Category: 2022

  • Sir John Major’s Letter to the Chairman of the 1922 Committee – 7 July 2022

    The letter sent by Sir John Major to Graham Brady, the Chairman of the 1922 Committee, on 7 July 2022.


    Letter (in .pdf format)

  • Sir John Major’s Interview on BBC Radio 4’s Today Programme about the Platinum Jubilee – 3 June 2022

    The interview between presenter Nick Robinson and Sir John Major, broadcast on BBC Radio 4’s Today Programme on 3 June 2022.


    NICK ROBINSON

    What do you think the public value most from their Monarch?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    I think there are lots of things to celebrate and there are lots of answers to that particular question. I think probably the Queen’s service to the nation, that has been impeccable. The dignity and grace with which she has carried out her work over such a extraordinarily long period. I think they are two absolutely key objectives, although you could mention many others, her sheer decency and the way in which she has represented the instincts of the British nation for such a long period.

    NICK ROBINSON

    This has been such a long reign, we have many moments remembering where we were, were you there at the time of the Silver Jubilee? Do you even remember as a boy of the Coronation?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    I remember the Coronation better, I was ten at the time. From heaven knows where, my mother and father had scratched together enough money to buy an old 12 inch flickering black and white television and our neighbours crowded in to watch the Coronation. My job throughout the day was to make a constant supply of tea and bring it in and out, bring in the tea, take out the cups, bring in the cakes, take out the plates, but it was still a very memorable occasion.

    I remember particularly that at the end of that day, my father who was then 75 made a brief speech. I can’t remember precisely what he said, but the text was this, ‘the grey days have gone, we’ve now got a splendid young Queen, better days are coming’. I remember him saying that and everyone dutifully clapped and I could see my mother crying in the corner. Of course, the better days did come.

    NICK ROBINSON

    If someone in that room on that day, if someone had said she would still be on the throne seventy years later, few of you would have believed it. Now when you look back, do you have a sense of how she managed to stay popular and relevant during that time?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    It is extraordinary isn’t it? I cannot think of any other public figure, any other celebrity, and other president, if we had a political president, who could possibly have remained so popular and after seventy years the country would be celebrating that they had been there for seventy years. It is quite unique. I think there are a number of reasons for it, the Monarchy has evolved and it is immeasurably different from the Monarchy of 1952, much more open and much more informal. For those seventy years, the Queen has effectively been the ship of state as we’ve moved through all the things that have happened.

    Also of course, she’s very familiar to everyone as her life has been played out in public. The highs, the lows, the good bits, the not so good bits, but yet through it all the Queen has represented our better selves for over seventy years. Those are some of the reasons for her popularity, but there are more of course, but I think that is fundamental.

    NICK ROBINSON

    I want to come in a second to the almost unique relationship you had with her as a Prime Minister, seeing her in private. You talk of that popularity, but there were difficult days, you were Prime Minister during the time of what she referred to herself as her Annus horribilis back in 1992, during her 40th anniversary. The separation of Charles and Diana, various Royal tabloid scandals, Princess Anne’s divorce, the awful fire at Windsor Castle. What in her character do you think enabled her to get through those times?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    She is amongst other things a stoic and I think at the difficult times her instinct was to put her head down and keep going, ‘and this too shall pass’ I think was her motto. Whatever happens, the daffodils will be there next spring. I think that capacity to put things in a box, to realise that they pass and they’re not eternal and things will improve and change. Whether it’s an instinctive part of her natural nature or whether it’s something she learned, I really can’t possibly know. But I think that is the way that she has managed to maintain grace and dignity under pressure, for there has been pressure. You cannot be in public life as much as she has, for as long as she has been, without facing pressures of all sorts of unexpected kinds.

    NICK ROBINSON

    This year was extraordinarily difficult for her, not just because of the loss of her beloved husband, but the trials of Prince Andrew, the dispute that was clearly going on in the family about the role of Prince Harry and Meghan. Again though, somehow she seems to have got through all that?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    It has been a trying time in many ways, but I think she draws a great deal of strength from the support that she gets across the country. If you go back to the Diamond Jubilee, which in a sense we’re repeating with the Platinum Jubilee, I remember people hanging out of the windows as her boat went down the Thames, even in pouring rain, standing in their thousands at the side, simply to show their support, and I think their affection for the Queen as well. I think that’s immensely helpful.

    NICK ROBINSON

    Are you confident that now this really will be the celebration that she has hoped for that would bring everyone together, regardless of class, or gender or race or ethnicity, or is this a party for some and only for some?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    By everyone, if you mean everyone of the 70 million, obviously not, but if you mean the vast overwhelming majority of the British nation, I think the answer is that they will come together. There will be some who are Republican, there will be some for their own reasons feel differently, but in terms of the vast overwhelming weight of public opinion and public instinct, I think it will bring people together at what is a very difficult time. I think that bit of unification comes at a hopeful and worthwhile time for our country.

    NICK ROBINSON

    You mentioned about the role that she played. What do we not see that you as the country’s elected leader saw in terms of how she was helping? If not you as a politician, but you as the leader of UK PLC?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    The Queen is a hidden asset, she’s part of our soft power. You only have to see that whenever you see her with Presidents or Prime Ministers of other countries. You saw it recently at the G7, you saw it in spades at the Commonwealth conference where leaders, whether long-serving, experienced or powerful leaders in their own country, are a little in awe of a Queen who has become iconic with her number of years on the throne. They’re keen to meet her, they’re keen to shake hands with her and keen to be photographed with her. You see the worldwide reach of the Monarchy. When people in almost every part of the world speak of the Queen, they mean our Queen.

    NICK ROBINSON

    Did you find her more than just a good listener? Was she a good adviser too, was that a valuable part of your week rather than just a duty?

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    It wasn’t a duty, it was something to be looked forward to, in many ways it was cathartic. You could discuss things with the Queen that you couldn’t really discuss with hardly anybody else. Politics, even amongst the closest of colleagues, tends how best can we put this Nick, can be a little leaky. One thing about the meetings with the Queen is that no-one is there, just the corgis, behaving or not, as the case may be, and you could speak in absolute privacy. There is no Private Secretary there, no notes were made, you could say exactly what you wish, exactly what is on your mind and so can the Queen. That is very valuable.

    You ask if she’s a good listener. Yes she is, but I think more relevantly, she’s a good questioner. Gently, she asks the right questions and I think people would be surprised at the depth of knowledge she has of how people who are not close to the Monarchy actually live in their own lives. She knows a great deal about it and her questions are very pertinent and it was always extremely useful because it was a completely external view from someone who knew politics, who had been looking at state papers for 28 years at the time I became Prime Minister. There is no-one in the world who has ever seen as many state papers over such a long period as the Queen and of course she has learned a great deal from that. I often came away from those meetings thinking to myself what a shame she isn’t in the Cabinet. I have to say though, I’m not sure that she shared that view.

    NICK ROBINSON

    I’m not sure that she would have accepted the promotion!

    SIR JOHN MAJOR

    I think not sharing her view is another example of her wisdom.

    NICK ROBINSON

    Thank you for sharing your memories of, and your tributes to, the Queen.

  • Sir John Major’s Speech at the National Cathedrals Conference – 16 May 2022

    The speech made by Sir John Major at the National Cathedrals Conference held at Newcastle Cathedral on Monday 16 May 2022.


    DIFFERENT COUNTRY, DIFFERENT CHURCH

    The theme of your Conference – “Different Country, Different Church” – is our national story through the ages. Both Church and Country have always evolved, but rarely as fast as now. I am now out of public life, away from partisan influences but, as an observer, would like to offer some thoughts about our future.

    THE CHURCH

    Firstly, the Church.

    Our Church faces many dilemmas, in a society that has grown to distrust authority, and is drifting to secularity.

    There are those in our nation who prize celebrity, wealth and fame more than values once believed to be inviolate.

    This cultural change presents an extraordinary challenge to a Church that does have eternal values: it is both a threat and an opportunity. But – if the opportunity is to be taken – the Church must be bold in its actions, and outspoken about its concerns.

    My father was elderly when I was born and, from the time I was nine years old, mostly bedridden. My mother cared for him, and rarely left our home.

    But the Church came to us in the form of our local Vicar, the kind and gentle J. Franklin Cheyne. My elderly and sick parents lived by the precept that God was in our house every day, and so we had no need to attend his once a week.

    This was a trite and self-serving excuse, but The Reverend Cheyne smiled and taught me, as a boy, that our Church is greater than the size of its congregations. People who are not regular church-goers can still – and do – live by Christian principles.

    Some people turn away from religion because, as someone put it to me, “Science is daily destroying the biblical bases of faith”.

    But science can’t replace faith. It can’t remove the hope and the comfort that a “Perfect Being” can exist. This is a belief shared with other faiths. Man will cling to that hope, until the last of our kind is extinct.

    The Reverend Cheyne told me that: “The best argument”, for Christ’s divinity, “is that without the support of secular power, he changed the whole world”. So he did – so far, for two thousand years. No military conqueror has ever made such a mark on our lives – nor ever will.

    And if biblical stories, often in parable form, seem unrealistic to our modern ears, the lessons they teach, and the ideals they preach, are not: they continue to appeal to the better selves within us. They are a protection against the worst our material world can throw at us.

    “The Kingdom of God”, we are told, “is within you.” We should be grateful for that: the alternative is selfishness, disorder and the advance of savagery.

    In our world of change, the Church offers stability. Many changes are beneficial – but not all of them. Sometimes change leaves values behind.

    And, in the bustle of change, where stands happiness? What value is put on peace of mind?

    Should we stand by silently when vile opinion is lauded; when truth is disposable: when authority is mocked; when tradition is trashed; when bad men hold sway in many countries?

    I think not. It may be unfashionable to speak of values, but it should not be. They should never be cast aside.

    Our churches today may be fewer in number, and less full than in years past, but their pulpits still have a distinctive voice.

    Millions of people wish to hear that voice used loudly, clearly, and often – either to uplift hearts and smooth away despair or, where necessary, to speak out on issues that depress or oppress our fellow citizens.

    A single voice can easily be shouted down – but the Church cannot.

    Some argue that the Church should “keep out of politics”, and stick to promoting faith and filling their pews. If by “politics” the critics mean partisan Party politics, I agree. But if they mean politics in its wider sense, then I do not agree.

    The Church mustn’t be pushed into the side lines of life. It must be alive in our communities. In our discourse. In our daily concerns. Politics is about how we live.

    That cannot – and should not – be ignored by the Church.

    Is not the state of our nation – politics? Are not our values – politics? How can it possibly be argued that the Church should be silent on these issues?

    Is not poverty about politics? Yes, it is – and surely the Church must speak about that too. Jesus most certainly did.

    And, if any part of our nation is lost or forgotten by authority, then surely the Church should be a voice for the weak and the voiceless.

    And, above all, the Church must remain the ultimate sanctuary for those in despair who – in our modern world – are many in number.

    What we are as a nation, and what we stand for, is a legitimate issue for the voice of the Church to be heard, and that voice must carry to the faithless as well as the faithful.

    But, if it is to deliver its message, the Church cannot ignore its own problems. I won’t trespass upon matters of conscience, only on practical issues.

    Many parishes face financial challenges, and there is doubt around whether a nationwide parochial system can be sustained.

    It is a herculean task. The Church of England – with its Cathedrals and Parish Churches – is responsible for a very large part of our architectural and cultural heritage, including no less than 45% of all Grade 1 listed buildings.

    The lion’s share of the cost of maintaining this huge community asset falls on the diminishing number of regular worshippers. This is unjust.

    Some argue that it may be necessary to close churches, reduce the number of stipendiary clergy, and sell assets. I do hope not.

    It would be a grim outlook, and I hope Christians will rally to prevent it. Churches are not only part of our lives – they are also an important part of our landscape. If lost, we would all be the poorer. And by “we” I don’t mean church-goers only – I mean everyone.

    I live in Eastern England, and John Betjeman’s famous lines come to mind:

    “What would you be, you wide East Anglian sky
    Without church towers to recognise you by?”

    Whether we choose to acknowledge it or not, the Church is always there when needed. And it is more than a place of worship. It is where we may seek the comfort of community; of companionship; of solace – and of sanctuary.

    Often silently, perhaps subliminally, the Church is a guide to our lives and our conscience.

    We should be grateful that it is, and do everything we can to protect its place in our society.

    OUR COUNTRY

    Let me turn to the future of our country.

    First, I should set out some context. We are an island geographically, but in no other way. Our lives are inter-connected with, and affected by, the wider world. We have alliances for security, and trade deals for economic welfare.

    At the moment, our world is not in a state of grace: not every nation is led by men or women of good intent. Democracy has fallen back: freedom – or freedom of religion – has not grown and spread as we would wish.

    We live in uncertain times. Times in which – if good men are complacent – bad men will take advantage.

    In countries where democracy is absent, or weak – or merely under strain – nationalist and populist sentiment has taken root, and grown. Populism is self-interested and can be unscrupulous.

    It makes promises that can’t be kept; creates division; scapegoats minorities; and controls or threatens or undermines the judiciary.

    Populist leaders favour obedience over ability. Acolytes and sycophants are rewarded. Dissenters are abused and crushed. Where possible, the electoral system is perverted.

    All this is a corruption of a free society, and even the strongest democracy must guard against it.

    In our country, we view authoritarian governments with distaste and rejection. They are alien to our way of life and our instincts for freedom. But not everyone feels the same.

    People know that authoritarian rule can bring tyranny and a loss of freedom. But millions also see that economic growth in China – with her long history of autocratic rule – has improved living standards more rapidly than in any democracy.

    To those who are hungry or oppressed, or homeless, or jobless, that is attractive. If their bellies are full, and there are clothes upon their backs, their lives are improving – and millions prize that above the individual freedoms that characterise the Western democracies.

    Nor are democracies always their own best advocates. In America, the Statue of Liberty bears the inspiring inscription “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses”. For generations America accepted migrants. More recently, they built a wall to keep them out.

    In England, in 1763, Lord Chancellor Henley said: “If a man steps foot in England, he is a free man.” Today, under the pressure of numbers, if that man is a refugee in a rubber boat he receives a chilly welcome, and the threat of deportation to Rwanda.

    I cannot believe that is the right way forward: such a policy is not a moral advance, and I hope the Government will look again.

    We need a policy that is Europe-wide, to contain people smuggling, and help the miserable and unfortunate victims of this trade.

    I do understand the Government’s difficulties, which are real. But – however you look at this policy – it is wrong to forcibly transport people to a far-away land, when all that most are seeking is a better life.

    I hope – in their own interests – the whole Cabinet will reject this policy. If they do not, they will stain not only their own reputation, but that of the entire Government – and, most of all, our country – for a very long time.

    Our shortcomings may be far less than others, but pragmatic self-interest tells us that we cannot simply ignore autocracies: on arms control; on climate change; on counter terrorism; democracies and autocracies must work together or we will all lose.

    The more we divide into tribes, the more likely it is we will come to blows.

    Thirty years ago, we glimpsed a better world. The Soviet Union imploded. Germany re-united. Apartheid ended. Democracy spread across Eastern Europe. The Liberal Order was dominant.

    It looked as though our values of democracy – of freedom of thought and deed – had won the battle of ideas, and that our way of life would become accepted as the general ideal. It was a time of hope.

    We were naïve. Complacent. Wrong. We forgot the human capacity for folly. We see that now in Ukraine. Freedom needs eternal vigilance. Democracy has to be protected.

    If it is not, it can be overwhelmed – value by value, freedom by freedom, country by country.

    * * * * *

    In the UK, two blockbusting events will affect our future: Brexit and Covid.

    Brexit has not presented Britain’s best face to the world. It is our modern day break with Rome – in this instance, the Treaty of Rome – and it will take years for all the implications to become apparent. Some will be positive; far more will not.

    Some applaud Brexit for reasons of democracy and sovereignty. Others deplore it on economic and social grounds. The debate was rancorous, and factually dubious.

    Brexit divided our four nations and our politics, as well as family from family, and friend from friend. If Scotland and Northern Ireland secede from the UK, Brexit must bear a part of that blame.

    The severity of Covid was surpassed only by Spanish Flu a century ago. Like Brexit, Covid was enormously expensive.

    I have made no secret that I believe that leaving the European Union will – indeed, has – weakened our country and damaged our future. But I am a realist.

    It may not be conceivable to re-enter the Union for many years.

    An early attempt to do so would fail, and worsen the ruptures in our national politics system. Nor could we re-join upon the favourable terms we once enjoyed.

    But attitudes to Europe may change when today’s young, in due time, govern our nation. All the evidence suggests they are overwhelmingly pro-European.

    If the promised benefits of leaving continue to be elusive – if not all-but-invisible – their resolve to re-join may be strengthened.

    Until then, we must try to restore links with our neighbours where it is sensible to do so, and otherwise live with the consequences of our referendum decision.

    Brexit is emphatically not done. The effects of breaking away from the richest free trade market in history will seep out, year upon year, for a very long time.

    As for Covid, the Government acted boldly in setting up furlough payments; and swiftly to ensure the vaccine roll-out.

    But there remain valid questions to be answered about advice to the public; wasteful expenditure; a lack of control over fraud; the decision to transfer elderly patients from hospital to care homes; and the slipshod manner of awarding Covid-related contracts.

    A Public Inquiry has been promised, and should not be delayed. At the very least, the country deserves an interim Report within this Parliament.

    Between them, Brexit and Covid have driven our national debt to previously unknown heights.

    The cost of Covid is estimated as equivalent to one quarter of the total cost of the Second World War. Over time, estimates suggest that the cost of Brexit could be higher yet.

    It took decades to repay the debts of War, and it will take many years to repay the cost of Brexit and Covid.

    This raises an unwelcome question. How can we pay for future policy ambitions? Demography ensures that the mega-budgets – of health, education, and social care – will increase year on year. Our national security ensures that the cost of defence will rise too.

    So will the costs of climate change, and the plans to “level up” communities to end historic injustices.

    Some people deny the existence of climate change with the same fervour with which our predecessors once insisted the world was flat.

    But the evidence can’t be put aside.

    Sea levels are rising on over 70% of the earth’s surface. Storms, hurricanes and floods are increasing in number and severity. The Arctic is warming twice as fast as the rest of the planet. Across the globe, the weather is freakily unpredictable.

    We are losing whole species of plants, animals, insects. We all know the litany.

    Can we ignore this? No. Can any one nation overcome this alone? No, again. Dare we leave this for the next generation? No. It would be wrong in principle and – in any event – it may, by then, be too late, and the burden too great.

    *****

    Nor can “Levelling Up” be ignored. There are serious inequalities in our United Kingdom.

    For many years, Governments comforted themselves that – if our country was doing well – wealth would “trickle down” to lift up the poorest: it hasn’t done so. Of course, there has been improvement – but not enough.
    In times of austerity, we are told that we are “all in it together”. If so, then logically, we should “all be in it together” in times of prosperity.

    I hope the Government will devise a policy that encourages “trickle down” and shares national growth more fairly.

    Don’t misunderstand me. I certainly don’t favour some “bash the rich” policy. Wealth in our country is important to us all. We should welcome investors and innovators – as job creators, as philanthropists, as tax-payers.

    But, as a nation, we must be fairer in distributing the fruits of national growth.

    You will all remember the “key” workers, for whom we stood applauding on our doorsteps during the Covid crisis. They were mostly poorly paid. There was no “trickle down” to them – and yet it was they upon whom we relied in a crisis.

    Our values need “Levelling Up” as well as our communities.

    But we must be realistic. “Levelling Up” will take many Parliaments to complete, and will only succeed if future governments buy into the concept and the cost.

    How can all this be paid for? There are options.

    It could, over time, be met by above average growth in our economy. This is possible, but cannot be relied upon.

    If growth is insufficient, which experience suggests is probable, the cost can only be met by higher taxes, or more borrowing or cuts in other budgets.

    It is an unwelcome truth that lower taxes for everyone – and higher spending – do not go together. Hard choices must be made.

    And some hard choices must be made without delay, as inflation rises – especially on food and fuel – while growth falls, and stagflation threatens.

    Many people will be utterly unable to meet the bills that lie ahead. Help must come. And I hope it will come soon.

    As it does, it will help bring trust and respect back to our politics: electors must have trust in The State, The Government, and the independence and impartiality of The Law.

    But, if the nation is to be loyal to The State, The State must be loyal to the people – and that is why the provision of quality public services is so important.

    Everyone needs to believe that The State cares about them – and not just the interests of the powerful, the motivators, and the elite.

    If the streets are unsafe, do the people who live in them believe The State is invested in them?

    If the week lasts longer than the money, do the penniless believe The State cares about them?

    If children attend a poor school, with disillusioned teachers, do the children or the teachers feel protected and valued by The State? It is so important that they do.

    In our democracy we rely upon one another in nearly every aspect of our lives. We need to respect and protect those with whom we share a common dependence.

    * * * * *

    There is much that is good in our way of life that no previous generation has enjoyed. Personally, I know of nowhere else I would prefer to live.

    Every day, medical science is improving treatment of cancer and blood diseases. New knees and new hips can help those crippled with pain. The cure of cataracts can restore sight.

    Hope is on the horizon for sufferers of Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s – not an outright cure, perhaps, but an ability to diagnose them early, and stop them in their tracks.

    We are not short of good Samaritans. The caring professions do not walk by on the other side. Nor do the millions who work for charities, or volunteer for them, or donate to them.

    There is hope in two irresistible social changes. The rise of women to prominence in nearly every field of endeavour is as staggering as it is overdue.

    We are, at last, utilising the skills of half our nation that were hidden away for far too long.

    It is odd, isn’t it? Throughout the ages men have trusted our most treasured possessions – our children – to women. But we have not trusted women to contribute more widely to society and, at times, have positively prevented them from doing so.

    Yet they bring a moderating and restraining force, to a world that is in need of these attributes.

    There is another human influence I wish to mention as an overall force for good: the young. They have grown up in a different world to their elders. They think differently. They are unburdened by old shibboleths.

    We may be wary of their music. Their dress-down style. Their habit of cutting holes in the knees of new jeans for the sake of fashion. I have no doubt that past generations have baffled their parents in similar ways.

    The legacy we leave our young includes many difficulties but – from all I have seen – this is a good generation. I have high hopes for them.

    I have enough confidence to believe that, however much longer I live, my country will be in very good hands with our young.

    And, beyond that – for me, as a Christian – the greatest consolation is that … one day … I shall be in better hands still.

    Both our Country and our Church are more precious to our very being than most either acknowledge or realise. Are they “Different” now than in the past? Yes. Will they be “Different” in the future? Of course. For – as the world around us changes – so, too, will they.

    But our Country and our Church are eternal. And my hope is they will always remain shining beacons of goodness and decency in a world that – at the moment – is badly in need of both.

  • Sir John Major’s Speech at the UK Sport 25th Anniversary – 11 May 2022

    The speech made by Sir John Major at the Guildhall in London on Wednesday 11 May 2022.


    I’m delighted to be here in this beautiful former Guildhall Library – to celebrate the 25th Anniversary of UK Sport. And so grateful to be talking about sport – not Covid, or Brexit, or Politics.

    Sport has been a big part of my life since my sister introduced me to cricket at the age of three. As I grew, so did my fascination for the whole wonderful range of sport.

    I had the dreams small boys have: today, as women’s sport grows, I am sure small girls will have them too. I was going to run faster than Roger Bannister, score more runs than Peter May, box better than Randolph Turpin. No sport was safe from my ambitions. My dreams were multi-talented: unfortunately, it turned out that I wasn’t.

    Those dreams were never realised, but they were precious to me, and remain so. And I learned a lesson: even if you can’t win you can still love sport and – often – many who most love it have little talent.

    I comfort myself that winners can only win if there are losers – and so we lesser-talented sports-lovers are an essential part of the pyramid of sport.

    Throughout history, Government has under-estimated the importance of sport – and the arts. In the 1980s, as Chief Secretary to the Treasury, I saw at first hand how little public money was diverted to those two dominant interests of the British public. Sport simply could not compete for scarce resources with the demands of health, education, defence and social care.

    A year or two later – out of that recognition – I set up the Department of National Heritage and, a little later, the introduction of a National Lottery to fund good causes, including sport – and to do so in addition to the Government’s contribution.

    One great supporter of this initiative in Government was Virginia Bottomley, who I am delighted to see here today.

    To date, the Lottery has distributed over £45 billion pounds to good causes, of which over £8 billion has gone to Sport. I should like to offer my congratulations to Camelot for all they have done to maximise receipts for sport and all the good causes. We owe them a great deal.

    Hugh Robertson, the Chairman of Camelot, has been a tremendous supporter of sport generally – and the Olympics specifically. Hugh: a very grateful thank you – from me and so many others.

    The Olympics have shown us how well the governing bodies of sport have used Lottery money: we have become winners – not also-rans – across a wide range of sports.

    And winning matters: it is not the be-all of sport but – at the elite level – it truly matters for the nation as well as elite athletes. We British love to win. It cheers us up. We feel proud. Historically, we have been good losers. More recently, we have become proud winners. I know which I prefer.

    Winning is the ultimate “feel-good” factor. I still remember – 67 years on – Chris Chataway beating the great Vladimir Kuts over 5,000 metres at the White City. The amateur beat the professional. The underdog won. It was a very, very British moment. Simply unforgettable. A prelude to the great Coe-Ovett rivalry that was to follow.

    It was also one of the great races, and the crowd sang “Chataway went that-away” in sheer exhilaration. It was joy unconfined, as sport so often is.

    All sport has developed and grown since then, but nowhere more than in Olympic and Paralympic sport, and in Women’s sport. For me, 2012 in London will always be the greatest Olympics.

    I was lucky enough to see Katherine Grainger win her Gold on the waters at Eton. But – sadly – I was at Glyndebourne for a Ravel double bill on that magical Saturday evening when Greg Rutherford, Jessica Ennis-Hill and Mo Farah all won Gold in a single hour. I heard the results on the way home, and knew that – much as I loved the opera – I had missed the memory of a lifetime.

    Paralympian sport showcases mental and physical courage as well as talent. In my early 20s, my sport ended after a motor accident in Nigeria: for a long time, it seemed possible I might lose a leg.

    I lay in hospital, wondering how my life would change, but many Paralympians faced far worse – and yet reached the highest levels of sporting endeavour: truly, they are remarkable role models, in sport and life.

    In the last 20 years, sportswomen have broken through more glass ceilings than the Crystal Palace ever knew. Elite athletes like Paula Radcliffe, and Tanni Grey-Thompson have become folk heroes of their sports. It has taken a long time for the talents of half the world’s population to be noticed but, at last, recognition is underway, and women’s sport is in the vanguard of one of the great social changes of history.

    We can be thrilled that we are one of the great sporting nations of the world, but – when you think of it – that is fitting, because we British invented many of the sports the whole world now plays.

    But there is more to be done. In our inner cities and rural areas, there is undiscovered talent lost to both elite and recreational sport. Millions still lack access to a range of sporting facilities – whether swimming pools; or tennis courts; or velodromes; or gymnastic halls.

    This is a social, as well as a sporting, loss. Sport brings happiness – one of the finest of human emotion and much needed in all our lives. It is an antidote to lack of fitness; to mental illness; to boredom; to loneliness. It brings people together at all ages because of a shared interest.

    Sport can turn gangs into teams. It can create a love for life that is never shed. I can say – with perfect truth – that a love of sport has enriched my life and, in my very last moments, I shall want to know the latest results and the close of play score.

    There is a lacuna in sport that has worsened over the years: I refer to sport in schools. Among public schools, sport – with good facilities – is widespread and plentiful: that is not so in the State sector. That loss to children is palpable – they should be as entitled to enjoy sport as they are required to study mathematics.

    Our country needs our schools and universities to turn out scientists, and doctors, and men and women of every skill, but a well-rounded education, a character-building education, an education that is truly for life – must surely include recreation. “A” grades in schools are academically important, but they cannot be the sum total of education for life.

    One final thought. Sport lingers. It leaves memories for life. I can close my eyes and see again Compton and Bedser, Matthews and Finney, Kelly Holmes and Seb Coe, Andy Murray and Virginia Wade, Chris Hoy and Laura Kenny … and so many more.

    And who could forget Ellie Simmonds and David Weir? I wonder, as every Winter Olympics approach – is there another Christopher Dean and Jayne Torvill out there? I do hope – one day there will be.

    UK Sport is twenty-five years old: that is a good age to plot ambitions for the future. That has been done: a ten-year strategy has been designed to:

    “Create the greatest decade of sporting moments; reaching, inspiring, and uniting the nation”.

    That is a towering ambition but one which I hope and believe can – and will – be met.

    To tell you about that, it’s my pleasure to introduce one of the true icons of British sport. Katherine Grainger has had a stellar career of many triumphs – including winning medals at five successive Olympic Games. Not even small boys dare to dream about that! But small girls clearly do…

    Dame Katherine is in her second term entrusted with the leadership of UK Sport: it is, in my view, in very safe hands.

  • Sir John Major’s Speech at the Institute for Government – 10 February 2022

    The speech made by Sir John Major at the Institute of Government on 10 February 2022.


    “IN DEMOCRACY WE TRUST?”

    We are living through a time of uncertainty and political turbulence – at home and overseas.

    At home, we take democracy for granted: we should not. It is far more complex than simply having the right to vote.

    In many countries, there is a widespread discontent of the governed, and democracy is in retreat. Nor is it in a state of grace in the UK.

    In the last decades of the 20th Century, the number of democratic countries grew dramatically: the arbiter of civil liberties, Freedom House, classified 110 nations as democratic.

    Democrats were so confident that their way of Government was the wave of the future that they stopped arguing for it.

    Their confidence was premature.

    In each of the last fifteen years, democracy has shrunk a little, as political and civil liberties have been diminished.

    In many countries, democracy has never taken root. Where it has, it risks being weakened by populism – often with added xenophobia, or muzzled by elected autocracy.

    It is challenged by protest groups or new – and more extreme – political movements. Even our great allies in the United States are facing populist attacks on their democracy.

    We should beware: when America sneezes, we often catch their cold.

    Good government has a duty to deliver unwelcome messages to electors.

    This is not easy in a world in which politicians are under continuous scrutiny from an uncontrolled internet, a 24 hour media, and an increasing number of impatient special interest groups.

    Under this spotlight, unwise promises are made to placate critics or win votes and – when these are not met – the public loses a little more faith.

    The hard truth is that, while government can do much, it cannot do everything. All problems cannot be swiftly and painlessly resolved on demand: it is an impossible task. If politicians admit that, it earns trust and respect.

    Discontent grows when inequality widens, or incomes stagnate, or problems seem unsolvable. The benefit of the doubt – that most precious of political commodities – is lost when Governments are seen to be “failing”.

    In the last 20 years a financial crash, unpopular wars, faltering globalisation, and an unfair distribution of the benefits of growth have all contributed to the present sour resentment of government.

    Our democracy has always been among the strongest and most settled in the world. It rests on the conviction that the UK Government acts for the wellbeing of all four of our nations.

    With nationalism growing – in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – not everyone shares that conviction.

    It relies also upon respect for the laws made in Parliament; upon an independent judiciary; upon acceptance of the conventions of public life; and on self-restraint by the powerful.

    If any of that delicate balance goes astray – as it has – as it is – our democracy is undermined. Our Government is culpable, in small but important ways, of failing to honour these conventions.

    Where Governments fall short, candour is the best means of binding up support.

    But that candour must be freely offered – not dragged out under the searchlight of Inquiries. If it is not whole-hearted and convincing, the loss of public trust can be swift and unforgiving.

    We have seen that playing out in recent weeks. Trust in politics is at a low ebb, eroded by foolish behaviour, leaving a sense of unease about how our politics is being conducted.

    Too often, Ministers have been evasive, and the truth has been optional.

    When Ministers respond to legitimate questions with pre-prepared soundbites, or half-truths, or misdirection, or wild exaggeration, then respect for government and politics dies a little more.

    Misleading replies to questions invite disillusion. Outright lies breed contempt.

    In our democracy, we are able to speak truth to power. But, if democracy is to be respected, power must also speak truth to the people.

    And yet, in recent years, they have not been doing so.

    There has been cynicism about politics from the dawn of time. We are told that politicians are “all the same”, and this untruth conditions electors to condone lies as though they were the accepted currency of public life.

    But politicians are not “all the same”. And lies are just not acceptable.

    To imply otherwise is to cheapen public life, and slander the vast majority of elected politicians who do not knowingly mislead.

    But some do – and their behaviour is corrosive. This tarnishes both politics and the reputation of Parliament. It is a dangerous trend.

    If lies become commonplace, truth ceases to exist. What and who, then, can we believe? The risk is …. nothing and no-one. And where are we then?

    Parliament is an echo chamber. Lies can become accepted as fact, which – as The Speaker has pointed out – has consequences for policy and for reputation.

    That is why deliberate lies to Parliament have been fatal to political careers – and must always be so.

    If trust in the word of our leaders in Parliament is lost – then trust in Government will be lost too.

    At No10, the Prime Minister and officials broke lockdown laws.

    Brazen excuses were dreamed up. Day after day the public was asked to believe the unbelievable. Ministers were sent out to defend the indefensible – making themselves look gullible or foolish.

    Collectively, this has made the Government look distinctly shifty, which has consequences that go far beyond political unpopularity.

    No Government can function properly if its every word is treated with suspicion. A report by the Constitution Unit of UCL tells us that the public trust the Courts more than the Civil Service; the Civil Service more than Parliament; and Parliament more than the Prime Minister.

    The lack of trust in the elected portion of our democracy cannot be brushed aside. Parliament has a duty to correct this.

    If it does not, and trust is lost at home, our politics is broken.

    If trust in our word is lost overseas, we may no longer be able to work effectively with friends and partners for mutual benefit – or even security.

    Unfortunately, that trust is being lost, and our reputation overseas has fallen because of our conduct. We are weakening our influence in the world.

    We should be wary. Even a casual glance at overseas comment shows our reputation is being shredded. A nation that loses friends and allies becomes a weaker nation.

    And when Ministers attack or blame foreign governments, to gain populist support at home, we are not taken seriously. Megaphone diplomacy merely increases hostility overseas. International trust may not be easy to regain.

    * * * * * *

    Our way of life is built around the maintenance of Law. The public expects our Government to work within the Law and the accepted rules of public life.

    It was unprecedented when this Government broke the Law by proroguing Parliament, to avoid debates on Brexit that might not have gone as they wished.

    I had promised, in a BBC interview, that if the Government attempted to muzzle Parliament I would challenge their action in Court.

    So I did – though not as swiftly as the civil rights campaigner, Gina Miller. Lawyers presented our cases separately but they were, in essence, identical.

    Both our challenges were upheld unanimously by the Supreme Court, who ruled that the Government’s actions were un-lawful.

    “It was,” the Court said, “impossible to conclude there was any reason, let alone a good reason” for proroguing Parliament for five weeks in the run up to Brexit.

    The Prime Minister said he “disagreed” with the Court, and the then Leader of the House accused the Supreme Court Judges of “a constitutional coup”. The Government accepted the verdict, but in bad faith. It did not apologise – nor mend its ways.

    It went on to introduce legislation, giving the Government the power to break International Law, albeit – as one Minister conceded – “in a limited but specific way”. Fortunately, the issue fell away, but it was a proposal that should never have been put forward.

    It cut overseas aid – which Parliament had set at 0.7% GDP – without the prior approval of Parliament (although this was obtained retrospectively).

    And this is the Government that fought a referendum to “protect the Sovereignty of Parliament” and the sanctity of domestic law.

    All of this is against the backdrop of the Prime Minister being investigated for several apparent breaches of the Ministerial Code.

    He chose to ignore critical reports on his Ministers; rejected advice from his independent Adviser on Ministerial Standards – who resigned; and attempted – but failed – to overturn a unanimous Standards Select Committee Report that condemned the behaviour of a Parliamentary colleague and friend.

    It may be possible to find excuses for each of these lapses – and others – but all of them, taken together, tell a different tale.

    The Prime Minister and our present Government not only challenge the Law, but also seem to believe that they – and they alone – need not obey the rules, traditions, conventions – call them what you will – of public life.

    The charge that there is one law for the Government, and one for everyone else is politically deadly – and it has struck home.

    Our democracy requires that the truth and the Law should be respected and obeyed – above all, by the Government. But, sometimes, it seems that – even if it is obeyed – it is not always respected.

    When a leading tabloid labelled Judges “enemies of the people” the Justice Secretary did not leap to their defence. Other Cabinet Ministers publicly disparaged “leftie lawyers”, “activist lawyers”, and attacked Judges for “exceeding their authority”.

    Public denunciation of Judges and lawyers gives credence to the belief that the Government wishes to usher in a compliant Judiciary.

    It should back off.

    The late Lord Bingham, one of our greatest Judges, once remarked that there “are countries where the Judges always agree with the Government – but they are not countries in which any of us would like to live”. That was true then – and is true today.

    There have also been attempted assaults on civil rights – not all of them successful. The Government briefed, but rowed back from, a serious attack on Judicial Review: but the intent was there and may return.

    It proposed legislation to allow the Police to “stop and search” anyone at a protest meeting “without any cause for suspicion”.

    It attempted to legislate to allow the Police to impose conditions on protest marches likely to be “noisy”. These are not the only examples.

    Apart from being unworkable, such proposals would have alienated the public from the Police. I recall anti-Poll Tax marches, anti-war marches and anti-Brexit marches which attracted huge numbers – and were certainly noisy. Would these have been banned?

    The intent of these protestors was not to prevent the public from going about their normal lives. These protestors were the public, expressing deeply-felt opposition to Government policy.

    But – although they may be uncomfortable for any government – protest marches are a safety valve for free speech. Democracy should treat them with care.

    The Government was lucky that the House of Lords rejected these proposals, but there is no certainty they will not return in another Bill.

    Such a denial of civil rights is wrong in principle, and in practice.

    If the power of the State grows, and the protections of the Law diminish, then the liberties of the individual fall.

    The Mother of Parliaments should not permit this.

    * * * * * * *

    We British are a kindly people. When appeals are made for those in distress – at home or abroad – the good heart of our nation responds with compassion and generosity.

    But, increasingly, across the Western world, populist pressure leads Governments to be less generous to refugees, asylum seekers and migrants.

    At present, an estimated 70 million people are displaced – three times as many as at the end of the Second World War. In the next 30 years, climate change may force a further 143 million people to leave their homes.

    To this, we must add unknown numbers of families fleeing from intolerable hardship and repression.

    The problem is huge and growing. It needs a collaborative and international solution to help refugees, and protect the target communities that now bear the burden. Without such an approach, the next generation will inherit an insoluble problem.

    In America, they build walls to keep migrants out. In Europe, they build camps to keep them in.

    Here, in the UK, the Government wishes to remove British citizenship from dual nationals, without any notice or right of appeal.

    It proposes serious action against criminal gangs that traffic migrants – and rightly so. But it also proposes to criminalise the migrants themselves.

    We should search our souls before doing this.

    Can it really be a crime to be frightened; homeless; desperate; destitute; fleeing from persecution, or war, or famine, or hardship; and to cross half the world on foot and dangerous waters in an unsafe boat, in the hope of finding a better life?

    Of course, if the numbers are too large, this creates an appalling problem for local communities. But surely, to seek sanctuary from an unbearable life cannot – morally – be treated as a crime?

    Yet, the Government’s Border Bill proposes to punish asylum seekers who take an unsanctioned route, with a jail sentence of up to four years.

    There must be a better way to protect areas such as Kent, than filling our prisons with miserable unfortunates, whose only real crime is to seek a better life.

    Prison – for these refugees – is punishment without compassion.

    I do sympathise with the awful problem facing the Government. But these proposals are not natural justice, and are decidedly un-British.

    I hope the Government will reconsider.

    * * * * * * *

    The UK has long been admired for having the highest standards in public life. We are not perfect. There is no golden age. But, for generations, we have been seen to set an example for others to follow.

    Many years ago, in the wake of a scandal that became known as “Cash for Questions”, I set up the Nolan Committee on Standards in Public Life.

    Nolan set out guidelines to guard against poor behaviour.

    Recently, in a comprehensive Report, the Committee – now under the Chairmanship of Lord Evans of Weardale – reported that we need more rigorous enforcement of ethical standards.

    It would be reassuring if the appointment of the guardians of ethics was fully independent and – where appropriate – new powers to initiate, investigate and report were put on a statutory basis.

    In a Foreword to this Report, I endorsed the Committee’s commendations in full, and I hope the Prime Minister will accept them without delay.

    If the Prime Minister were to agree to this, it would help to regain the UK’s reputation as the standard for democracy; for fairness; for honesty; and for pragmatic commonsense in protecting our national interests.

    That reputation, built up by our predecessors, is invaluable to our national interests: it should be protected, not demolished.

    * * * * * * *

    The style of the Government creates its own problems. It looks for enemies where there are none. Moreover, it then chooses the wrong enemies.

    Most recently, it has been waging campaigns against the Civil Service and the BBC. In neither case is this wise – or justified – or even in the Government’s own interests.

    The Civil Service is the support structure to government: treating it as a hostile “blob” which seeks to undermine the Government is both foolish and wrong.

    As for the BBC, it is a crucial part of our overseas “soft power”, and a policy of undermining it and starving it of funds is self-defeating for UK interests.

    Ministers should remember that both these institutions are more trusted than the Government itself. They should focus their attention on reforms to improve public life.

    * * * * * * *

    Finally ……

    There is rarely a good time for a bad idea, but sometimes – when faced with the alternatives – a bad idea can appeal. So it is with the funding of politics.

    The present funding of our democratic system leaves it prey to special interests. The Conservative Party is too dependent upon business and a small number of very wealthy donors.

    The Labour Party is in hock to trades unions, and a different cadre of donors. Minor Parties are also obligated to funders.

    This carries risks that besmirch politics. Many believe – sometimes, but not always, wrongly – that Honours are offered as a reward for funding our democratic system: that donors are given access to Ministers, and are able to influence policy.

    It is a perception that corrupts our system. The Honours system is cheapened. And the political system is made to look corrupt. This damages democracy.

    It is time to re-focus on how our politics is funded. The system needs cleansing. It must never be the plaything of the rich, nor of pressure groups, yet no-one wants our politics fully funded by the State. Certainly, I don’t.

    Legislation should limit funding by individuals, by companies, by trades unions, to sums that no-one can reasonably claim would entitle the donor to favours, rewards, or undesirable access.

    Donors must not be seen to sway policy through an open cheque book.

    If a restriction on donations means an increased level of public funding of political Parties, of elections, of referendums, then so be it.

    I don’t like this outcome, but it is the lesser of the evils and – despite my distaste – it is a price worth paying if it removes any suggestion of corrupt advantage, and restores the reputation of representative democracy.

    “One man, one vote” is a sound principle: and this essential fairness should not risk being undermined by any one man and his money.

    * * * * * * *

    Our democracy is a fragile structure: it is not an impenetrable fortress. It can fall if no-one challenges what is wrong, or does not fight for what is right.

    The protection of democracy depends upon Parliament and the Government upholding the values we have as individuals, and the trust we inspire as a nation.

    But these values cannot be partial; cannot be occasional; cannot be taken out and paraded for political convenience. They are eternal.

    Democracy is a life-long companion, not a passing fancy.

    Trust, integrity and values are the structure upon which our democracy is founded.

    If they are rooted in our politics and our way of life, they provide a pathway to take any child from the backstreets of their youth, to the pinnacle of their ambition.

    We must protect this way of life. It is more precious than any Government, any political party, or any individual.

    * * * * * * *

    For many years, travelling the world, I have been received as the lucky representative of the most stable democracy of them all.

    The UK was seen as the democracy, tested by time, whose virtues had built the Mother of Parliaments and a free, independent – and fair – legal system that was widely copied. All held together by a language that united the world.

    We were seen as the free-est of nations, safe in our island, with allies and partners in every corner of our world. It was a position of influence, built up over centuries – envied, praised and copied.

    All of this gave the UK a unique position in the world. It was not simply the influence of military or political power – but of example, which is as important as trust.

    And trust matters.

    It matters for self-respect. It matters for gentle persuasion. It matters for hard, uncomfortable decision-making.

    It matters to our Parliament. It matters to our country. It matters to our United Kingdom. It matters in how we are perceived by others near and far.

    And it matters for the long-term protection and wellbeing of democracy.