty on European union, including giving the European Court of Auditors enhanced status as a full Institution of the European Union. The United Kingdom has also pushed for better value for money in Community expenditure.

    Following on from the Edinburgh European Council conclusions, the 1993 structural funds regulations required, for the first time, prior appraisal of expenditure, effective monitoring and evaluation of results. In March of this year, the United Kingdom proposed a joint action to ensure that member states make legally binding commitments to take tougher action against criminal fraud. The United Kingdom also supports the principles of a proposal from the Commission for a complementary framework of financial penalty rules and wants to see these principles carried through effectively. Both proposals are currently under discussion.

    The European Court of Auditors’ report will be considered by the Council of the Ministers early next year. The United Kingdom will urge that its findings are followed up vigorously by the Commission and member states; that appropriate action is taken; and that the Commission reports back fully on the results.

    As I said last week, following the Anglo-French summit at Chartres, we shall press for the Council of Ministers to act on the court’s special reports on particular areas of the Community budget and we wish to see member states co-operate in taking tougher action against criminal fraud. We also wish to see the Commission step up its spot checks for fraud and fraudsters; the European parliament as a whole, rather than just its budgetary control committee, act on fraud; and we are in touch with the German presidency to see how we can use the Essen European Council to add further momentum to the fight against fraud.

     

    European Union (Finance)

    Mr. Kirkwood: To ask the Prime Minister what provisions exist to ensure that the obligations entered into between European Union member states in matters related to the European Communities (Finance) Bill are honoured.

    The Prime Minister: The purpose of the European Communities (Finance) Bill is to enable the United Kingdom to give effect to a new own resources decision. The British Government, and the Governments of all other member states, committed themselves politically to the financial arrangements which are the basis of the own resources decision by a settlement at the Edinburgh Council, during the British presidency in 1992.

    The relevant arrangements for giving legal effect to this international agreement are set out in article 201 of the treaty establishing the European Community which states that:

    “The Council, acting unanimously on a proposal from the Commission and after consulting the European Parliament, shall lay down provisions relating to the system of Own Resources of the Community, which it shall recommend to the Member States for adoption in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements.” National procedures for adoption are a matter for each member state. In the United kingdom, the practice is to ask for Parliament’s approval by means of a Bill adding the new own resources decision to the list of relevant “Treaties” in section 1(2) of the European Communities Act 1972.

    When all member states have notified adoption of the new own resources decision, it will enter force, retrospectively if necessary, with effect from 1 January 1995. Once in force, member states will be under a legally binding obligation to make contributions to the Community budget in accordance with the new own resources decision.