Tag: 1992

  • PMQT Written Answers – 15 January 1992

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 15th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Foreign Investment

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister what is his policy in regard to selective intervention in circumstances of inward economic investment by foreign companies in (a) the regions of England, (b) Wales, (c) Scotland and (d) Northern Ireland, respectively.

    The Prime Minister : Regional selective assistance (RSA) is available to encourage inward investment in the assisted areas of England, Wales and Scotland. Investors with a choice of location are offered the same level of RSA to go to assisted areas of equal status. A similar scheme operates in Northern Ireland but higher levels of assistance are available and may be offered.

     

    Nuclear Waste

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister what correspondence his office had with Mr. W. R. Burton on nuclear waste disposal over the past three years.

    The Prime Minister : As far as I am aware, none.

     

    World Commission on Environment and Development

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister what plans Her Majesty’s Government have to contribute new proposals to the World Commission on Environment and Development when it reconvenes in London on 21 to 24 April.

    The Prime Minister : I am delighted that the World commission will reconvene in London in April. The purpose of the meeting is to enable the commissioners to make their independent assessment of the prospects for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. The commissioners are not seeking proposals from Governments but, in view of the importance of the event, Her Majesty’s Government are giving financial and other support to the organisers, the Centre for our Common Future.

     

    UN Environment and Development Conference

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister what resources have been committed by Her Majesty’s Government to ensuring wide public distribution of preparatory committee reports and decisions for the Earth summit at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Rio de Janeiro in June.

    The Prime Minister : The Government have provided reports on decisions so far taken at UNCED preparatory committees to a wide range of interested organisations and individuals through the United Kingdom committee for UNEP.

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister what information he has received on the international meeting of non-governmental organisations held in Paris in December to formulate agreed proposals to the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development to be held in Rio de Janeiro in June.

    The Prime Minister : It is important that the views of the non-governmental community should be taken fully into account in preparations for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. I understand that agreement was not reached on all items addressed by the Paris meeting in December but that a partial set of proposals will be forwarded to the UNCED secretariat. These will be discussed at a meeting today between officials of the Department of the Environment and the British representatives of non-governmental organisations who attended the Paris meeting.

     

    Women and the Environment

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister if he will obtain for his Office’s library a copy of the recently published “Women and the Environment” compiled by Annabel Rodda.

    The Prime Minister : I have already done so.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 14 January 1992

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 14th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Constituencies

    Mr. Allen : To ask the Prime Minister what is Her Majesty’s Government’s policy towards equalising the size of parliamentary constituencies; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : When conducting a review of parliamentary constituencies, the parliamentary boundary commissions are required to give effect to the rules set out in schedule 2 to the Parliamentary Constituencies Act 1986, which include a requirement that constituency electorates should be as close as practicable to the electoral quota for that part of the United Kingdom.

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Harry Greenway : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 14 January.

    The Prime Minister : This morning I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House I shall be having further meetings later today.

  • PMQT – 14 January 1992

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 14th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Douglas : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 14 January.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Douglas : Will the Prime Minister take some time today to examine his pledge not to turn his back on Lanarkshire? Will he give a clear indication of the earnestness of that pledge by agreeing to meet the shop stewards of Dalzell plant, who have indicated that they have a plan guaranteeing the effectiveness of their own plant, together with continued steel production in Scotland? Does he accept that he has an obligation to honour that pledge by examining every possible avenue to maintain steel production in Scotland, and in particular not to turn his back on a plan which has shown great effectiveness?

    The Prime Minister : I made my position clear in Scotland some time ago. We certainly would not abandon the people of north Lanarkshire. As the hon. Gentleman knows, we shall be seeking agreement from the European Community to establish an enterprise zone such as those which, in other parts, have been very successful. He will also know that in the past year we have provided about £120 million extra assistance for north Lanarkshire through the Scottish Enterprise fund, East Kilbride development corporation, the iron and steel employees readaption benefit scheme, the Scottish Development Agency and much else. I am sure that either my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Employment or my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State will be happy to meet the shop stewards in Dalzell.

    Mr. Thurnham : Does my right hon. Friend accept that, at a time of great international instability, the whole country welcomes his decision as chairman of the United Nations Security Council to call a meeting of that council later this month? Does not the acceptance of his invitation by President Bush, President Yeltsin, President Mitterrand and other world leaders prove the importance of that meeting? Is it not an insult to world leaders that the right hon. Member for Manchester, Gorton (Mr. Kaufman) should describe that as grubbing around for a photo opportunity?

    The Prime Minister : We have had a very favourable response from Heads of Government, all of whom share our view that the meeting offers a unique opportunity to reinforce the role of the United Nations as a peacemaker and peacekeeper, to look at the role that they can play in both disarmament and non-proliferation, and to reinforce the role that they can play in terms of improving good government and human rights records in a large number of countries. There has been unanimous acceptance by Heads of State and Government among Security Council members to attend. I hope and believe that it will be a useful and worthwhile occasion.

     

    Q2. Mr. Bidwell : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 14 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Bidwell : Is the Prime Minister aware that conflicting views about the future of the railways are coming from No. 10 Downing street and from the Secretary of State for Transport? It is said that the Prime Minister has a view. May the House hear it today? There is an old saying, “This is no way to run a railway”–I suggest that this is no way to run a Government either.

    The Prime Minister : On a non-controversial note, I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on his 75th birthday today.

    We are discussing within government the right way to take forward the privatisation of British Railways. Our aim is to ensure that passengers get a better deal as a result. We believe that the way to do that is to expose the railways to private sector disciplines. That is what we are discussing. In due course, when we have discussed the detail of how that will be brought about, we shall make a public statement.

    Mr. Lawrence : Since raising the quality of life of the British people is one of the main aims of my right hon. Friend’s Government, can we count on his support for my National Lottery Bill?

    The Prime Minister : An important debate on my hon. and learned Friend’s Bill is scheduled for this Friday. The Under Secretary of State, Home Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Fareham (Mr. Lloyd), will make the Government’s position clear in that debate.

    Mr. Kinnock : Will the Prime Minister take this opportunity to confirm that it is still his view that, as he put it in his own words just a few weeks ago,

    “tax cuts in the Budget”

    would be “unwise”, would “recreate problems” and would be “fools’ gold”?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman has been misled. What I said in the interview in Harare, from which he has quoted, was that a reduction in interest rates just to stimulate the economy would be fools’ gold–as it would be. However, to help the right hon. Gentleman, I went on to add that if there was a prospect of tax reductions, we would take it and give people the opportunity to spend their money in their own interests.

    Mr. Kinnock : Everyone will have the opportunity to check the words used in that interview and everyone will have the opportunity to ask why, if those words are so wrong, they have not been corrected before now. Does not the Prime Minister recall saying in precise terms that tax cuts in the Budget before the election–as he is precisely quoted as saying–would be “unwise”, would “recreate problems”, would be “unfair”, would “hurt” people and would be “economic tricks”– [Interruption.] Is it not clear– [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker : Order.

    Mr. Kinnock : As the hopes of Conservative Members fade, so their voices grow louder.

    Is it not clear that what was fools’ gold in October is fools’ gold in January and would be fools’ gold in March?

    The Prime Minister : As I said to the right hon. Gentleman a moment ago–clearly, he was not listening –the quotation that he used refers to a reduction in interest rates, not to a reduction in taxation. The right hon. Gentleman can check the quote–perhaps he should have done so before using it inaccurately. When it is prudent to make tax reductions, we shall make them, because we believe that people are better able to look after their own interests with their own money than any Government, however benevolent, would be. It is the right hon. Gentleman’s policy to increase taxation. He proposes the sharpest increases in taxes that we have had in peacetime since the war. That is expressly not the policy of this Government.

    Mr. Kinnock : The right hon. Gentleman heads the Government who have imposed the highest tax burden in history on British families. He is the head of the party of high taxation. Why has he not the courage to stand by the words that he gave to his interviewer just a few months ago?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman should not repeat what he has twice been told is incorrect. If he is concerned about the level of taxation, he might perhaps explain to the country why he proposes to increase the rate of taxation if given the chance. He might also explain why his hon. Friend the Member for Islington, South and Finsbury (Mr. Smith) has suggested a luxury rate of value added tax, after all that the shadow Chancellor, the right hon. and learned Member for Monklands, East (Mr. Smith), has said in recent weeks.

    Mr. Mills : Does my right hon. Friend recall those heady days in the early 1980s when, with my right hon. Friend the Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit), we changed industrial relations law? That has led to fewer days lost due to industrial action in Britain than in many of our competitor countries in Europe and abroad. Has my right hon. Friend read the recent report? Has he any comments? Will he continue to change industrial relations legislation to take further the Conservative progress which has helped democracy within trade unions and reduced the number of days lost to strikes?

    The Prime Minister : There is no doubt that, as a result of the trade union reforms in the last decade, we have a far better record of industrial relations than our competitors elsewhere or than previously in Britain. When and where appropriate, we shall continue to make further improvements.

     

    Q3. Mr. Fraser : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 14 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Fraser : Has the Prime Minister noted the remarks of the Minister for Public Transport about one class of service for business men and another, cheap and cheerful class of service, for typists? Despite the Minister’s apology, does not that statement, accurately sum up the Government’s policy on public services such as housing, education and health? The cheap and cheerful version of the service is hardly ever likely to be used by Cabinet Ministers or their families.

    The Prime Minister : That is uncharacteristic, and I would not have expressed myself as my hon. Friend did. My hon. Friend has subsequently made it clear that he regrets expressing his views in that way. If every politician in government or opposition were forced to apologise for injudicious remarks, few of us would be doing anything else.

     

    Q4. Mr. Michael Brown : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 14 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Brown : Will my right hon. Friend confirm that as a result of discussions between the American company Kimberley Clarke and the Department of Trade and Industry, it is likely that a factory employing 800 people is to be built in my constituency? Can my right hon. Friend give some indication of the DTI investment and the number of jobs to be created? Will he confirm that that is Conservative industrial policy working to the benefit of my constituency in particular and the country in general?

    The Prime Minister : I am delighted to hear of the proposed investment and job creation in my hon. Friend’s constituency. The amount of grant offered is, of course, a confidential matter between the Department and the company. On the other specific questions that my hon. Friend asks, I will make inquiries and write to him. He is entirely right that inward investment is created by the right policies of deregulation and low taxation. The enormous amount of inward investment that we have seen in recent years would be lost if those policies were reversed.

    Mr. Ashdown : Further to the Prime Minister’s previous answer, does he not realise that, while he and his Chancellor argue about the Budget, and while his Cabinet is split on the matter, there is widespread public support for the view that at this time investment in the nation’s future should come before cuts in the basic rates of tax? Is the Prime Minister saying that he disagrees with that view?

    The Prime Minister : I agree entirely with the importance of investment. Where I might disagree with the right hon. Gentleman is that I do not believe that investment is increased by increasing taxes.

     

    Q5. Mr. Squire : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 14 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Squire : Does my right hon. Friend agree that the prospect of a dictator or an irresponsible third-world country acquiring any of the 27,000 nuclear weapons previously controlled by the Soviet Union is literally a terrifying thought? Against that background, does he further agree that to maintain Britain’s nuclear deterrent is as important and essential today as it ever has been?

    The Prime Minister : I do agree with my hon. Friend on that point. The end of the Soviet empire creates a large number of opportunities, but also some dangers. We have to be prepared for both. The diminished threat to NATO gives us the opportunity to make prudent reductions in defence, but they must be prudent and it would at this stage be imprudent to lift our nuclear shield in any way.

    Mr. Faulds : Why did the Prime Minister not have the courtesy to respond to a pre-Christmas appeal by Church leaders that he should make a statement– [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker : Order.

    Mr. Faulds rose–[Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker : Order. The House is becoming disorderly.

    Mr. Faulds rose–[Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker : Order. The hon. Gentleman has as much right to express his view as any other Member of the House.

    Mr. Faulds : Hon. Members seem embarrassed by good works. Why did the Prime Minister not have the courtesy to respond to a pre-Christmas appeal by Church leaders for him to make a statement urging stores not to break the Sunday trading laws? Did he simply lack the moral courage?

    The Prime Minister : I have indicated the Government’s position on Sunday trading laws in the House on a number of occasions. I am interested to note the hon. Gentleman’s concern on behalf of the Churches. The Archbishop of Canterbury did not mention it to me on new year’s day when we had lunch together.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 13 January 1992

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 13th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    RECHAR

    Mr. Morgan : To ask the Prime Minister if he will institute an official inquiry into the source of the leaked letter from the Secretary of State for the Environment to the Secretaries of State for Scotland and Wales referring to the RECHAR scheme.

    The Prime Minister : Where it appears that classified documents may have been leaked, it is for the Secretary of State for the relevant Department concerned, in the first instance, to decide, in consultation with his officials, what inquiries need to be made.

     

    Security Service

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the appointment of the new director of the Security Service.

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary announced on 16 December 1991 that Mrs. Stella Rimington had been appointed as the new director general of the Security Service, in accordance with the provisions of the Security Service Act 1989.

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister (1) what changes he intends to make in his policy for providing answers to questions from hon. Members on the Security Service;

    (2) if he will make it his practice to give information in reply to parliamentary questions concerning the Security Service;

    (3) if he will list changes made since 1987 in practice on providing answers to questions by hon. Members on the security services.

    The Prime Minister : The functions of the Security Service and other statutory provisions were debated in Parliament during the passage of the Security Service Act 1989. The Government intend to continue the practice adopted by successive Governments of not disclosing information relating to the operation of the Security Service.

     

    Roman Catholic Church (Recognition)

    Sir Hugh Rossi : To ask the Prime Minister whether, following the repeal in part XVI of schedule 1 to the Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1978 of section 24 of the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, he will now make it the policy of Her Majesty’s Government to accord the same degree of official recognition to the territorial sees and titles of the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales as is accorded to the unestablished Anglican churches outside England.

    The Prime Minister : This suggestion is currently being considered, and I will write to my hon. Friend about it as soon as possible.

     

    Government of London

    Mr. Gould : To ask the Prime Minister when he intends to reply to the letter dated 22 October from the hon. Member for Dagenham concerning the government of London.

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment has replied on my behalf.

     

    Government Achievements

    Mr. Flynn : To ask the Prime Minister if, pursuant to his reply, on Her Majesty’s Government’s achievements, to the hon. Member for Teignbridge (Mr. Nicholls) on 16 December, Official Report, column 22, he will set out (a) the cost of making this reply and (b) the failures of Her Majesty’s Government over the same period.

    The Prime Minister : My reply of 16 December to my hon. Friend the Member for Teignbridge demonstrated a consistent record of success and achievement throughout 1991. The cost of that reply, based on the cost of staff and overheads in various departments involved in its compilation, and the printing costs, is estimated at £1,520.

     

    European Union

    Mr. Spearing : To ask the Prime Minister what action he has agreed to or authorised in respect of the annex 1 entitled “Reference in the treaty to European Parties”, in the draft treaty on European Union; and when, and under what circumstance, the places and formulation of such reference will be determined.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 19 December 1991] : It is for the presidency to propose a precise formulation and place in the treaty for such a reference before signature.

    Mr. Spearing : To ask the Prime Minister if he will state which body or bodies will define which associations or foundations are deemed charitable, in respect of the declaration on co-operation with charitable associations in pursuing the objectives of either version of article 117 in the draft treaty on European union.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 19 December 1991] : Declarations by the inter-governmental conference have political rather than legal force, and the existing arrangements for defining charitable status are not affected. In the case of the United Kingdom, the competent body remains the Charity Commission.

     

    Western Shoshone People

    Mr. Cryer : To ask the Prime Minister if he will obtain for his office’s library the 1989 report by the United States Congress Office of Technology Assessment to which reference is made in the letter by Ambassador Renwick to Chief Rowell of the Western Shoshone people.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : I have already done so.

     

    Nuclear Weapons

    Mr. Cryer : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the technical basis for the requirement for the United Kingdom to carry out tests from time to time to ensure the safety of the nuclear deterrent deployment by the United Kingdom.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : It has not been the practice of this or previous Governments to give technical details of our nuclear test programme. Testing remains essential to ensure the effectiveness, safety and credibility of our independent nuclear deterrent.

    Mr. Cryer : To ask the Prime Minister what steps have been taken to co-ordinate the United Kingdom nuclear weapons deployment and development programme with Her Majesty’s Government’s commitments under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : For as long as our security depends upon the possession of nuclear weapons, the Government are committed to maintaining a minimum nuclear deterrent. This is entirely consistent with our commitments under the nuclear non- proliferation treaty.

     

    Coopers and Lybrand

    Mr. Cousins : To ask the Prime Minister which Departments, for what purposes, and at what cost, have used the services of Coopers and Lybrand since 1989.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : This information is not held centrally.

     

    Lockerbie

    Mr. Ron Brown : To ask the Prime Minister what representations he has received from Libya about the Lockerbie bombing; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : The Libyans have issued various statements and indirect messages about the Lockerbie bombing. None of these provided a satisfactory response to the requests we made with our United States and French partners on 27 November.

     

    Lt. Col. Partap Singh

    Mr. Madden : To ask the Prime Minister when he expects to answer the letter, dated 12 August 1991, from Lt. Col. Partap Singh (retired), president of the Khalsa Raj party; and if he will place a copy of his reply in the Library.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 20 December 1991] : My office has no record of receiving Lt. Col. Singh’s letter.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Doorstep Interview with UN Secretary General – 13 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint doorstep interview with the UN Secretary General, Mr Boutros Boutros Ghali, in London on Monday 13th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I was very pleased this afternoon to be able to welcome the Secretary General to London and to congratulate him at an early stage in his new appointment as Secretary General of the United Nations.

    We have had the opportunity this afternoon of a very wide ranging discussion on many of the matters of concern to the UN at present and there are of course a vast range of those. In particular I have been able to finalise with the Secretary General the arrangements for the Extraordinary General Meeting of the Security Council, which I can now confirm will be on 31 January.

    We now have confirmation from all the Heads of State and Government that they will be present on this occasion and it will give us an early opportunity in the Secretary General’s tenure to meet and to look at some of the issues of great importance to us all at present.

    I can in particular confirm that President Yeltsin will be attending and this of course will be the first occasion he will have had to attend such a meeting in his new capacity.

    In the Extraordinary General Meeting we see several matters that need to be addressed as being of particular importance. The first of those is the United Nations’ role as a peace-maker, a peace-keeper and as a settler of disputes. We will wish to look and examine how that can be enhanced with the vast number of regional conflicts that exist at present.

    The second area of particular importance will be the question of disarmament and non-proliferation and the very important role that the United Nations has to play in that.

    And the third continuing area of importance will be to stress yet again the very great importance that the United Nations generally gives to the maintenance of good government and human rights.

    I am very pleased that this special General Meeting is coming about. I do not claim it as an original idea, the original concept of this was President Mitterrand’s some months ago. But I am confident from the warm response it had from people around the world that it is an idea whose time has come.

    So these are the matters we have had the opportunity to discuss this afternoon and I am very grateful to the Secretary General for joining me. He now perhaps may care to say a word or two.

    MR GHALI:

    I just want to thank the Prime Minister for the Summit meeting of the members of the Security Council which will be held at the end of the month in New York and I believe that this summit meeting will be very useful for the United Nations, for the Secretariat of the United Nations and for the new mission of the United Nations – promoting peace, settling peacefully international disputes, contributing to peace-keeping, peace-making and peace-building, and promote human rights and democratic institutions in the different countries of the world. The summit meeting will certainly help me personally in my new job and I want again to thank the Prime Minister for proposing this meeting and I am sure that this meeting will be a success and will contribute to the reinforcement of peace and security all over the world.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, is President Yeltsin coming to London first?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I spoke to President Yeltsin at length on Friday afternoon and I invited him to London. In principle he would like to come, there are a lot of things happening at the moment, we are looking at the logistics to see if it is possible on that particular date. But if he cannot come on 30 January I hope he will come at an early date, but the 30th is not yet finalised.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, it is your contention, is it not, that it is only the Conservatives who can manage these changes for Britain that you are going to discuss at the Security Council in the way that Britain needs. Secretary General, could you assess Britain’s future role in the United Nations and do you share any worries about a change of government?

    MR GHALI:

    The United Nations is cooperating with Great Britain and this is what is important for the United Nations.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, is it your belief that only the Conservatives can fulfil the proper role in the UN?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You heard the Secretary General’s reply, you heard what I had to say, this is not an occasion for that sort of remark.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Ghali, could you answer this question in Arabic, if the Prime Minister does not mind. There is news today that there is an overall plan to solve the hostage dispute in the Middle East, do you have any comment on that?

    MR GHALI:

    No I have no comment, the United Nations is trying very hard to contribute to the release of the hostages, there are still two more hostages in the Middle East and this is one of the duties of the United Nations that my predecessor had played a very important role in this, and we intend to continue to do our best to release all the hostages in the Middle East and outside the Middle East also.

  • Mr Major’s Statement on Terrorist Bomb – 10 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s statement, made on Friday 10th January 1992, following a terrorist bomb.


    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION:

    What is your reaction to this terrorist attack?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Well I am grateful firstly that no-one has been injured and the Police have been able to deal with the matter so speedily and so effectively. But I think the terrorists really should have learned now that neither in Belfast nor in London nor in anywhere else in the United Kingdom will they be able to bomb people out of their normal activities, their homes, their schools or anything else. If they want to reinforce our determination to make sure we defeat them this is the way to do it. It’s utterly counterproductive.

    QUESTION:

    Of course this happens everyday in Northern Ireland but they’re hoping for maximum impact by doing it almost in the heart of Government aren’t they?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Well it is not the first time in the last year that they have tried that of course in London. But it is perfectly true the real thrust of their campaign has been against the people in Belfast who have stood it with very great courage for many years. The people of Belfast haven’t wavered, haven’t weakened, haven’t changed their determinations and neither will we.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think it is designed to damage the prospects of Peter Brooke’s talks?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think it is impossible to say. We are dealing with people who have many motives and many splinter groups. It is impossible to say precisely what their motives are. The only thing we can be certain about is that whatever the motives are they are not honourable motives and they will not succeed.

    QUESTION:

    It does reinforce the need for those talks to get underway though doesn’t it?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We are very keen for the talks to proceed. It has been a remarkable piece of work the way Peter Brooke has brought so many different people and so many different ideas around the table to talk. That’s the way to make progress. It is to talk. Not to place bombs that may or may not injure any innocent that frequently have in the past. That is not the way to behave, talking is the way to behave, talking is the way to behave and I think Peter Brooke has done magnificently so far, and we are keen to see that talks commence again.

    QUESTION:

    Will security be stepped up as a result?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not going to talk about security now.

    QUESTION:

    Why weren’t you in Downing Street at the time?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That’s because I had a meeting here that was arranged sometime ago.

  • Mr Major’s Labour Tax Bombshell Statement – 7 January 1992

    Below is the text of the Conservative Party Press Release, ref 17/92, following a statement by John Major on 7th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    LABOUR’S TAX BOMBSHELL

    Speaking to a meeting of Party workers in Newcastle today, the Rt Hon John Major MP (Huntingdon), Prime Minister and Leader of the Conservative Party said:

    “We have a clear message for the electorate at the next General Election: there is only one Party in Britain which believes in lower taxation and that is the Conservative Party. This century the Labour Party has been in Government for a total of 20 years. In only three of those years did they reduce the basic rate of tax. One of those was at the end of the war, when we returned to peace-time finance. One was when we and the other Parties forced them to do so by beating them in the House of Commons. And the third was when the British economy was being run not by the Labour Government but by the IMF. Hardly the record of a tax-cutting Party.”

    “Before elections Labour politicians constantly promise to carry out their spending programmes without increasing the basic rate of tax. The evidence shows that once in office they always raise it. Labour has no enthusiasm for tax cuts, but a great appetite for tax increases. Some tax payers may wonder whether basic rate tax really would rise from 25 per cent to 35 per cent over a Parliament. The answer is yes – if Labour keep the promises on spending they have made. The unwary should remember. The last Labour Government hiked tax up to 35 per cent. They did it before. And they would do it again.

    “We already know that a Labour Government would raise the top rate of tax from 40 to 59 per cent bringing in a new tax on talent by imposing extra National Insurance contributions on all workers earning over £20,280 a year. They would also bring back a tax on thrift with a 9 per cent surcharge on savings. Those are only three of their eight admitted tax plans. But all eight together would raise at most £10 billion by the end of a Parliament. Far short of Labour’s existing spending commitments of at least £35 billion a year by that time. With this huge programme of promises, who can possibly believe Mr Kinnock’s incredible claim that 88 per cent of tax payers would pay no more?”

  • Mr Major’s Speech at the Oxford Farming Conference – 6 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the Oxford Farming Conference on Monday 6th January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I cannot help thinking, standing here in this splendid pulpit, that this is more your scene, Bishop, perhaps than mine. But avoiding the temptation to say: “Dearly Beloved”, perhaps I might say what a pleasure it is to be here this evening and to have the opportunity of speaking to you about agriculture.

    I have over dinner been very well prepared. I have been sitting before [Inaudible] apple juice, it is very powerful stuff, I recommend it. If Maitland Battey has not tried it I am bound to tell him that when he does try it it will change the national drink in Scotland overnight.

    But despite this splendid pulpit this is not in my view an evening for sermonising. But I do have some serious things that I would like to say both about farming and about the countryside and about the future of both farming and the countryside.

    I have, as a constituency Member of Parliament, a farming constituency, mainly arable, some pig farming, sheep, root crops, a bit of horticulture, in fact a bit of almost everything except hill farming, and those of you who know East Anglia will know that despite the innovative nature of the farmers in my constituency, it is pretty difficult to be a hill farmer in Huntingdon.

    But apart from that I have a fairly broad spread of farming, and I make that point because I think it illustrates that I have some knowledge of how crucial farming is to the countryside. And I believe that no-one who understands that can possibly under-estimate the value of agriculture, not just to the countryside on its own, but to our whole way of life in the United Kingdom.

    And I know, too, and make no secret of the fact, how difficult farming has been in the last two or three years. I understand the uncertainty that exists and I dismiss from personal knowledge as unpleasant and ill-informed the absurd caricature that some people propagate of farmers living rich in the lap of subsidy.

    The reality is, we know too well in this room, that farming is short of confidence at present. And to regain that confidence it needs, in my judgment, a categoric answer to one question above all: what is to be the future of farming? Does it have one? And if it does, what is it and how soon will it come about?

    I want partly to try and answer those questions this evening. But only, I fear, partly. And I say that because a full answer to those questions cannot, will not be available until two vital issues are resolved: firstly the final outcome of the Uruguay Round; and secondly the long awaited and much needed reform of the Common Agricultural Policy.

    I start from the premise this evening that it is not for the government to tell you what to do with your farm businesses, they are your businesses, it is for you to decide. But for the past 5 decades the government has been intimately involved with agriculture and I think it is therefore not unreasonable for you to ask how the government sees the future of your industry. And that of course is why we recently published a paper on our farming future.

    For me to say to you this evening that agriculture must change is not to say anything new. Most, I suspect everyone in this room, know that very well. But I do want to touch upon three aspects of that change. First, and briefly, why it is necessary. Second, what the most promising new directions seem to be. And third, and crucially I believe, how the government views change in the countryside more generally.

    So why firstly is change necessary? Agriculture is first and foremost, always has been, an industry. But it is more than that, in the countryside it is both an industry and a way of life. It has an enormous impact on the physical environment around us. But ultimately it will stand or fall as an industry. And like other industries agriculture has its highs, its lows, its ups and downs, and a great deal of the agricultural scene has been in a low for several years now. And the prospects look at present uncertain to bleak for much of farming, even though the rest of the economy is now beginning to emerge from recession.

    Bleak, of course, bleak that is if you feel that the present patterns of production and levels of agricultural price support must be sustained at all costs. But I must say to you bluntly that the reality is that that is simply not possible, not in the United Kingdom, not in Europe, and indeed not anywhere in the world. In fact in many parts of the world, not just domestically in our own industry, in many parts of the world there is now widespread dissatisfaction with many aspects of agricultural support with the direct cost of agricultural support to consumers and tax-payers and with the indirect cost in terms of trade distortions that are particularly damaging to poor countries.

    And moreover those levels of support have other effects and another impact as well. They have, it seems to me, made agriculture a dependent industry – an absurd parody if I, as a non-agriculturalist can say it, an absurd parody when in my experience countryfolk generally, and farmers specifically, are among the most independent of individuals.

    But that is by no means the only evil of the present system of support. The high levels of support for agriculture in most developed countries have led to over-production, increasingly desperate efforts to dispose of surpluses through export subsidies and as a consequence of that, depress world markets. And that has been harmful both to rich countries and to poor countries. In the rich countries resources are wasted on a vast scale and in the poorer countries economic development is held back by the poor returns that their own farmers can earn on world markets.

    And it was that fundamental but crucial factor, the recognition of that, that led to the realisation that the misallocation of resources was so harmful that agriculture needed to be brought into the GATT Uruguay Round.

    International pressures, powerful international pressures, were one of the factors that led the European Commission to propose radical reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. But the internal pressures for change were even greater, despite the very significant, and no-one should understate them, improvements made to the CAP during the 1980s, production continues to expand beyond that capacity to consume it and expenditure continues to increase beyond that capacity to pay for it.

    This year, for example, spending on the Common Agricultural Policy, will be right up against the legal limit set by the agricultural guidelines. Has that helped farmers? Are they individually in the Community and in the United Kingdom better off as a result of that? The truth is it has not helped and they are not. Farming funds are under very great pressure in many parts of the Community and certainly under very great pressure here in the United Kingdom. More general expenditure has not meant more in terms of individual incomes, more has meant less.

    The present system, bluntly, has not served United Kingdom agriculture well. And not only is the level of the support in the Community too high, there are other problems as well. The various support mechanisms take no account, no account whatsoever, of their potential implications for the environment or for the needs of the market.

    So in its present form the Common Agricultural Policy does not operate in the interests of producers, consumers or tax-payers. And it has also led, if I may return to the point I made earlier, to the absurd prejudice that farmers are living in the lap of subsidy when in reality across Europe, and certainly in the United Kingdom, farming incomes are falling.

    The conclusion from this is inescapable and should not be ducked by anyone, there is no point in putting our heads in the sand about it, further reform of the Common Agricultural Policy is essential and farming simply cannot go on as it has at present for very much longer.

    So what are the reforms? What reforms are right for the future of agriculture? Let me set out some of the objectives of reform that the government are committed to.

    Firstly, we believe reform should reduce the resource costs of agricultural support and the burden that the Common Agricultural Policy imposes on the economies of the member states. It should encourage an efficient agricultural industry which has a long-term future driven by the demands of the market. It expressly should not subsidise an inefficient agricultural industry that is not subjected to the demands of the market.

    It should encourage agricultural policies which safeguard the environment and it should apply fairly across the whole of the European Community, regardless of the size or the location of farms.

    And I can promise you this evening that it will be against those objectives that we will judge the Commission’s proposals for reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. Though I welcome very much the Commission’s perhaps belated, but let us not be miserly about it, acknowledgement that major changes in the CAP are needed, in particular their recognition that support levels must be cut.

    A number of important elements in the Commission’s proposals do reflect the United Kingdom’s demands for reform, made consistently over many years. But I must add this. Our welcome does not extend to all aspects of the Commission’s proposals, many aspects of them seem to us more designed to perpetuate existing farm structures and production patterns primarily for social reasons than to bring about the innovative and competitive agricultural industry that we need and that the Community must have if it is to compete in a liberalised world market. The proposals before us at present are inward looking rather than outward looking and at present they are the wrong proposals.

    So reform of the Common Agricultural Policy must take account of the changes going on around the Community and notably the development of market economies in central and Eastern Europe.

    Last year Professor Vorichek, here again this evening, told this conference that Czechoslovak farmers were very unlikely to constitute a threat to the Western European market while Czechoslovakia itself could, with growing prosperity, become a good market for farm products and food. I personally look forward to the day, perhaps not in my political lifetime, when Czechoslovakia and all our other Eastern European newly democratised states become part of a European Community that stretches from one end of our continent of Europe right through to the other end.

    But other countries in Eastern and Central Europe have natural advantages when it comes to supplying the Community market with food. And the sensible approach must surely be to recognise this and look for ways of working with these new democracies. It may be necessary to take a long view, it is necessary to take a long view and some people are already doing this.

    This conference this evening, and over the next few days, is taking place against a background of change in the world, in politics, in the economies of the world and particularly our part of the world, and of course in agriculture itself.

    There is considerable uncertainty both about the outcome of the GATT round and about CAP reform. But if the details are unclear, some points I think are becoming increasingly clear.

    In future, whatever happens, United Kingdom farmers will face increased competition. They will be operating, from the end of this year, within a wider Community market and they are likely to be receiving lower levels of price support.

    So what is the key to surviving in this new environment? Surely, firstly, it must be the ability to respond rapidly to consumer demand. That is not I believe just a matter of efficiency. British farmers are already among the most efficient producers of primary food products in Europe. It is about quality, consistently producing to the standard that the market wants, and to achieve this I believe some farmers will need to change both their methods of production and their method of selling their produce once they have completed their production cycle.

    During the next two days you will be discussing the theme of prosperity through excellence. It is a good thing, it is the right theme I believe for you to be discussing at present. You will be focusing on the issues which I discussed recently with a group of food producers, manufacturers and retailers, at a seminar held at Downing Street. And I am glad to learn that this conference believes, as I believe, that the key issue for farmers now is to get closer to the markets they are aiming to sell to and concentrate on adding value.

    And that can be done, adding value can be done in a variety of ways. It does not necessarily mean processing a product on farm or selling direct to the final consumer. Both those options of course are included, both of them will of course suit some individuals, but there are pitfalls for the unwary.

    But adding value can be achieved also by providing a product for which there is a particular demand at precisely the right moment, and there are already encouraging examples of precisely what I mean. If you take, for example, boutique apples – a new term to me, I only learned it recently – I would have called them old fashioned English apples, Laxton superbs, Norfolk Royals, that is how I would have known them, and I feared that they had been swept off the supermarket shelves by standardised products which to my taste may be French, may be golden, but perhaps are less delicious than old English apples.

    But I was wrong about them being swept aside. Apple growers growing traditional varieties have been able to obtain a premium for their apples. Old fashioned apples may become as fashionable as old fashioned roses. Large retailers are now responding by offering more and more varieties and precisely the same is true for potatoes and can be true for many other products as well. And I touch now on delicate ground, but organic food can offer similar opportunities.

    I am aware that the merits or otherwise, I know when to keep out of an argument, it is the first law of politics, I am aware that the merits or otherwise of organic production are the subject of very fierce debate and I do not propose to participate in it, but the point I do want to make is a simpler one. There is a demand for organic products – a big demand, a growing demand – much of which is met from abroad. Why can we not meet more of that demand from within the United Kingdom? I believe that we can and I believe that we should.

    But we have many advantages, some of which I think we do not capitalise on. The higher animal welfare standard that we are determined to maintain in this country could be capitalised on by most of our farmers. The demand for free range eggs and poultry products shows that consumers are prepared to pay extra for food that meets their concerns over animal welfare issues.

    And it is important that the food and farming industry as a whole makes consumers aware of the high standards of animal welfare in this country. That, for example – a crucial illustration – veal produced in this country, cannot by law come from calves reared in the crates that so many consumers find unacceptable. That is something we should make clear to the people who buy these products.

    And if farmers are to take advantage of all these opportunities, better marketing of their products is going to be vital. It is not enough just to identify consumer demands. It is equally necessary to be able to meet that demand by providing the right quantities at the right quality and at the right time. And very often the individual farmer may not be able to do this because he cannot provide the volume or the continuity of supply that the modern food industry requires.

    And the answer to that, and I know it is novel and I know it runs against the instincts of centuries of some parts of farming in this country, but the answer must lie in better collaboration between farmers. That will not necessarily mean classical cooperatives, a whole range of other legal structures are possible.

    But it is because I am convinced of the central importance of improved marketing for the future prosperity of their farming industry that I held a seminar on this topic in Downing Street. And I learned a great deal on that occasion and I believe that the other participants in that seminar did so as well.

    Let me just share with you some of the things that emerged in that discussion. I heard at first hand what is involved in producing against specification, building in quality assurance and the necessary discipline to deliver what is actually wanted. I heard at first hand about the problems of scale, a critical point in selling direct to supermarkets. Producer groups must be large enough to guarantee the volume and consistency of supply needed to interest large buyers.

    And all those present at the seminar, without exception, stressed the need for relevant management skills. A farmer who can produce excellent food does not necessarily have the right skills for striking deals with supermarkets. And everyone emphasised the need to have an organisation providing a sound financial base.

    Following that seminar, large retailers are now ready to engage in a dialogue with producers. One cannot expect them to be other than hard-headed, their shareholders would not allow it and doubt that you would expect it. But as one of them put it to me, their very size now means that they have a responsibility to the nation as well as to their shareholders.

    So at the seminar retailers made four promises to me that I believe are relevant to the agricultural industry. Firstly, to target major opportunities for UK supply of food and food products. Secondly, to offer a more open door to producers. Thirdly, to second managers and non-executive directors to help produce a group to provide what the market wants. And fourthly, to declare country of origin on own label products where this is appropriate.

    So what in practice does that amount to, what does it mean? It means that the major retailers will identify the products which could be bought from UK producers without loss of quality or price advantage. The retailers will make it easier for potential suppliers in the UK to understand their needs. And in addition to that, they will help to make consumers more aware of where the excellent products on the shelves of some of the best supermarkets in the world actually come from.

    I hope that more and more of them will be British. The opportunity is there for more British producers to supply our supermarkets and they must grab this opportunity with both hands.

    And in saying that I am not on some nationalistic Buy British track, but the size of the current trade gap in food which we could produce ourselves is an indicator of the size of the market which our farmers could tap. The market is there if we tap it and have the right skills to make sure that we provide what is wanted, when it is wanted, at the price it is wanted to the people in this country who are demanding food that the people in this room produce.

    To underline the government’s commitment to better marketing, we announced at that seminar that we plan to offer group marketing grants to encourage the development of producer marketing groups and John Gummer has subsequently given details of this scheme.

    The Ministry of Agriculture has set up also a market task force to help identify and define product areas where there may be new or expanding market opportunities. And Food for Britain is ready to assist with its role of promoting and marketing the products of our farming and food industries.

    If British farmers can meet the high standards demanded by their customers in the food manufacturing and retail sectors they will greatly benefit. Not simply through recapturing their own domestic market but in penetrating substantial and rich markets elsewhere in the European Community.

    I believe that the various sectors of the food industry represented at my seminar can respond to those challenges. And just to make sure that they do, I have invited the participants to come back next November to report on progress – when I must tell you I expect to be at the same address – and when they do, I am prepared to continue to push initiatives that will help British agriculture because I believe in its future and I believe in the quality of its products.

    Let me say a word or two about a critical allied subject and that is change in the countryside.

    You and I know that agriculture is changing and will need to change further against the background of the GATT and CAP reforms that are to come and that it will change the countryside but we ought not to be alarmed about that. The countryside is changing anyway – it always has. If it had never changed, we would still have forests from one end of the United Kingdom to the other but as country dwellers you have a very direct interest in the change, the nature of it and the speed of it and, of course, some of the changes affect the way you go about your business.

    Rural depopulation is a significant problem in many continental countries but not in the United Kingdom. Outside a handful of remote areas, we have seen a shift of population out of the cities and into the rural areas over the past three decades. The economy in many rural areas has been thriving and I myself do not think that the government of a free country could or should stop people from living and working where they want to. I believe that the British are peculiarly attached to rural life so that when increasing prosperity, car ownership and the availability of jobs allows them to move to rural areas, this is precisely what many of our fellow countrymen and women choose to do either to bring up their families or to retire and the countryside which in the UK over the centuries has largely been shaped by farmers cannot be run either as a museum or as a week-end playground for people from the cities. [Applause].

    As I have said, the countryside is a place where an increasing number of people want to live and to work. Agriculture remains an extremely important industry but in many rural areas it is no longer the major employer that once it was. Changing practice and increased mechanisation have dramatically cut the number of jobs directly dependent upon agriculture although indirect dependence remains considerable and as the rural population changes, with a growing number of inhabitants with no links with agriculture, so attitudes in the countryside change. It is important for the farming community to see that those new to rural life understand that the countryside is a workplace and that efficient agriculture is essential to its health.

    On the other hand, we cannot write off the criticisms of the way that some farming techniques have affected the landscape. We know perfectly well that pollution from farming is no more acceptable than pollution from any other commercial activity and farming, like other industries, is cleaning up its act – another change to which farmers have had to adapt and have done so very well.

    An influx of population into the countryside does raise a number of crucial issues, I believe it is a healthier and happier state of affairs than the ghost villages which haunt some other countries but we must be careful. A balance needs to be struck between meeting people’s needs for homes, job, schools, shops and other services in rural areas and preserving what is best in the countryside and the record of the Government in protecting the environment is one I am proud of.

    We introduced the Wild Life and Countryside Act; we published the first comprehensive White Paper on the environment; we introduced the environmentally-sensitive areas scheme that has proved notably successful in encouraging farmers to maintain traditional less intensive farming practices but maintain the beauty of the countryside and the wealth of wild life and flora. Last year, the Government launched an experimental scheme “Countryside Stewardship” which pioneers a new approach to encourage farmers and other land managers to recreate some of our most valued landscapes and habitats and country stewardship, a traditional function through the centuries of farmers, goes beyond designated areas and includes additional incentives for the provision of new access for the public and there has, I must tell you, been an excellent initial response to this scheme with over 1200 applicants offering to provide the environmental products that are sought.

    But there is a point to be borne in mind in all this. We must not start conserving for conserving’s sake. Change can be frightening and when you are pleased with things the way they are, it can often be distasteful; sometimes it is unnecessary. But sometimes it is necessary to give more people an opportunity to enjoy what most of us want: reasonable living standards, job opportunities, good access to public services. Proposals which would affect the countryside have to be measured against this yardstick as well as against purely environmental yardsticks.

    This Government’s commitment to the countryside is based upon an appreciation of what people living in the countryside both want and need. Of course, priorities are different in different areas but many things are similar. In virtually all rural areas, you will find people looking for low-cost housing, people looking for jobs, people looking for accessible services. Government cannot wave a magic wand and resolve those overnight but we can and have taken action through carefully targeted programmes operated by the Rural Development Commission, and we have been successful in creating jobs in many rural areas.

    There are now only 3 rural development areas out of 27 with an unemployment level above the England average and the Government has also put in place two measures designed to increase the supply of affordable housing to rent and buy which are directed specifically at rural areas.

    People who live in the countryside should not feel disadvantaged by the mere fact that they are living in rural areas. That must be a fundamental of policy. Newcomers to rural areas often bring the prosperity which enables the children of local people to stay there if they wish. That is one of the side benefits of population movements. But we do not want to see a population exchange with the less well-off in rural areas being driven into cities by the absence of affordable housing and jobs in the countryside and the levers to ensure this does not happen are not all in the Government’s hands.

    Local attitudes to development expressed through the planning system have a crucial role to play. Elected politicians at all levels must give a lead. Proposals for development must not be turned down simply because that is the safer course. Those taking planning decisions locally must ask themselves what the proposed development is going to do for local job and local housing prospects. Do we really need these days to offer as much protection to farm land now that we have surpluses? What will be the consequences for jobs and housing if a particular application is turned down? If there is a problem, does it lie in the design or would the development fit better in a neighbouring site? Can constructive suggestions be made on all those points?

    Those are the questions when considering planning and other matters that must increasingly be asked if we are to ensure the greatest level of prosperity in all its aspects in our countryside in the future.

    We have rightly emphasised that the detailed siting of development is essentially something to be decided locally and this requires local communities to think responsibly about their needs as a community and the needs of their children. It means agreeing to the changes needed to provide opportunities for the young and the not-so-well-off in rural areas.

    These are all vital policy issues that we need to consider side by side for they are intrinsically linked with the future of agriculture and the future of our countryside in the decade ahead.

    Mr. Chairman, I took as my text tonight the need for change, change in agriculture and change in the countryside more generally. My Party has never set its face against change since it knows that it would be futile to do so. What we stand for is conserving what is best while accommodating new thinking and new aspirations.

    I believe that British agriculture has the resilience to adapt and to flourish in new circumstances. Does it have a future? Of course it has a future – of that I am wholly confident. That future is a future that will belong to those who study their market carefully just as it does in any other business and our rural areas have a future as well. I believe that most of you who live in the countryside hope for a future in which your children can if they want to live and work in that countryside as well and not be driven to leave that countryside and go off into the towns. Of course the jobs may change, the prospects may change, the nature of life and the rhythm of life may change just as they have done all the way through history but the key thing is surely this: to channel the enterprise which is undoubtedly attracted to rural areas and will be even more so in the years ahead in such a way that we have balanced communities offering something to people of all ages and ensuring we have a balanced population in each and every part of the rural communities of the United Kingdom.

    That, Mr. Chairman, is what I want to see. That is, I believe, what we should seek: a prosperous countryside, a thriving countryside; a countryside whose beauty will be maintained; a countryside that will cherish an agricultural industry which after the reforms to GATT and CAP will know what its future is, will have the confidence to pursue that future and will be able to look forward to a secure and a prosperous future for many years to come. That is the policy for which I will be working; that is the policy that I believe is in the interests of this country and in the interests of the whole of Europe and it is with that policy and that aspiration in mind that I ask you to rise and join me in a toast to agriculture.

    Mr. Chairman, the toast is agriculture! Agriculture! [Applause]

  • Mr Major’s New Year Message 1992 – 1 January 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s 1992 New Year Message, issued on Wednesday 1st January 1992.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    1992 will be General Election year. It is an Election that we must and will win. Over the last year we have wiped out our opponent’s big lead in the polls. And we have done that because of our solid record of achievement. We have:

    – Reduced inflation from some 11 per cent to about 4 per cent. Brought down interest rates eight times.

    – Led Britain with success into the ERM.

    – Committed record resources to the support of the NHS. Safeguarded child benefit against inflation for all mothers. Taken 400 measures to improve environmental protection. Replaced the Community Charge with a new Council Tax.

    This has been accomplished in the face of a world recession. I know it has been a tough year for many in business and for many families. But everyone will gain from the more stable economic position our policies have produced. I will never take short-term action that I know to be wrong, simply because it might be popular. We are now seeing the first signs of recovery, and all forecasters expect to see our economy growing again in the coming year.

    The Conservative Government has given strong leadership in Britain and outside.

    Our education reforms have won a powerful welcome from the parents of Britain. Only the Labour Party could oppose the idea for systematic inspection of all schools. Only the Left are resisting our campaign for a return to basics in the classroom. We will see this programme through under the next Conservative Government.

    Abroad, too, we have acted when and where it was needed. For me one of the most moving parts of the year was my visits to our troops in the Gulf. They did everything we asked of them – quietly, professionally, courageously. When the war against Saddam Hussein was won, they also played a crucial part in carrying through our plan to bring help to the Kurds, and to save hundreds of thousands of people from death in the mountains.

    There have also been great developments in Europe. Our Government was among the first to speak out for the forces of reform in the Soviet Union when they were threatened by a coup. And most recently we have won success for Britain in the important European Summit at Maastricht. The new Treaty followed months of patient discussion. We reached an agreement that was good for co-operation in Europe. To fight international crime and terrorism, drug trafficking and illegal immigration. To develop closer partnership in foreign policy and a greater role for Europe in defence while preserving the importance of NATO. And, on a British initiative, a crucial decision was taken to keep the European Community open to the other newly emerging European democracies. The Community was founded on the desire to bring democracy, stability and prosperity to Europe. The Maastricht Treaty has advanced that cause.

    But I was not prepared to accept an agreement on any terms, or an agreement that could have damaged our national interest. That is why we insisted on deleting from the Treaty a Social Chapter which would have put the trade unions back in the driving seat in British industry. And why did we not sign up now to a single currency. Parliament will decided on that only when it is certain whether economically or politically it will become a reality.

    Our Party has been consistent in its commitment to practical measures of cooperation in Europe. We Conservatives are not opportunists who flip from one policy to another as the opinion polls move.

    We know that it is the effort and initiative of individual people that leads to a successful economy. That is why we will continue to be the Party of low tax. We trust people with their own money. We want them to be able to save, to give them the ability to invest for the future, to start their own business if they wish, and to give their children a good start in life. We have helped many millions of people to own their own homes, to buy shares both in the company for which they work and the privatised utilities, to take out personal pensions. And we have introduced new vehicles for tax free savings.

    But I want to do more: people who have worked and saved during their lives should be able to pass on the fruits of that effort to their children – that ability is a great incentive to effort.

    I place great importance on the Citizen’s Charter programme. That is widening choice and raising standards in public service. Those services should all be properly responsive to the public’s wishes, and offer them the high quality that they need.

    The Conservative Government has already given choice in schooling through providing information, allowing open enrolment and increasing diversity of schooling. It has brought choice in training through training credits. And it has given more weight to local decisions in how the best health care can be provided and new guarantees for patients awaiting treatment.

    It is not only important that choice exists, but that everyone has the opportunity to exercise it. There must be no part of our country, no inner city area, no deprived family that does not receive first rate public services, so that they, through their effort and ability, can build fulfilled lives within the community.

    We faced great challenges last year and we surmounted them. We were able to do so because our actions were based on the enduring principles of Conservatism – sound money, strong defence, respect for the law and a belief in personal rights and responsibilities. It is on these principles that our Party has been elected for the last three General Elections. It is on these principles that we will win again.