Tag: 1997

  • PMQT – 6 March 1997

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 6th March 1997.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Simon Coombs: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 6 March.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major): This morning, I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Coombs: Can my right hon. Friend confirm that the “basic pensions plus” proposals announced yesterday not only guarantee the value of the state pension, but offer the prospect of a much improved pension with a value of as much as £175 per week to a person on average earnings? Does that not contrast starkly with the Labour party’s plan to cut the value of the state pension by £20 per week?

    The Prime Minister: I entirely agree with my hon. Friend about the impact of the proposals that I announced with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security yesterday. Those proposals will guarantee that everyone, whether in the new scheme or out of it, will continue to receive at least the basic state pension, increasing in line with inflation. I think that the response that we have heard from some quarters–including some, although not all, Labour Members–shows that those people do not understand what is proposed. [Interruption.] A moment ago, the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mrs. Golding) asked, “What is this point about £20 being cut off the state pension under Labour’s plans?” Perhaps she should consult the hon. Member for Peckham (Ms Harman), who said in a letter to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security that she anticipated a lower level of basic state pension, to compensate for reducing the retirement age to 60. That cut, unless there is more expenditure–which the shadow Chancellor says that he would not allow–would be the equivalent of £20 per week.

    Mrs. Golding indicated dissent.

    The Prime Minister: There is no point in the hon. Lady shaking her head. That is what her hon. Friend has in mind.

    Mr. Blair: May I put to the Prime Minister two specific questions arising from the report by Mr. Bill Swann on hygiene in abattoirs? First, why was that report not published on 31 March 1996, as Mr. Swann was told that it would be? Secondly, why did Ministers not see the report and act on it?

    The Prime Minister: I think that the right hon. Gentleman’s questions, as he will discover when he hears the statement a little later, are based–[Interruption.] I am assuming that, in view of the right hon. Gentleman’s interest, he will be here for the statement; I am making an assumption. The right hon. Gentleman’s questions are based on what he supposes is in a report which, I believe, he has not read.

    There is no suggestion of the report being suppressed. It was produced by officials. It was drawn up by the Meat Hygiene Service. It was very widely circulated. It was circulated around the trade and elsewhere. [Interruption.] I am sorry that somebody did not receive it. Ministers did not receive it–that is true. It was a working document. [Interruption.] This is exactly the point. The report was drawn up for the Meat Hygiene Service as part of its work to ensure the highest standards of hygiene in slaughterhouses. It is a routine report, of which there are many, not normally shown to Ministers and not shown to Ministers on this occasion, but circulated to the people who had an operational need to know about it.

    Mr. Blair: That is the most extraordinary explanation. This is Mr. Swann’s report. I have read it. It is 54 pages long and contains 81 recommendations. May I point out to the Prime Minister that on page 19 the report states that there is a serious concern about contamination, that the contamination may lead to the spread of the E. coli organism and that action should be taken immediately? If the Prime Minister says that the report was not shown to Ministers, I ask him why not. With 54 pages and 81 recommendations, it was sufficiently serious, was it not? Does he not think in retrospect that, given the seriousness of the report, it would have been better if it had been shown to Ministers so that it could have been acted on in the interests of the public?

    The Prime Minister: The point that the Labour leader perhaps genuinely does not understand–[Interruption.] I have got beyond page 81–a very quick read this morning. I think that the right hon. Gentleman may genuinely not understand, so I shall make the point again. The report was a working document, drawn up for the Meat Hygiene Service and circulated to its staff. The Meat Hygiene Service is implementing the recommendations in the report, as the right hon. Gentleman noted.

    This is the way in which such matters have been handled for a very long time–[Interruption.] I say to the right hon. Gentleman that there are huge numbers of such working documents every year. If they all came to Ministers for Ministers to read every one, nothing else would be done. The right hon. Gentleman has been in opposition so long that he does not understand that. The report was circulated to the people who needed to take action and I am advised by those people that they have implemented the action.

    Mr. Blair: Whether the report should be shown to Ministers must depend on its seriousness. If it is serious, it should be shown to Ministers. May I point out to the Prime Minister that Mr. Swann was told that it would be published precisely because it dealt with serious issues?

    The Prime Minister’s latest explanation is that the recommendations have been implemented. May I quote to him what Mr. Swann said this morning on the radio? He was asked whether everything that he had recommended had been carried out: answer–no. He was then asked whether some of the recommendations that had not been carried out were important for hygiene and safety: answer–yes.

    This is a serious report which reveals serious problems of contamination. We know about the problems with E. coli, but the report was not even shown to Professor Pennington, who is in charge of the E. coli administration. When will someone in the Government take responsibility for the proper and competent administration of our affairs?

    The Prime Minister: When will the right hon. Gentleman realise that when he behaves in this fashion, what he does–[Interruption.] I am sorry to say that it is true: he exaggerates problems that exist before he has heard the statement, irrespective of the interests of the meat industry, in exactly the way in which the Opposition have behaved on previous occasions. I have to say to the right hon. Gentleman that that, in advance of the statement, is the height of irresponsibility.

    I repeat for the right hon. Gentleman that the report was provided for the Meat Hygiene Service, which was established to improve safety for the consumer and opposed by the Labour party when we established it. Yet again, the right hon. Gentleman is trying to stir up public concerns that are being dealt with by a public watchdog which he and his colleagues opposed when it was established. His party has stood in the way of every change made to improve hygiene standards. That is absolutely true. If the Opposition had had their way, responsibility for slaughterhouse hygiene would still be in the hands of 300 local councils applying the rules in 300 different ways. The hygiene service is raising standards, and the right hon. Gentleman is raising scares.

     

    Q2. Mr. Jacques Arnold: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 6 March.

    The Prime Minister: I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Arnold: Has my right hon. Friend noticed the knowledgeable speech given in the House of Lords yesterday in which it was said that our economy is doing rather well, particularly in comparison to the last 18 years–[Interruption.]–and even more so in comparison to the economies of Europe? That speech was by the noble Lord Barnett, the last Chief Secretary to the Treasury in a Labour Government. Did my right hon. Friend note that Lord Barnett said quite clearly that taxes may be increased without increasing the rates? What is more, he said that he expected any future Labour Government to do just that.

    The Prime Minister: The noble Lord Barnett, being a life peer and therefore not threatened by the plans of the Leader of the Opposition and the Labour party, has clearly let the cat out of the bag as to what he thinks about Labour’s spending plans. As a former Chief Secretary, he knows that they do not add up and that there is a £12 billion black hole in the middle of Labour’s plans. He knows that the Labour party cannot sign up to Budget book figures and then disown the policies that would achieve those figures unless it plans to put up taxes, cut expenditure or find some other way of dealing with the great black hole in its plans. It is not, as the shadow Chancellor likes to imply, a Tory scare: we now know the truth as a result of what the last Labour Chief Secretary to the Treasury has said.

     

    Q3. Mr. Callaghan: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 6 March.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Callaghan: Is the Prime Minister aware of the crisis in the hospitals in the north area of Manchester since four out of five hospitals were closed by the Government? Is he aware that since Christmas the North Manchester General hospital has accepted only accident and emergency cases, and that two weeks ago eight people remained on trolleys for 23 hours because there were no beds available for them in that hospital or in any other hospital in the region? Is that not a national disgrace and a scandal, and what does the Prime Minister intend to do about it?

    The Prime Minister: One thing that I am doing to improve the quality of the health service is promising to provide extra resources for each year of the next Parliament, as we have done for the past 18 years. I notice that there is no comparable pledge from the Labour party. Year after year, we have dramatically increased the resources made available to the health service. We operate policies such as compulsory tendering, which brings more money into the health service, and we have abolished a whole tier of regional government in order to provide extra money for the health service. All those policies were opposed by the Labour party, which will not provide extra resources for the health service.

    Mrs. Currie: Did the Prime Minister see today the launch of Europe 97 by the all-party European Movement? Will he join me in welcoming this important effort–which has the backing of the unions, major industries, the Confederation of British Industry and the European Commission–to put the facts about Europe and the benefit of our membership of the European Union to the people of this country rather than the fictions about its dangers?

    The Prime Minister: I have not yet seen the document to which my hon. Friend refers, but I will certainly obtain a copy and look forward to reading it. It is important that the important debate on Europe is conducted on the basis of facts, not fiction, and that people fully understand precisely the implications of policies followed across Europe in each individual country and by the Commission and, of course, in our own country.

     

    Lockerbie

    Q4. Mr. Dalyell: To ask the Prime Minister if he will discuss with President Clinton the relevance to the Lockerbie inquiry of the publication of the report by the United States Inspector General into laboratory practices and alleged misconduct in explosives-related and other cases.

    The Prime Minister: I understand that the report has not been published. As the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth office, my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond and Barnes (Mr. Hanley), made clear on 28 February, we understand that there is nothing to suggest that the report will reflect in any way on the Lockerbie case, but if anything relevant emerged from it, the Government would evaluate the implications carefully.

    Mr. Dalyell: Against the background set out in that Adjournment debate, have the Government asked the Americans how it is that their forensic expert, James Thurman, has been found to have fabricated forensic evidence? If the Prime Minister asked the Americans, what did they say?

    The Prime Minister: Yes, we have made inquiries about that, as the hon. Gentleman may have anticipated. The United States authorities have confirmed that the Federal Bureau of Investigation has transferred Mr. Thurman to other duties while the activities of the FBI laboratories are investigated. However, we are further advised that the case against the two Libyans does not depend in any respect on any evidence that Mr. Thurman may give.

     

    Engagements

    Q5. Dr. Michael Clark: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 6 March.

    The Prime Minister: I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Dr. Clark: Is my right hon. Friend aware that my constituency has the highest number of home owners in the country, at a fraction under 90 per cent.? As we now have low inflation, low interest rates and very attractive mortgage rates, what advice would he give–as we approach a general election–to my constituents and to home owners throughout the country?

    The Prime Minister: As my hon. Friend says, we have stable prices, low mortgage rates and a rapidly improving economic situation that is unmatched anywhere in Europe. The advice that my hon. Friend should give to his constituents is to stick to the policies that have created that and not put it at risk by following policies adopted on the continent which have led to a quite different outcome.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the General Election – 5 March 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the General Election, made during an interview in London on Wednesday 5th March 1997.


    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if we were going to have a Labour Government].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    If the opinion polls were right and they didn’t change, yes. But we are just coming up to a general election, I believe opinion will change and I believe I will win. I am not complacent about that, there is a huge amount to be done, but I certainly believe we can win this election.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if he to make a bigger comeback than other Prime Ministers].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Whatever happens in this election, something extraordinary is going to happen, either Labour get the biggest swing the party has had for generations to win an election, that is after all what they need, or we win for the first time in British history a fifth successive General Election. So we are very much in uncharted waters and I think we have seen that pretty much over the last couple of years.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if he could convince the voters to give him another term as they thought he was clapped out].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That may be your expression, I don’t think if you look at the events in the country that it stands up to any examination. What is the purpose of government? I would think the main purpose of government is to improve people’s well being and the security of a country. If you look at the well being of the country at the moment, when can most people last recall an inflation level as low as it is for a long time, growth exceeding that of any comparable country in Europe, more of our youngsters going to university, more people being treated in the Health Service, and so on? The fact is that the country has been through a difficult period, as has the whole of Western Europe, but we have emerged from it and we have emerged from it in an economic condition unmatched literally for generations. The prospects for us in the future, provided policies aren’t changed and nothing absurd happens, are brighter than anyone can remember. That is a point that will be a key subject for debate during the election campaign.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked whether that if the recession wasn’t his fault, nor was the recovery].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The recession was created by a whole range of things, but we could have made a whole series of the wrong decisions that would have left us in recession. Since, as you concede, the recession is right across Western Europe, why have the British come out of it earlier than others, why have we come out of it better than others, who are we now out-performing other European countries? That can’t wholly be luck, it must have something to do with the decisions we have taken, and it is. And some of the decisions we have taken have been very unpopular indeed, and we have been bitterly attacked for them, which is one of the reasons for the opinion polls you referred to a moment ago. But self-evidently from what is happening in the economy, they were the right decisions.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 5 March 1997

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 5th March 1997.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Ministerial Accountability

    Mr. Hoyle: To ask the Prime Minister what account is taken of the Crichel Down precedent when considering whether a Minister ought to tender their resignation.

    The Prime Minister: A discussion of the relevance of the events surrounding the resignation of Sir Thomas Dagdale in 1954 to present-day circumstances is contained in the memorandum on “Ministerial accountability and the provision of information to Parliament” which the Government submitted to the Public Service Committee in March 1996. The memorandum was published in volume III of the Public Service Committee’s second report, Session 1995-96.

    Mr. Hoyle: To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the circumstances in respect of failure or errors by a Government Department in which he would require the appropriate Minister to resign.

    The Prime Minister: This would necessarily depend on the particular circumstance of the case, including the nature of the failure or errors in the Department and the extent of the Minister’s personal responsibility for those failures or errors.

  • Mr Major’s Speech at Tote Annual Lunch – 5 March 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the Tote Annual Lunch, held on Wednesday 5th March 1997.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am delighted to be here today. The Tote annual lunch is a special occasion.

    But ever more so than this year because I can pay tribute in person to Woodrow Wyatt, who has been such an outstanding chairman since – well, since the great flood, I think. Everyone has their Woodrow stories – he’s not entirely uncontroversial. He clearly has a great affinity with horses. I don’t know about Woodrow’s turn of speed, but he has enormous stamina and takes the hurdles like a star.

    He’s owned horses too. When he was in the Parade Ring at Ascot it was bucketing down with rain. Woodrow put up a large umbrella. The Duke of Norfolk steamed over to him. “For Heaven’s sake, man, put down that umbrella: you’re scaring the horses” he said. “Not half as much as they’re scaring me” said Woodrow. He kept the umbrella up.

    Some mornings, early, at No.10, as I’m getting through the umpteenth red box that my private secretaries have kindly sent up to the flat, Woodrow phones. Aha, I think: he’s got a tip for me in the 3.30 at Haydock. He hasn’t. Advice, yes. But winners, no. But I’ll keep taking the calls and hoping for the winners.

    The Racing Industry

    The racing industry has a very special place in the affection of this nation. We love horses and we love the sport. The common passion which joins those at the race-course to those in the local betting shop is shared also by millions who follow the sport on TV. And who can forget the memories of Frankie Dettori’s seven winners, Red Rum at Aintree, or the tragedy of Devon Loch falling so close to the finish.

    It’s big business, too, racing, particularly in rural areas. It employs 50,000 people directly, and another 50,000 through bookmaking. It is a sizeable export earner. But it’s also an integral part of our heritage, our national life and our international prestige. The Derby, Ascot, the Grand National are known and followed all round the world, No-one asks which Derby? Which Grand National? They know.

    The Tote

    The Tote itself is a very British institution.

    It provides the public with a popular alternative to fixed odds bets with bookmakers.

    It gives enormous support to the racing industry.

    It supplies racing with some £8 million a year to sponsor races and to help improve facilities for spectators.

    The Tote plays an important role in channelling money from the betting public to the sport they follow. Its role has been examined over the years both by the Government and by the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee.

    The Government last year announced that we intended to maintain the Tote’s current status. We were persuaded that change was undesirable.

    Of course, it’s true the Tote enjoys a monopoly on pool betting at racecourses. But it also faces more competition than comparable bodies anywhere else in the world, because of our extensive network of off-course betting shops. So the current situation seems to me to give a healthy mix – the consumer has a choice and the racing industry benefits from the Tote to the tune of £8 million a year.

    Recently the Tote had an exciting day or so when it was suggested Labour wished to privatise it.

    It was a classic whodunit. Was it Gordon Brown’s idea? Did he really want to flog off the Tote – notwithstanding the small problem that the Government doesn’t actually own it!

    Was it George Howarth, who said he knew nothing about it? Or Jack Straw who must have been innocent because Michael Howard hadn’t proposed it so Jack certainly wouldn’t? Was it sources close to Tony Blair, who said that there had been discussions about this idea but that no decision had been reached. One spin-doctor said “we don’t want to give this idea any further legs.” (No pun intended). Anyway, it was a non-runner.

    Then suddenly the sources broke cover. And the hero of the episode is here. Robin Cook said: “a hare appears to have got out and run before any shadow cabinet member knew about it. I can authoritatively bring down the curtain on this story”. Well done, Robin. That seemed clear enough until one final source weighed in try to help. John Prescott. He said both that the idea was dead and that it was something that should still be considered. Sources in The Sun summed it up: “Robin and John are fed up with the way Gordon makes policy on the hoof”.

    So who did it? You judge. The clues are there if you look hard enough and the answer is the same as in Agatha Christie’s ‘Murder on the Orient Express’. They all did it. But happily, no-one will.

    Lord Wyatt, The Tote is a national asset. It provides an invaluable service at racecourses, catering for the small stake punter and those who like to see betting profits go to the benefit of racing. We would be wise to continue to treasure that asset. I want to see the Tote go from strength to strength, continuing to bring benefits to racing and so to the country as a whole.

    Farewell to Woodrow Wyatt

    I turn now to another institution – Woodrow himself. He’s a national asset too. He’s been your Chairman now for over 20 years. To put that in perspective, when he started the job some of the Spice Girls had not been born and Chelsea had but recently won the Cup.

    One thing that has remained unchanged over the years has been Woodrow’s passion for cigars. You rarely see Woodrow without one. Normally a very large one. And he hangs on to his cigar whatever the dangers. He was once staying in Venice, and was going to Harry’s Bar for dinner. As the boat got there, he stepped off, and missed the quay. He fell into the canal, up to his neck in mud. Anxious Italians rushed over to rescue him. Only to stop in amazement at the sight of Woodrow, almost completely submerged, but with his hand holding a still-lit Churchill cigar safely clear of the water. He was pulled out and taken off to hospital for a check-up – still puffing away contentedly.

    One of the things I most admire about Woodrow is that his drive and interest hasn’t diminished over the years. Far from it. The last 12 months has seen more activity than ever before – including changes in the law to allow the Tote to take bets on non-sporting events; and remarkable commercial successes such as the expansion of Tote terminals in betting shops. Woodrow will be a hard act to follow.

    No-one can question Woodrow’s fierce loyalty to the Tote. You always know where you are with Woodrow – he never hesitates to tell you. Twice, if necessary. Throughout his long and distinguished term as Chairman he has fought unceasingly for the interests of the Tote.
    Your retirement, Woodrow, marks the passing of an era.

    It is clearly an auspicious time to be leaving the course, as the careers of one of our greatest ever jockeys, Willie Carson and best loved commentators, Peter O’Sullivan, also draw to a close.

    But today, my final duty is to propose a toast to your Chairman. Woodrow’s place in racing history is secure. He has established the Tote as a highly regarded part of the country’s racing and betting scene. Please join me now in toasting his achievements.

  • Mr Major’s Press Conference on Pension Plans – 5 March 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with the Secretary of State for Social Services, Peter Lilley, held in London on Wednesday 5th March 1997. The press conference was on the subject of the pension plans that the Government was planning.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Good Morning. I daresay earlier this morning many of you will have heard speculation about what Peter and I are going to announce. If I could just say at the outset, a great deal of that speculation, as you will see, is very wide of the mark. What Peter and I will present this morning are plans for a very fundamental improvement in our provisions for future pensions.

    And the plans have a very long term horizon indeed, they will take effect over a generation and what you will see this morning reflects the outcome of a great deal of detailed work over a very long period. And for that reason the press conference this morning will take a somewhat different form from normal. In a few moments I will ask Peter to take you in detail through a presentation of how our plans will work. But before I ask him to do that I would just like to set them in a more general context.

    We have pursued for quite a few years a strong and consistent policy of encouraging personal ownership by individuals and by families, and we have done that for sound reasons. We believe ownership of savings and assets gives people independence and it gives them security. It enables them to provide themselves for themselves and for their family, and with that self-reliance comes self-respect and a greater freedom of choice.

    Over the last 18 years, for example, we have made huge progress in encouraging home ownership. The proportion of home owners across the UK has risen from around 54 percent in 1979 to 67 percent today. We have pursued the same path by encouraging long term savings through the introduction of schemes like TESSAs and Personal Equity Plans. Two and a half million people are now owners of Personal Equity Plans and there are four and a half million owners of Tax Exempt Special Savings Accounts.

    We have also encouraged wider share ownership, not least through privatisations but in other ways as well of course. And many of you will have been present a week or so ago when I announced a further development of our policy for employee share ownership, and of course with the distribution of shares from converting building societies this spring, share ownership also will get another massive boost.

    But apart from that, some of our most fundamental reforms have been in pension provision. In the mid-1980s when I was a Junior Social Security Minister, I helped Norman Fowler and Tony Newton create a massive expansion of private pensions by allowing people rebates of national insurance contributions to invest themselves in a personal pension scheme.

    In 1979, funds invested in occupational and personal pensions amounted, in today’s money, to. around 132 billion, that is 25 percent of GDP. Today that investment amounts to 650 billion pounds, 95 percent of GDP, an investment that underwrites pension security for people in the future.

    We have continued to build on those pension reforms in the 1990s. For example, the Pensions Act in 1995 fulfilled our manifesto commitment to make personal pensions attractive to people across the age range by introducing age related rebates of national insurance contributions. And just a few weeks ago I announced further measures to facilitate group personal pensions and to give greater flexibility to people with personal pensions who join occupational schemes.

    At the moment, 70 percent of people retiring do so with an occupational or a personal pension in addition to the state retirement pension. And the steps we have taken already will ensure that the proportion of people retiring with funded pensions will continue to grow. If we took no further steps whatsoever, we would expect approaching 90 percent of people to retire with additional pension income by 2025.

    So that is the background building up to the changes that I will set out in broad outline and that Peter will then set out in detail in the next few minutes. Because we have now reached the point where we can go a good deal further. Now that funded second pensions are established, are growing and are secure, the time is right to start progress towards a secure proper funding of the basic state pension as well. My intention is to ensure that all of the younger generation can look forward to the benefits and security of a pension fund, built up in their own name. The proposals that we are proposing today will do that, and it will do that by enabling every young person to accumulate an investment fund that could yield considerably more than their basic state pension entitlement. And the proposals amount to the most fundamental enhancement to the state pension scheme since it was first introduced.

    At the heart of our proposals is a scheme called Basic Pension Plus. Firstly, to remove fears and misunderstandings, let me make this point clear. The state will continue to guarantee that everyone will receive at least their basic state pension, as now, uprated to take account of inflation, let me make that basic point straight away so that no fears and misunderstandings can arise. And let me also make it clear that the entitlement of the current working generation to the basic pension, and to SERPS, the Earnings Related Pension Supplement, will remain the same. This package is about increasing security in retirement and not threatening existing security in retirement.

    What we propose is that the younger generation will have a part of their national insurance contribution contributed into a pension fund in their name, a pension fund that they choose to invest the money on their behalf and that will build up to an asset that they will own. When they retire, they will receive the full benefit from this fund. Assuming reasonable investment growth, the pension they receive from it, even on the minimum contribution, could be considerably more than the current state pension entitlement, and Peter will give you further details of that shortly. But the state will top up the income where it proves necessary, should it prove necessary, to guarantee the basic state pension entitlement uprated for inflation.

    And as Peter will also explain in a minute, there will be a further rebate to enable those earning more to provide a second earnings related pension on top of the basic pension. Gradually, across a generation, this scheme will enable us to switch the financing of our state pensions to savings and investment, funded from reductions in national insurance contributions, rather than by current taxes and charges at the time the pensions are paid. Not only will that benefit the next generation of pensioners, but it will mean that in due course, by the middle of the next century, we will be gradually removing most of the 50 billion pounds costs of pensions that would otherwise be borne by the current taxpayers of that time.

    The United Kingdom is already better placed than any other major European economy to fund its future pension liabilities. What we are announcing today, when it is put into place, will put us another huge step ahead, enabling us to sustain a healthy low tax economy for the future.

    It is a reform that reflects the best traditions of the philosophy this government has followed; it is dealing with the long term issues in a far sighted way; it is reinforcing the security and independence of individuals and families by building up their own assets and their own resources; it will provide funds for investment in the economy; it is prudent with the public finances and it safeguards people’s expectations. It is a reform that will mean that the British people will be able to look forward to retirement with even greater confidence in future and it offers for our young people a pensions opportunity that quite literally will be unrivalled anywhere else in the world.

    That is the outline of what we are seeking to do with these plans. I will now invite Peter to present to you those plans in detail so that you can see how they will work, what they will cost, what they will mean and remove any other fears and uncertainties people may have, and then we will take your questions.

    MR LILLEY:

    Good Morning. Thank you, Prime Minister. I want to outline a plan which over a generation will bring about the biggest extension of personal ownership since the spread of home ownership. It will ensure every young person builds up their own pension fund; it will guarantee them at least as good a pension as the present basic state pension, fully protected against inflation; it will on top of that give them a chance to share in economic growth; it will harness the power of investment to help the less well off; it will massively boost the flow of funds, strengthening our economy; and it will ultimately reduce the burden of public expenditure by some 40 billion pounds a year. The plan is the next step in my programme of step-by-step reforms of social security and it is essential if we are to tackle one of the biggest issues facing all modern governments, how to ensure decent pensions for an ageing population.

    When the welfare state began, there were 5 working people contributing to support one pensioner. By the year 2030, for every 5 working people there will be 3 pensioners, there will be more pensioners to support.

    I have been struck by how concerned many young people are about whether the state will be able to provide them with pensions in the future. Indeed a recent Mori survey showed that more young people expect to win the national lottery jackpot than believe they will ever get an adequate state pension.

    We must set people’s fears at rest, not with empty promises but concrete action to ensure the investments are here to pay for pensions without a crippling burden of tax. This country is already more successful than most similar countries in building up funds for the future. Because we have persuaded two-thirds of working people to opt out of State Earnings Related Pension Scheme, we have built up 650 billion pounds to pay for future pensions. That is not just more than any other country in Europe, it is more than all the other countries in the European Union put together.

    But even in the United Kingdom, state pension provision still exceeds private provision. And the problem with state schemes is that they are pay as you go, nothing is saved or invested for the future. People may think that their national insurance contributions are being saved in funds to pay for their pensions; in fact what they put in goes straight out to the taxman, nothing is actually saved for the future. Yet we make companies build up investments so that they can meet their pension promises.

    I believe it is now time to underpin state pensions with savings and investment and that is what we intend to do. But not by the state building up huge investment funds, but by enabling the rising generation to use part of their national insurance contributions to build up their own funds sufficient to pay their basic pension and more. In addition to the value of their contributions over their working lives, their funds will grow as the value of their investment grows.

    So the plan has three key elements. First, the personal fund. Everyone in the new generation will have their own pension fund to finance their basic pension and more. They will choose an approved firm to manage it. They will own their own fund and any amount not used to pay for their pension can be passed on to their heirs. The second element is the rebate. They will receive a rebate from their national insurance contributions. Over their working lives it will be sufficient to build up a fund big enough to pay their basic pension. The government Actuary calculates that 9 pounds a week will be needed, so people will receive a rebate of 9 pounds a week, rising in line with inflation, paid into their fund. And the third element is the basic pension guarantee. The state will guarantee that everyone will receive a pension at least equal to their basic state pension, increased at least in line with inflation.

    We have called the scheme Basic Pension Plus, because it is the basic pension, plus a fund, plus a rebate, plus a state guarantee. Each fund should grow to provide the basic pension. If for any reason a person’s fund is insufficient, the state will top up the pension it provides, so they will get their basic pension, everyone will be protected by the basic pension guarantee. No-one will do less well than under the present state scheme, and everyone stands to do better if, as we hope, the economy and their investments do well. If the return is 1 percent higher than they are assumed then the Government Actuary assumes they will get a pension nearly 30 percent above the basic pension. If the yield is 2 percent higher, the pension will be over 70 percent better.

    In the 1980s Norman Fowler and John Major paved the way for more funded provision by allowing people to opt out of a State Earnings Related Pension Scheme into their own funded personal pension. Two-thirds of those eligible now opt for private schemes, but a third do not, mainly because their SERPS rebate would be too small to make it worthwhile setting up a personal fund. However, that problem won’t exist for people with a Basic Pension Plus fund. So everyone in the new generation will also be contracted out of SERPS. In addition to their 9 pounds a week rebate to fund their basic pension, employees will receive a rebate worth 5 percent of their earnings on which they pay national insurance. That will fund an earnings related second pension.

    So a person on average wages will build up a fund which should be worth 130,000 pounds when they retire. That is sufficient to provide a pension of 175 pounds a week at today’s prices. And that is based on making the minimum contributions over most of a working life. But once everyone in work has their own fund, they and their employers will be able and encouraged to save more in their fund.

    The new system will spread the benefits of investment to low earners and maintain help for the least well off. First, even low earners whose national insurance contributions are less than 9 pounds a week will receive .a full 9 pounds to pay into their pension fund. Second, people who are unemployed, sick or disabled, carers and some others, will receive credits, as now, towards their basic pension guarantee. And third, income support and other benefits will be available, as now, for those unable to build up adequate pensions.

    We will phase in the new system of funded pensions gradually over a generation. Existing pensioners will not be affected by the new scheme and will continue to receive their state pensions rising at least in line with inflation. Likewise, the current working generation will continue to build entitlements to the basic state pension and be free to remain in or opt out of SERPS during the rest of their working lives.

    The new Basic Pension Plus system will apply to the rising generation, all young people newly entering work, plus those aged up to their early 20s. They will receive rebates to build up their pension funds over their working lives. So it will take a generation to replace the present system. That means the impact on public revenues of the rebates needed to fund investment will grow very gradually over 40 years.

    In addition, we could halve that impact by reversing the timing of tax relief on pensions for the new generation. Under the current system, contributions to pension funds attract tax relief, but pension income is taxable. That system will continue for the present generation. For the new generation, covered by Basic Pension Plus, I propose that pension contributions, including voluntary pension savings, be paid from net income and all pension income will be entirely tax free.

    As far as the saver is concerned, the next tax treatment is equivalent to the old one, except for the lump sum, if the saver’S tax rate is the same in work and retirement. But for pension providers it should be possible to make the new PEP-style tax treatment far simpler and less onerous than the current regime.

    To ensure that we do seize this opportunity for simplification, while protecting the immense contribution made by occupational and other schemes, I am inviting pension providers to join the working party which will draw up the detailed proposals to go in the Green Paper.

    We are also determined to develop a simple but effective regulatory regime. The past abuse of mis-selling personal pensions to those who didn’t need them cannot recur under this proposal since everyone will need and get a Basic Pension Plus fund. But effective regulation will stop other problems, reduce costs, keep charges down, stop artificial inducements to switch between schemes and prevent over-risky investments being made to exploit the pensions guarantee. All that is explained in a technical note which you will be given later.

    This proposed change in tax timing, combined with the gradual phasing in of the new system, will make the impact on public finances quite manageable. The net value of extra investment will amount to only about 160 million pounds a year and eventually it will produce massive savings in public expenditure reaching 40 billion pounds a year. At its peak, the net revenue foregone will be less than the peak costs of SERPS rebates which we have already taken in our stride. It will be a fraction of the savings resulting from the recent Pension Act, which will ease the burden of state pensions by some 13 billion pounds a year. And the extra rebates are small relative to normal growth of tax revenues.

    Moreover, if the huge extra funds available for investment generated by the scheme, boost economic growth by just one-twentieth of one percent, the scheme will be entirely self-financing, although we have not taken account of this in costing the scheme.

    All of us remaining in the present scheme stand to benefit from the extra investment in any jobs and growth it generates. Those who retire just ahead of the generation with Basic Pension Plus will know the state can better afford to look after them in old age as the cost of younger pensioners is lifted from the taxpayer.

    To summarise, Basic Pension Plus will come in gradually over a generation. Everyone covered by the new system will have their own pension fund. They will receive a rebate of 9 pounds a week to fund their basic pension. They will be guaranteed to receive at least their basic state pension, protected against inflation. Employees will be opted out of SERPS and get a second rebate worth 5 percent of their earnings to fund their second earnings related pension. Because everyone will have a fund, they will be able and encouraged to save more on top. Anyone on average earnings paying in just the minimum contributions should accumulate a fund worth 130,000 pounds by retirement, paying a pension of 175 pounds a week in today’s money. Everyone stands to benefit from good economic and investment growth. An extra 1 percent investment yield would generate a pension 30 percent higher. The economy will be strengthened by a massive increase in long term investment funds. Ultimately the taxpayer and the economy will be relieved of the largest single item of public expenditure, some 40 billion pounds a year.

    In short, British people can look forward to secure pensions, high investment and low tax.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think, as you can see from that, a huge amount of work has gone into this over many months, predominantly by Peter and I congratulate him for that. Colleagues have been examining this for some weeks now and I am delighted we are now in a position to announce it.

    Can I just say it is complex, there are many detailed questions that arise. We can provide you, there is a technical paper you can have, Oliver Heald will be available for those who wish to ask more detailed questions later and we will take some of the questions now. It is, I think, a revolution for the new generation in terms of pensions and probably one of the farthest sighted reforms produced by any government for a very long time, indeed.

    As Peter said, we will be producing a Green Paper and consulting upon it and that will all take place before we finally commit ourselves to the detail of legislation which is going to be well into the next Parliament, probably even at the back end of the next Parliament by the time all the remaining work needs to be done.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION (John Sergeant, BBC):

    If it is going to be a fundamental reform, isn’t it a good idea to have as much cross-party support as possible for it, and is therefore this a good moment in what is effectively the middle of an election campaign to introduce a plan which will inevitably mean the other parties will disagree more than they will agree. And having said that, do you think it is a vote winner?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    This has been under consideration for a long time, as I indicated a moment ago. And as to your point about cross-party support and support beyond it, that is precisely why we are not saying we are introducing it straight away, it is precisely why we have announced it now. We will have a Green Paper, there will be a lot of consultation and clearly we will wish to take as many people with us in this as we possibly can. But it has been worked out, it is ready to be announced, it seems to me rather unwise not to announce something that is worked out because you know sometimes these things leak in a rather unsatisfactory way. So I think it is better to be frank about what we propose, indicate we are going to consult and I would very much like to think we can bring other people with us. I think the idea of building up a personal pension pot, personal assets, that can be passed on to heirs after basic pension requirements have been met, is one that I think most people would find very attractive. But it is not going to be rushed into, there is going to be widespread consultation.

    QUESTION:

    But is it a vote winner?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Well it has been designed to deal with the problems of public expenditure in the medium and long term. It is a very long term policy, but it isn’t a vote winner in the sense that we are saying to people in this election here you are, here is a new goody, because the people who are going to benefit from this in most cases will either only just be of voting age or not actually be of voting age. So it isn’t a short vote winner, it is the right thing to do for the economy, it is the right thing to do for pensions and it is the right thing that a far-sighted government should do, but it is not a short term scheme at all.

    QUESTION (Peter Riddell):

    You are going to increase enormously the assets in pension funds [indistinct] altering their structure, to say you have a personal asset is different from a [indistinct].

    MR LILLEY:

    We will be operating so that it can run alongside occupational pensions which have been very effective and very valuable, and I think it can operate also for those with personal pensions. So it will be different from personal pensions as we have known it in that it will be a lot lower cost and universally available. So I don’t quite see what you mean by different, did you actually mean that the individual should have the right to pick and choose his shares within it rather than choose a manager?

    PETER RIDDELL:

    It will increase vastly the amount of funds controlled, what is now a relatively small number of funds managed by management companies, the power you actually give to them over the economy is very significant indeed, and whether there has to be a change in the structure of those, whether to increase their power or not. just wonder whether you have given any thought to that?

    MR LILLEY:

    We will certainly be consulting widely with the industry and want them to take an active part in helping us draw up the detailed Green Paper which this will need before we move to actual legislation.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have thought of that, we have thought of a range of other things. And you actually put your finger on precisely why it is right to take this over the long term and right to consult on it. Peter mentioned in his presentation a few moments ago of course the particular problems there have been in the past with some people mis-selling on personal pensions. Over the last 10 years or so we have learnt a huge amount. I quoted the figures that have been built up in personal pension funds as a percentage of GDP over the last few years, so we know a huge amount more about how to do it and where the wrinkles are than ever we did before.

    And this growth of future investment doesn’t suddenly appear overnight, Peter, it actually builds up substantially over the years. Peter quoted the figure of a net cost of 160 million a year, so it builds up over quite a time. There isn’t suddenly going to be a flood to create the problem you fear and we are consulting with the industry and with others about how to cope with the increased investment funds that will be available.

    QUESTION (Michael Brunson, ITN):

    How are you going to counter the argument that what you are doing, however good the reason is for you, is in effect privatising the pension, something that Mr Lilley said in the House that he would not do, but which your political opponents were making a good deal of. And secondly, will you condemn unreservedly the totality of David Evans’ remarks?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    On the second point, yes. On the first point, we are not privatising the pension, we are personalising the pension. When you privatise something, you sell a state asset and it then goes entirely into private ownership. What we have made perfectly clear this morning is there is going to be a state guarantee of the basic pension, uprated in the future. So it is not a question of privatising, we are not privatising the pension, we are personalising it.

    MR LILLEY:

    That is absolutely right. Privatising is a term that applies to assets, pensions are an obligation and the state stands foursquare behind its obligation to see decent pensions for people. We are doing three other things, we are not privatising, we are investing to make sure that that pension is more secure, we are personalising those investments by giving people a personal fund and a rebate to build up those investments, and we are guaranteeing that they will get at least what they get under the present system and in all likelihood substantially more.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We are guaranteeing in essence, and underwriting, the basic state pension and putting future governments in a position where they will never face the problem that they will be unable to meet their pension obligations. Now that is the real point. I can’t remember the figures, Peter will, as to how many people were in work for every person in retirement in 1950, but that proportion is shrinking and by 2020 or so there will only be about 1.6 people in work for every pensioner. Now that is a problem that wise governments address now, and that is what we are seeking to do, so that we can offer the state pension guarantee that otherwise might have been put at risk at a later stage.

    QUESTION (Robin Oakley):

    While you are talking of this basic pension guarantee, would this be the right stage, if you are really going to protect the worse off in society, to restore the link with earnings rather than merely with prices? And further to John Sergeant’s question earlier, since this is such a long term investment for the future of the country, would it not be wise to invite Labour and other parties to be involved, as pension providers are to be, in any advisory group that is now setting up the scheme for the future?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Green Paper on consultation will accept from any, and we will accept advice and comment from anyone. There is no question of us saying to the other political parties that we don’t want to hear your views on it, we will want to hear their views on it, of course we will. Upon the first point that you raised, everybody would like to be in an economic position to increase the basic state pension, but it is in order to put ourselves in that position for future generations that we are going down this particular route, resources, to go back to earnings, are not something that any political party sadly thinks exist at the moment. But in order to ensure that better pension provision is available for everybody in the future, we need to look today to ensure that for the future, and that is precisely what we are doing.

    MR LILLEY:

    And it does, for the first time, mean that people, even people just on the basic pension, can look to share in economic and investment growth because they will have that upside potential if their funds do well. And there is an earnings link in the second rebate, linked to their earnings, which means an increasing share of their future pension provision will be related to their earnings during their working life. So we are doing it in a prudent and affordable way. I think everybody realises that if one simply went to uprating pensions with no funds to provide for them in line with earnings, the state would have been in a much worse position to provide proper pensions in future and ultimately would probably have defaulted on its promise.

    QUESTION (Trevor Kavanagh, The Sun):

    Do you envisage these compulsory PEPS, which is basically what they are, being extended eventually to other areas of welfare such as unemployment and sickness benefit? And in view of the problems in Europe over pension funding and the possibility of a single currency, have you cleared it with the European Commission?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The answer to the second question is no and we don’t need to.

    QUESTION:

    But what about the possibility of a single taxation and a single welfare policy which is being envisaged over there?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    There is nothing that is being envisaged that would impact in that way upon our domestic pensions provision, and neither is there any possibility of this country being put in a position where it would have to pick up the pension liabilities of other countries because we have provided for our pensions and they haven’t provided for theirs. I know there is a great deal of worry about that and I am grateful to you for putting the question to me so I can dismiss that as a possibility. On your first point, whether we were thinking of extending this to other areas, we haven’t considered that at all, no. This is a free-standing reform dealing particularly with ensuring we can meet the pension requirements of future generations and meet it more generously than any government has been able to meet previous generations’ demand for good pensions, and it is solely in that context that we have produced this.

    QUESTION (George Jones, Telegraph):

    You have made a great deal of the guarantee that you are going to give that everybody will get the basic state pension, but as Mr Lilley pointed out, people could have 130,000 pounds in these funds. Will there be a guarantee that whatever happens to a financial institution, you could look at Barings, something like that, that money will be protected and they will get that? At the moment there are limits on the amount of investor compensation, have you thought about guaranteeing that sum, because people will have now their retirement funds compulsorily effectively put into a private scheme?

    MR LILLEY:

    The basic pension will have the guarantee that we talked about. We of course strengthened the regulation of occupational pensions through the reforms I introduced in the Pensions Act 1995 and that particularly dealt with the threat which had been posed by Robert Maxwell to such funds, the only socialist that ever took private pensions at all seriously, and we believe that we have now created a much stronger regime to protect those investments than existed in the past and obviously that provides the framework in which additional investments over and above that to fund the basic pension will be made.

    QUESTION:

    But if the fund collapses you only get back the basic state pension?

    MR LILLEY:

    There is also a compensation mechanism for existing funds that people have, we have got 600 billion pounds already invested, this is an issue that already arises, and we have created a whole structure of regulation with, as a final long stop, the possibility of a compensation fund to bail out funds which were for any reason subject to a predator like Robert Maxwell or otherwise went belly-up. So that already exists.

    QUESTION (Elinor Goodman, Channel 4 News):

    You are presenting it as an extension of a choice of ownership, but to what extent would an individual have any say over what happened to their pension pot and are you sure that people actually want any more responsibility, isn’t this going to make people rather nervous, they don’t know anything about these kind of things and they are going to feel somehow more insecure?

    MR LILLEY:

    They will know that they are at least as secure at present, and indeed more so because the government’s promise will be backed up by the investments to meet it. I agree with you that most people will not want to do the detailed management of an investment scheme and that will be handled by an approved manager, companies who wish to manage these funds will have to be approved by the Personal Investment Authority as meeting all the criteria necessary, and we don’t envisage individuals managing their own funds.

    QUESTION:

    The Personal Investment Authority always warn us that the value of investments can go down as well as up. You say this should eventually save 40 billion pounds for the Treasury and it will build up a little treasure chest for every individual of around 130,000 pounds, a one percent increase in growth in the economy will add an extra 30 percent. On what is the basic figure predicated then, how well does the economy have to perform in order for these figures to work?

    MR LILLEY:

    The Government Actuary makes cautious assumptions about the future yield of investments. When I tell you that the assumption he uses here and has been using, lies behind all the opting out contributions of SERPS, was 5 percent below the average yield throughout the lifetime of this government, so when I gave examples of it being 1 or 2 percent better, actually it has been S percent better over the lifetime of this government but I am not an insurance salesman so I don’t forecast that happening in the future because we can’t guarantee that this government will necessarily be here for the next 44 years, though I hope it will be for a large part of it. But in terms of the downside, of course there can be individual funds which will call upon the guarantee, and that will be an expenditure on the state. But clearly at present the state meets 100 percent of the cost of all basic pensions, this will be meeting part of the cost of some pensions where the fund fell short.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    So to the extent that the state had a cost, it would diminish the 40 billion savings rather than create a new cost that wouldn’t otherwise exist, so that is the point you are getting at, isn’t it?

    QUESTION:

    It is indeed, and I appreciate that on the other hand these must be predicated on some particular figure of annual growth in the economy and I wonder what that figure is.

    MR LILLEY:

    It is predicated on the Government Actuary’s assumption on the yield on investments which is 4.25 percent, 4.25 percent more than inflation and the average yield since 1980 of pension funds in this country has been 9.6 percent.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    So in short, with a small ‘c’, it has been predicated on the Actuary’s very conservative assessment, historically based on what he thinks funds will achieve.

  • Mr Major’s Statement on Basic Pension Plus – 5 March 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s statement on Basic Pension Plus, made at Downing Street on Wednesday 5th March 1997.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    For years we have pursued a strong and consistent policy of encouraging personal ownership by individuals and families.

    We believe ownership of savings and assets gives people independence and security. It enables them to provide for themselves and their family. With that self-reliance comes self-respect, and greater freedom of choice.

    Over the last eighteen years we have made huge progress in encouraging home ownership. The proportion of home owners across the UK has risen from 54% in 1979 to 67% today.

    We have encouraged long-term savings through the introduction of TESSAs and PEPs. 2.5 million people are now owners of PEPs, and 4.5 million holders of TESSA accounts.

    We have also encouraged wider share ownership, not least through privatisations. I announced a further development of our policy for employee share ownership a few weeks ago. And with the distribution of shares from converting building societies this spring, share ownership will get another massive boost.

    But some of our most fundamental reforms have been in pension provision. In the mid 80s, when I was a Social Security Minister, I helped Norman Fowler create a massive expansion of private pensions, by allowing people rebates of national insurance contributions to invest in a personal pension scheme.

    In 1979, funds invested in occupational and personal pensions amounted to 132 billion pounds in today’s money – 25% of GDP. Today that investment amounts to 650 billion pounds, or 95% of GDP – investment that underwrites the pensions of tomorrow.

    We have continued to build on those achievements in the 90s. For example, the Pensions Act 1995 fulfilled our manifesto commitment to make personal pensions attractive to people across the age-range, by introducing age-related rebates of national insurance contributions.

    Just a few weeks ago, I announced further measures to facilitate group personal pensions, and to give greater flexibility for people with personal pensions who join occupational schemes.

    Already, 70% of people retiring do so with an occupational or personal pension in addition to their state pension.

    These steps alone will ensure that the proportion of people retiring with funded pensions will continue to grow. If we took no further steps we would expect approaching 90% of people to retire with additional pension income by 2025.

    But we have now reached the point where we can go further. Now that funded second pensions are established, growing and secure, the time is right to start progress towards a proper, secure funding of the basic state pension too. My aim is to ensure that all of the younger generation can look forward to the benefits and security of a pension fund built up in their own name.

    The proposals we are announcing today will do that, by enabling every young person to accumulate an investment fund that could yield considerably more than their basic state pension entitlement.

    They amount to the most fundamental enhancement of the state pension scheme since it was introduced.

    At the heart of our proposals is a scheme called Basic Pension Plus.

    Firstly, to remove fears and misunderstandings, let me make clear that the state will continue to guarantee that everyone will receive at least their basic state pension, uprated at least for inflation as now. Let me also make clear that the entitlement of the current working generation to the basic pension and SERPS will remain the same. The package is about increasing security in retirement, not threatening it.

    What we propose is that the younger generation will have part of their national insurance contribution contributed into a pension fund in their name. A pension fund that they choose, to invest the money on their behalf. This will build up an asset they will own.

    When they retire they will receive the full benefit from this fund. Assuming reasonable investment growth, the pension they receive from it – even on the minimum contribution – could be considerably more than the current state pension entitlement. But the state will top-up the income where necessary to guarantee the basic state pension entitlement.

    And as Peter will explain in a minute, there will be a further rebate to enable those earning more to provide a second earnings related pension on top of the basic pension.

    Gradually, across a generation, this scheme will enable us to switch the financing of our state pensions to savings and investment funded from reductions in NICS rather than taxes and charges. Not only will that benefit the next generation of pensioners, but it will mean that – by the middle of the next century – we will be gradually removing most of the £50 billion cost of pensions that would otherwise be borne by the current taxpayers of that time.

    The UK is already better placed than any other major European economy to fund its future pension liabilities. This will put us another huge step ahead – enabling us to sustain a healthy, low tax economy for the future.

    It is a reform that reflects the best traditions of this Government’s philosophy. It is dealing with the long-term issues in a far-sighted way. It is reinforcing the security and independence of individuals and families by building up their own assets and resources. It will provide funds for investment in the economy It is prudent with the public finances. And it safeguards peoples’ expectations.

    This reform will mean British people will be able to look forward to retirement with even greater confidence. It offers our young people a pensions opportunity unrivalled in the world.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the General Election – 4 March 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the General Election, made during an interview in London on Tuesday 4th March 1997.


    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked why the Conservatives were so far behind in the opinion polls].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think 18 years is the principal problem. The greatest difficulty we have at the moment is not with the state of the country, it is patently growing, you can see that with the growth figures in the economy, you can see it with the dramatic fall in unemployment. All of that is very welcome, but when you have been in government for 18 years, you are fighting in a sense a phantom enemy and I think that is a bigger problem for us than any other.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked whether Ministers speaking out of turn made things harder].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    But politicians are human. I don’t accept your description of what is happening. Let me say that, but politicians are human, they make slips. If they happen to be in government, those slips get very high publicity, if they happen to be in opposition, they get much lower publicity, so it is a good deal easier to be in opposition but since the area where the greatest difficulties have occurred generally have been on European policy, the Labour Party has as many difficulties as have the Conservative Party, but it is less evident because they are the Opposition and we are the Government. That is just one of the facts of political life.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if he thought the public expected politicians not to make such mistakes].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    What really matters to the public? I think what matters to the public is the well-begin of the country and if you look at what is actually happening economically, if you look for example not economically but elsewhere, if you look at the increasing number of our young people getting into university or the increasing number of them passing A-Levels or GCSEs things are clearly getting better, that is welcome. If you look at the increasing number of people actually being treated in the health service that is also welcome; if you look at the extra range of services offered by the health service that is welcome but we expect these to improve and so concentration often comes upon things that go wrong.

    I saw this morning a very good article by Melvyn Bragg and he was pointing out how successful – he was particularly talking about the arts but it is applicable more generally – how successful the country is.

    What I think is the most frustrating thing of all from my point of view is when I travel abroad and I see abroad the perception of a very successful country here at home, I do find it quite difficult to comprehend why that isn’t more apparent in the public opinion domestically in the United Kingdom.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 4 March 1997

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 4th March 1997.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Sir Nicholas Lloyd

    Mr. McWilliam: To ask the Prime Minister what advisory function Sir Nicholas Lloyd is carrying out on his behalf; and if there is any resultant cost to public funds.

    The Prime Minister: Sir Nicholas Lloyd is not carrying out any advisory functions for me as Prime Minister and therefore there is no cost to public funds.

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Harry Greenway: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 4 March.

    Sir Peter Tapsell: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 4 March.

    The Prime Minister: This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

     

    Gulf War Syndrome

    Dr. David Clark: To ask the Prime Minister if he received a letter from Hilary Meredith of the solicitors firm of Donn and Co. in July 1995 enclosing documents concerning the use of organophosphate pesticides by British forces during the Gulf war.

    The Prime Minister: My Office received correspondence in 1995, which was passed to the Ministry of Defence.

  • PMQT – 4 March 1997

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 4th March 1997.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Soley: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 4 March.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major): This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in this House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Soley: Does the Prime Minister agree that, if the negotiations in Northern Ireland result in a devolved assembly, Members of Parliament for Northern Ireland should continue to be able to speak and vote in this House on matters affecting England, Scotland and Wales? If he does agree with that, why would it not be a threat to the Union?

    The Prime Minister: I think that the hon. Gentleman is confusing the powers that are likely to go to a Northern Ireland Assembly with those proposed for a Scottish Assembly. As he knows, they are not remotely comparable.

    Mr. Soley indicated dissent.

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but they are not comparable. That is why his corollary is the wrong one.

    Mr. Budgen: Will my right hon. Friend agree that one of the great successes of the past 18 years has been the strict control of immigration, which has much reduced racial tension in this country? Will he condemn the proposals, even by new Labour, to abolish the primary purpose rule and to grant immigration rights to the extended family? Does he agree that that will increase racial tension and create resentment even among sections of the Asian community?

    The Prime Minister: In the past 18 years, we have seen the most extraordinary changes and improvements in race relations in this country. I think that is immensely important. I am certainly not going to lend my voice or my policy to anything that would damage that improvement.

    Mr. Blair: The Prime Minister deserves credit for that answer. [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker: Order. Hon. Members must come to order. Mr. Jamieson.

    Mr. Blair: Thank you, Madam Speaker. Does the Prime Minister agree, following the past 48 hours, that it would be better for the Secretary of State for Health to concentrate on dealing with the crisis in the national health service, rather than adding to the crisis in the Conservative party?

    The Prime Minister: My right hon. Friend has done a great deal to improve services in the NHS, and he has also tackled many social service matters that required examination and improvement. I think that he has been an outstanding Secretary of State for Health, and I believe that many people who are treated in the health service these days appreciate the improvements that have occurred.

    Mr. Blair: Will the Prime Minister at least accept the evidence contained in a report due to be published on Thursday? A survey of 300 accident and emergency departments across the country shows that many are in acute and chronic crisis and that many simply cannot make do. The survey says that the problem has been made worse by the Conservatives’ internal market reforms.

    If the Prime Minister is to stumble on in office until 1 May, would it not be better for Ministers to use that time not playing games about who the next Tory leader will be but showing real leadership and tackling the problems facing the country?

    The Prime Minister: Over the past five years, as we have tackled the problems facing the country, we have had nothing but opposition from the Labour party. Whatever fresh proposition was put forward–whether for health, education or controlling public spending–we could be certain that the Labour party would oppose it, and it did.

    The fact is that we are creating a modern health service fit for the 21st century. Instead of carping about the health service, it would make a change if the Opposition offered some constructive proposals because, as yet, we have seen none. They say that they oppose bureaucracy, but they opposed us when we abolished the entire regional health tier. They say that hospitals are underfunded, but they will not match our pledge to increase funds. They say that they would increase efficiency, but they would abolish our reforms and set up a new tier of bureaucracy. The very last thing that the national health service needs is an ideological Labour Government causing chaos and disruption.

    Mr. Blair: The very problem that the health service has had is an ideological Tory Government causing difficulties. That is why we have 20,000 more managers and 50,000 fewer nurses. If the Prime Minister believes his case on the health service, education and other issues, let him have the courage of his convictions and put the matter to the country now.

    The Prime Minister: I shall certainly be taking our case on the health service and other matters to the country. I look forward to discussing the reality of what has been done in the health service.

    It is no good the right hon. Gentleman saying that he seeks to improve the health service. The Opposition opposed national health service trusts, which are delivering better hospitals; they opposed fundholders, which are transforming primary care; and they attacked managers despite the fact that, before the reforms, no one could tell anyone where the money was going in the national health service.

    The Opposition also attacked compulsory competitive tendering, despite the fact that it is saving millions of pounds that can go to patient care; and they are committed to a minimum wage, without saying how much it would cost the health service and whether they would fund it.

    The Opposition will not match our pledge to increase funds in real terms for the health service in each successive year of the next Conservative Government.

    Sir Michael Shersby: Is my right hon. Friend aware that accidents involving NHS employees are costing £154 million a year, according to evidence given to the Public Accounts Committee only a few days ago? Will he therefore ask the Health and Safety Executive to ensure that the guidance given by the national health service executive to hospitals is put into practice? That would lead to great savings from fewer accidents; that money could be redeployed to acquire more nurses, more doctors and more services.

    The Prime Minister: We are certainly keen to ensure that the money goes to patient services. That is happening increasingly now that we know how the money is being spent in the health service–before our reforms, we did not have that information. Of course I shall ask my right hon. Friend to consider my hon. Friend’s suggestion.

    Mr. Ashdown: When last week the Prime Minister instructed members of the Conservative party to start the fight back immediately, did he expect them to take him quite so literally? Lord Tebbit attacks the Deputy Prime Minister, Lord McAlpine seeks to duff up the Prime Minister and the Health Secretary seems to want to take on the whole Cabinet. In deciding how to deal with these delinquents, has the Prime Minister ever considered making use of secure accommodation and electronic tagging?

    The Prime Minister: If that is an indication from the right hon. Gentleman that he does support measures such as electronic tagging, I am pleased that in some areas he is moving towards the Government’s policy.

    Sir Patrick Cormack: Does my right hon. Friend agree with the proposition propounded by the post-war Labour Government that constitutional measures should always be taken in Committee on the Floor of the House?

    The Prime Minister: Yes, I do. That has been the constitutional position in this House. It is the way in which matters have normally been handled. I cannot conceive that anyone would wish to change that long-established tradition.

     

    Q2. Mr. Winnick: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 4 March.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Winnick: Is Lord McAlpine correct to say that the Prime Minister asked him to collect a very large sum of money and that the person concerned turned out to be a Greek shipping tycoon, a very dubious character who had supported the Greek military dictatorship? Do the Prime Minister, the Home Secretary and the Attorney-General feel any responsibility for the fact that stolen money–and it is stolen money–from Asil Nadir is being used by the Conservative party for its election campaign? Should not all those matters be referred to the Nolan committee?

    The Prime Minister: The Labour party has just been canvassing for resources in the United States, presumably from overseas donors. It is interesting to hear the hon. Gentleman, of all Members of the House, propounding the idea that it is acceptable to take money from Americans but not from people of other nationalities, were it to be offered. If he is concerned about funding, he should concern himself with the funding of his leader’s office and his deputy leader’s office, and with the trade unions buying votes in the Labour party.

    Mr. Luff: Is it not all really rather simple, when properly understood? Can my right hon. Friend confirm that this country has the most successful economy of any major country in Europe? Are not the Government determined to protect the interests of the United Kingdom in Europe and to protect the unity of the United Kingdom and its interests and influence throughout the world, and would not all that be put at risk by the Labour party’s policies?

    The Prime Minister: My hon. Friend is entirely right about that. The most important element of the economy’s success is the fact that success and growth yield the resources to fund the services, such as education and health, that we wish to improve but which could not be improved without an improving economy.

     

    Q3. Mrs. Helen Jackson: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 4 March.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Lady to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Mrs. Jackson: Following the very decisive statement by the voters of Wirral last week, will the Prime Minister take the opportunity today to redeem his long-established reputation for indecisiveness and tell us whether the election will be on 1 May?

    The Prime Minister: I warmly congratulate the new hon. Member for Wirral, South (Mr. Chapman) on his success, but I would advise him not to unpack his bags.

    Mr. Richards: Is my right hon. Friend aware that the rate of unemployment in every constituency in Wales is lower than that in Germany and France? Does he agree that if the United Kingdom were to copy the European social model, as the Dollies opposite would have us do, unemployment in Wales would double?

    The Prime Minister: The levels of unemployment have fallen dramatically across the United Kingdom over recent years, as a result of the policies that we have followed. For example, in the constituency of the hon. Member for Hammersmith (Mr. Soley), they have fallen by 25 per cent., and by 36 per cent. in the constituency of the hon. Member for Walsall, North (Mr. Winnick). Unemployment has fallen by 31 per cent. in Sheffield, and by 40 per cent. in Sedgefield. On the back of that, one would expect the Opposition to agree that the policies that we have been following create jobs, whereas the policies that they are following have created unemployment across Europe.

     

    Q4. Mr. Illsley: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 4 March.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Illsley: Would the Prime Minister care to comment on the attack by Lord Tebbit on his Deputy Prime Minister, whom he described as

    “tasteless, tacky if not dishonourable, and self-centred”?

    The Prime Minister: My right hon. Friend the Deputy Prime Minister replied for himself quite adequately on that matter.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the General Election – 28 February 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the General Election, made on 28th February 1997.


    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked about whether there was time for the Conservatives to win the General Election].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Certainly there’s not very long and people will I think for that reason begin to focus more sharply. If opinion doesn’t change then we are going to have a Labour Government, and people will have to realise what a Labour Government will mean. It’s not just a question of Mr Blair who has done nothing to help this country achieve its present circumstances except to oppose the policies that have done it, it’ll be Mr Prescott who says it’ll be stupid to publish their tax plans. It’ll be Mrs Beckett who wants to surrender all the trade union laws. Now that is what people will get if people get a Labour Government.