Tag: Environment

  • Sir John Major’s Speech at Yale University – 30 November 2010

    The text of Sir John Major’s speech at Yale University, held on Tuesday 30th November 2010. The speech was entitled “Fantasy to Reality : The World That Lies Ahead” and was the annual George Herbert Walker Lecture held at the university.


    SIR JOHN MAJOR:

    I’m doubly delighted to be here at Yale this afternoon: firstly, because I am in the company of my old friend, Ernesto Zedillo.

    I’ve known President Zedillo for many years. He is one of a too rare breed: a man who gives politics a good name. So it is always a pleasure to see him and it was a delight to accept his invitation to visit this famous old University once again.

    And it is also a special delight and privilege to deliver the George Herbert Walker III Lecture. In my years in politics George Herbert Walker Bush was a close ally – notably during the first Gulf War – and became a life-long friend to cherish. George Bush is a citizen of the world and respected in every part of it. When I became Prime Minister – George Bush was the first to phone me up from Air Force One. There was a slight glitch, he got my brother and the conversation went slightly awry. My brother was wondering who he was and said to the cook in the kitchen there’s a Mr Bush on the phone, “do we know him?” and I was dragged out of an adjacent room to speak to the President.

    When I ceased to be Prime Minister, George Bush was pretty much the first person on the phone yet again, with an invitation to Kennebunkport. George, like Ernesto, is a friend for all seasons.

    For George and Ernesto I would do almost anything – but I do draw the line at jumping out of aircraft on my birthday – even for George.

    My theme this afternoon is the quite extraordinary ways in which the world is changing – and what that means for the future. Let me try and put it in some sort of context.

    My father died nearly 50 years ago. Since then, the world has changed beyond recognition. Fifty years ago, the Soviet Union and the United States were the two super-powers. China was isolationist. Japan had barely begun her post-war rise. Central and Eastern Europe were still under Soviet control. Germany was still a divided nation. Latin America was a continent of revolutions. The European Union was in its infancy. The Gulf was undeveloped. Much of Africa was still colonised. Oil was $3 a barrel and no-one foresaw an Islamic Revolution.

    Little of that world now survives – and the pace of change is accelerating within the span of one lifetime. My father, were he here, would simply not recognise today’s world. And neither would people who left politics much more recently. Someone both George Bush and I knew very well was Boris Yeltsin.

    Now Boris Yeltsin who ruled Russia just over a decade ago, but now seems part of a bygone age. Boris had a great gift for brevity and irony. I remember walking with him once in the Kremlin, this would have been in the mid 1990s, I said to him, “Boris in one word what is the state of Russia?”, he said “good”, I was surprised, it was falling to pieces, I said “tell me in two words”, he said “not good”.

    Even since then, the world has moved on.

    Nothing is as it was. In the future, nothing will be as it is. The great challenge is to identify the changes that are to come and use them and to try and take advantage of them.

    You may say: but we don’t know what is to come. In fact, we know a good deal more about the future than we realise. When Shakespeare put the words: “Nothing comes from nothing” into King Lear’s mouth, he spoke an eternal truth. Change rarely comes as a bolt from the blue, it’s the result of trends we have overlooked or, sometimes, policy we have implemented.

    As evidence, I offer the economic problems we’ve been facing in the last couple of years. They are the result of an unrestrained boom.

    Business and political leadership failed us. We enjoyed the boom but did not prepare for the aftermath.

    As a result, the outlook for all the mature economies – America, Britain, the Eurozone and Japan – is at best sluggish. Consumer demand is fragile. Banks are cautious about lending as they repair balance sheets. Public spending is anaemic. Unemployment is stubbornly high.

    This is a result of policy failures that brings into stark relief a trend that has been developing for decades: other economies – in what we quaintly and rather patronisingly call the ‘third world’ – and I have myself in forty years of politics never discovered what the second is – are catching up on the dominance we have enjoyed for so long. China, India, Brazil, Turkey, Mexico, Indonesia are all coming into much greater prominence and will continue to do so in the decades that lie immediately ahead.

    As Westerners, we may regret our shrinking pre-eminence but it does create a better balanced – and very probably a safer – world than we have previously known. And one that helps us: emerging markets will help re-float the Western economies. It has led to something I certainly never expected to see in my lifetime – China funding the American deficit.

    But you and I had better get used to such novelties because the growth of emerging nations has passed the point where it is likely to be reversible: and our future world will be different, wholly different, as a result of it.

    I don’t intend to focus on economic changes this afternoon but we should note them: the flow of wealth from West to East: the growing role of Sovereign Wealth Funds, which is huge; the scramble for commodities, especially perhaps in Africa, and the price inflation that is very likely to follow. All these trends are signposted for the future.

    I do want to touch on the inter-dependence of nations where there is one mini-trend I hope is not going to develop.

    Over the last two decades the concept of free trade has become almost universal. Countries that once were collectivist, even communist, embraced free enterprise – and prospered as a result of it.

    The impact of the financial crisis has put a very large question mark on that development in the minds of some of the people running these economies. A body called Global Trade Alert has reported a very significant growth in trade protection – not serious yet but sufficiently widespread to be worrying. A growth in protection that needs watching.

    If more countries adopt protectionist measures, particularly if they are big countries, more particularly of all if they happen to be the United States, their trade rivals will retaliate: this could snowball and have a significant effect on world trade.

    We should remember it was not the Wall Street Crash that caused the depression of the 1930s – it was the policies of Protection that followed the Wall Street Crash that caused the damage.

    Let me now look at the world that is to come – and start with the most basic issue of all: mankind itself. In the 41 years since America landed a Man on the Moon, world population has doubled. Doubled in 41 years. It now grows by as much every twelve years as it grew in the nineteen hundred years from the birth of Christ to the dawn of the 20th century. Startling, isn’t it?

    The trend is accelerating, by 2050 – not far away in planning terms – population will soar to over nine billion souls: this is an increase from today that is equivalent to the population of two more Chinas.

    These are not just statistics: they are people. Men, women and children with hopes, fears, ambitions and needs – for food, water, clothing, education, housing, jobs and every basic of life. As we meet today, pretty much about one-half of the world goes hungry, ill-educated and often without hope: how much worse will the problem be with an additional two billion to care for, 95% of whom will be born in countries who are very poor? Planning for this world needs to begin now: again one illustration will suffice.

    Already, many parts of the Middle-East and North Africa face water shortages; water shortages for families, for agriculture and for industry.
    In North Africa the Nile River has been its supply of water since the dawn of time – but the demands on the Nile will one day become insupportable. In 1900, five million Sudanese depended on the Nile – today it is over 42 million and by 2050 it is forecast to be a minimum of 50 million. Similar statistics apply to every other country alongside the Nile.

    The relevance of this is that action is required now to ensure water supply thirty to forty years ahead. But if no-one acts in time, it will be too late when water shortages become immediate and acute.

    These population projections aren’t fantasy. They’re reality. But they could become a nightmare unless we prepare.

    As population changes so does the future of our world, so does technology. My grandfather – who was in Pittsburgh helping to build the Carnegie Steel Works in the 1870s – never conceived of the combustion engine, let alone aeroplanes. Or the telephone, let alone mobiles. Now rockets and satellites in space arouse little interest amongst the populous as a whole. So what will life be like for our grandchildren?
    We can’t know: but we do know the trend of change. Technology is moving ever faster. It’s getting smaller and more powerful. Cheaper and more accessible. It took the telephone 50 years to reach one quarter of America. It has taken Facebook and Google less than 3 years to reach every corner of the world.

    Science isn’t emotional. It deals in facts. Several hundred years ago it told us the Earth was not spherical – and was not the centre of the Universe. At the time the Christian Church killed men for such heresy – but science was right.

    Now science and technology is the unstoppable motor that is changing every aspect of our lives.

    Consider what it has done. The first integrated circuit – invented by Jack Kilby at Texas Instruments in 1958 – proved to be the fore-runner of silicon chips containing – literally – billions of microscopic circuit elements.

    Nothing in the 20th century has so accelerated change; it led to the computer revolution; to the Digital Age.

    Without that crude circuit board there would be no Silicon Valley; no Internet; no laptop; no Google; no iPods; no iPads, no Blackberrys, no Playstations – and none of the hundreds of millions of jobs they have created. Who knows what challenges lie ahead? – perhaps as a result of the particle beams circulating in the Large Hadron Collider at CERN in Switzerland.

    A few days ago, scientists captured anti-matter for the first time – although only a few grains and only for one-tenth of a second. This may – I emphasise may be a new frontier. It was anti-matter, you may recall, that powered the USS Enterprise in Star Trek – fantasy is becoming reality.

    As science changes how we live, medical science is changing the quality and the length of our lives. 110 years ago, no-one knew of blood groups, hormones or barbiturates. Since then, medicine has given birth to whole new industries. New technologies are delivering better drugs, healthy food, new pesticides, the control of pollution, and advances in forensic medicine.

    Technology and medicine are old partners. The first man to assert that blood circulates and is pumped from the heart was William Harvey. But not until the invention of the microscope in the 1650s was this verified by the discovery of the tiny connections between arteries and veins.

    In a modern parallel, scientists are examining how to combine computer chip technology with pharmaceutical research so they can target drugs to treat specific parts of the body. Imagine – for example – chemotherapy with only minimal side-effects.

    Such science is leading a revolution in medical care: advances in engineering techniques have given us insulin pumps for diabetes; cochlea implants for deafness; and there are realistic prospects of repairing nerve cells for sufferers of Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s disease. It may soon be possible to produce artificial heart muscle cells.

    Stem cell research may enable us to grow replacement body parts – experiments in San Diego have already grown a human bladder. We can expect further advances.

    A decade ago, scientists mapped the human genome system. We are daily learning more about how we live and why we die. On the day the mapping was announced, I was lunching with some eminent medical surgeons at one of Britain’s great teaching hospitals.

    What does this mean, I asked? It means – they told me – medicine may determine in a child how that child may die as an adult and, knowing that, they can determine the treatment that may delay death. The life-span for a new baby, born in a country with an advanced medical system, that uses the science that is now available, may rise from the 79/81 years of today to well into the 90s. Consider the social implications of that.

    A few years ago, all this would have seemed like Black Magic. Very soon, fantasy will become reality, in a world we are only barely beginning to glimpse.

    Change is almost always two-faced: sometimes it brings danger.

    Consider our Earth: our blue and green planet has altered. Continents have drifted; Oceans have been formed; Africa and South America have split asunder; species have evolved and become extinct.

    These changes happened over literally hundreds of millions of years … but a few thousand years ago – like everything else in our modern life – it all speeded up. Agriculture began. Vegetation changed. The growing population began to deplete raw – and rare – materials.

    Now, in the last few decades, we have begun to emit radio waves from television, radar and cell-phones, and carbon dioxide emissions have absolutely soared. Planes have filled the skies, and missiles, satellites and space-craft have been propelled beyond our biosphere into orbit.

    For the first time in the long life-time of the Earth, our way of life can affect the future of our planet.

    This is the defining challenge for the future: can we utilize the science that has given us so many innovations to protect our way of life from the effects of those innovations? Once more, a single contemporary example may suffice.

    Science tells us the risks of climate change are real. Arctic summer ice is disappearing faster than we thought: without it, the sea absorbs the sun and melts the permafrost that keeps the lid on Greenhouse gases.

    The burning of fossil fuels continues to raise dioxides. Most – not all, but most – scientists expect this to lead to global warming of between two and five degrees. Does this matter? Yes – it does.

    NASA tells us that when temperatures last rose 2-3% (which they did 35 million years ago) sea levels rose by 25 metres. Even 5 metres would swamp large parts of London, New York, Sydney, Vancouver, Mumbai and Tokyo. Regions of Florida, Louisiana, Bangladesh and the Netherlands would vanish. Singapore would sink. No wonder green energy is such a growing business.

    But here is the dilemma for the policy-maker : we must have energy.

    Our modern world is powered by energy. It is indispensable for economic and political stability. A world without readily available energy is a world that cannot power industry, light homes, cook food, drive cars – it would be chaotic.

    Without energy, we return to life before the industrial revolution: it is unthinkable and it is unimaginable. We have been shamefully wasteful of our energy resources in the past half century and are now paying heavily for it. Oil has risen from $3 a barrel to $80 and rising, as demand has grown and grown.

    And it will not slacken – demand cannot slacken, as Latin America, Africa and Asia continue to industrialise and as population increases.

    So the role of science is going to be pivotal. It must mitigate the impact of fossil fuel degradation and prepare for the post fossil fuel age: this is still many decades ahead of us but, one day, it will come.

    Already science is far advanced in effective methods of capturing and storing carbon before it leaks into the atmosphere although many of the worst polluters around the world don’t yet utilise this technology.

    Alternatives are being developed – solar energy, advanced bio-fuels, fusion, other renewables: all of them have a role to play. So does the safe expansion of nuclear power, probably a bigger role than any of the others, which an increasing number of nations – not least in the Middle East – see as essential to future prosperity.

    We also need science to finalise the electrical car to reduce CO2 emissions. As an estimated 100 million cars are sold each year there will, by next year, be an incredible one billion cars on the planet. An electric motor can make a big contribution.

    Challenges such as these are daunting – and so is the cost but no-one dare ignore them. If we take no action, my generation will not be seriously inconvenienced, but our children/grandchildren may face a disastrous scenario.

    As we look ahead there are acute political and social challenges in nearly every country of the world. The rising cost of caring for more elderly people. The provision of pensions for them. Sufficient leisure and work to keep minds occupied and life worthwhile. Such challenges will alter more than the number and the length of lives: they may change nearly everything that is familiar to us.

    As we prepare for what lies ahead it is re-assuring to recall the past challenges that have been met. For most of my lifetime the world was at risk because NATO and the Warsaw Pact were facing one another with nuclear arsenals that, if unleashed, might destroy much of life as we know it. Reason – and wise politics (not least from past American Presidents like George Bush) prevented such a catastrophe.

    Today, inter-continental carnage on that sort of scale scale is very, very unlikely but – if the world is safer – the dangers of proliferation of nuclear weapons, of regional conflicts and of terrorism loom much larger as viable risks.

    Iran

    Winston Churchill once referred to Russia as “A riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma”.

    Much the same could be said of Iran today. Since the flawed re-election of President Ahmadinejad, there has been widespread internal dissent by hundreds of thousands of individual Iranians. There have been marches, coded speeches, intellectual dissent, as liberty has raised its voice.

    The regime, as we might have expected, has responded with repression but, like others before them, they will find that the demand for change, for something better, for a free and open society, is impossible to smother forever. You cannot arrest freedom and keep it in jail.

    The fear of a nuclear Iran is real. So is the effect of it. If Iran obtains a weapon, the risk of proliferation is very, very high indeed. Iran worries everyone – and destabilises much of the Middle East.

    Why is Iran doing this? The economy is in a mess. The currency is weak. Inflation, interest rates and unemployment are all very high. It’s a very sad comedown for a nation that was a great Empire, when the British and Americans lived in mud huts.

    Nothing is explicable in Iran without understanding the nature of the regime. It is nationalist and hard-line. The real source of power is the Supreme Leader, backed by the Revolutionary Guards, the Army, the Intelligence Services and the Police.

    The President, Ahmadinejad – so often the face of Iran – is in truth a secondary figure. He is not the decisive decision-maker. Too many people over-react to his provocative remarks without realising his subordinate position. He is the Apprentice, not the Sorcerer. The monkey, not the organ-grinder.

    What should we do? First, remember the regime is not the nation – as the internal dissent vividly makes clear. Even so, while the clerical regime survives, we have to deal with it. It is possible negotiations may improve relations; and of course we should continue to try. But, because of the threat she poses, we must supplement dialogue with incentives and sanctions.

    Some advocate military conflict – and, unattractive though it is in every conceivable way, we cannot emphatically rule it out. But, for the time being, sanctions and political pressure seem the right way forward. We can only hope that they are sufficient.

    Arab-Israel

    The Arab/Israeli dispute colours the view of the Middle East. It spills beyond its own borders and it has scarred politics for decades. And is it not absurd that we know the two-State solution we seek, but cannot turn it into reality? Morality, as well as practicality, says we need a solution.

    After several decades, a bilateral negotiated settlement is still far away: many wonder whether if it will ever be possible. Attempts at incremental agreements – “confidence building” in the jargon – have failed again and again. Peace negotiations resemble nothing so much as the mating of the Black Widow Spider. Once the dance is over, death and destruction invariably follow. How often we have seen that, and how damaging it is.

    The present situation is close to stalemate. Palestinians are split. Secular Fatah control the West Bank. Islamic Hamas rule in Gaza. Hamas deny the right of Israel to even exist. They will not renounce violence nor accept previous agreements made by Palestinian negotiators. Meanwhile, Israel builds settlements the world deems illegal.

    Is there a solution? Yes, of course – the obvious one, a negotiated settlement. But, if that cannot be achieved, if negotiators from Israel and the Palestinians cannot – or will not – make the concessions necessary to compromise because of their internal politics, what then?

    Can the international community allow this dispute to run on and on forever – or will the time come when, in the wider interest, they have no choice other than to press more firmly their own ideas for a settlement?

    Understandably, the protagonists would hate this: but, if both sides take positions that impede progress, what alternative exists?

    Will this be difficult? Of course it will. It is a gamble, a high risk toss of the coin, and one that will require great political courage with all concerned. But in the Middle East, as much as anywhere and more important than in most parts of the world, statesmanship is essential to enable the region to fulfil its potential, without fear of conflict.

    One conflict is now worldwide. It is important to understand that terror – Al Qaeda being an example – threatens Muslim societies as much as, and in some cases, more than, Christian societies. Al Qaeda hate the Saudi Arabians more than they hate the Americans and the British. The Taliban, too, would change societies back to pre-enlightened days with a rigid approach to religion and to civil life that is abhorrent to most people. We have seen vivid – and terrifying – examples of that intolerance recently in both Iran and Pakistan. The concept of stoning a woman to death, or executing another because she advocated Christianity, is something that to us seems to come out of an age many centuries ago, but still exists in parts of the world.

    This battle against intolerance and unreason is one in which every State has an interest. It is not a short-term conflict, nor one capable of a clear-cut finite ending: it is too complex, too chaotic for that.

    But it is one from which no nation can safely exclude itself – we all have an interest in the outcome.

    One final thought about the future. Sometimes in politics – and in life – it is necessary to stand back and take stock. Now is such a moment.

    Our world has many complexities, but far more opportunities. If we arrange our affairs to take advantage of them, our future can be so much more promising than even the most pessimistic can believe.

    Sometimes I think we should be more aware – more self-confident – of what we can do. Young men and women today will see things, do things, know things, be things, that their parents and grand-parents would never have dreamed of. We must make sure that they can take advantage of those opportunities.

    As much of what I have said is about science, let me conclude with a quote from the man Voltaire called “the Father of modern science”.

    In the preface to his essays, Francis Bacon – a philosopher in Elizabethan England – observed, and I quote, that: “We have planted things that are likely to last.”

    So have we, in our time, planted things that are likely to last.

    Throughout history, change has been an ally. In the future – if we are wise – it will continue to be so.

  • Sir John Major’s Speech at the Farm Africa Dinner – 16 September 2010

    The text of Sir John Major’s speech at the Farm Africa Dinner, held at Fishmonger’s Hall in London on Thursday 16th September 2010.


    SIR JOHN MAJOR:

    When John De Ramsey invited me to join you this evening, it was easy to accept.

    I first visited Africa in late 1965 during the Biafran War. I went there as a young banker working for the then Standard Bank of West Africa. I was lucky enough to be stationed at Jos, in northern Nigeria and it was there that Africa first attracted me. I had never seen – before or since – such enormous skies and open space. To me, it was idyllic – and still is. And yet, despite its allure and its promise, Africa is so often overlooked and disregarded. But I believe the time is coming when its profile will change.

    Some doubt that, but I think they are wrong. Change is almost the only constant in today’s hectic world.

    At the time I visited Africa, NATO and the Warsaw Pact were aiming missiles at one another. China was still slumbering. Asia had not begun its rise. The Soviet Union had an iron control of much of Eastern Europe. The EU was in its infancy. Latin America was a Continent of revolutions. The Gulf States were still poor. Oil was $3 a barrel. None of that applies now.

    The global market has taken root, and that will continue to change everything – not least agriculture.

    There are few things men and women can’t manage without, but food is at the top of that list. Nor will – or could – this ever change. But its importance will grow, simply because the sheer scale of demand for more food of a higher quality will be un-ending.

    At the time of Christ, the world population – so far as we know – was a mere 300 million. By 1900 – 19 centuries later – it had risen to one and a half billion – an increase of just over one billion in 1900 years. Today, it is six and a half billion, having quadrupled in the last century, and we are growing at nearly one billion every decade, as opposed to one billion every 1900 years.

    Better diet, environment, medicines, will accelerate that trend. The result is a world population estimated at nine billion by 2050: to put that more vividly, it is the equivalent of two more Chinas in the next 40 years – and, of course, agriculture must feed them.

    Contrast tomorrow’s demand with today’s reality. Today, one billion people go hungry each day, of which well over one-quarter are in Africa – many of them subsistence farmers. It needs a revolution to feed them – not so much in the husbandry of farming, but in growing food where it is needed, or transporting it from where it is grown to where it is consumed. In Africa – where a sharp population growth is anticipated – that will, quite literally, be a matter of life and death. That is an equation Africa understands.

    In Africa, agriculture is an ancient trade. Cereals were being grown in North Africa as early as 6,000 BC, and by 1500 BC, root crops, grain crops and nomadic pastoralism was the predominant way of life for sub-Saharan Africans. That is the first point to be made. Africans can farm. It is in their history. And in their blood.

    So it is today. But even a cursory examination shows that much more needs to be done. Although agriculture provides the main livelihood for nearly two-thirds of Africa’s population, much of it is subsistence farming, and the dire reality is that one in four Africans is under-nourished.

    Here, I wish to pay tribute to Farm Africa. It works to help African communities feed themselves and then become small businesses. Charity can feed a man, but wise charity helps him to feed himself, sell his surplus to his neighbours – and then more widely. And that surplus is needed – evidence suggests that, to meet the Millennium Development Goals, 124 million more Africans need to be lifted out of poverty in sub-Saharan Africa alone by the end of this year.

    No-one should doubt that Africans can farm. They are hard working and often have a fine business sense. Micro-finance from banks – tiny sums sometimes no more than £100 – often provide the seed-corn and, as the banks will tell you, women are usually the best guardians of the cash.

    Let me dispel some enduring myths. Not so long ago, most people’s view of Africa was largely defined by disturbing images of people suffering from poor government, corruption, violations of human rights, severe poverty and pandemic health crises. Against this focal image, both aid donors and investors are discouraged, and it’s not surprising that many investors viewed the African Continent as a submerging, rather than an emerging, market. But I believe they were wrong.

    Nowadays, such attitudes are shifting quickly. After lagging behind the rest of the world in the 1990s, African economic growth averaged 5% a year from 2001 until the recent financial crisis, whilst the rest of the world averaged just over 4%. Africa has been enjoying its most sustained period of economic expansion in over 30 years and, despite the financial upheaval which unavoidably slowed growth, the future looks bright as well. Real GDP growth in Africa is expected to continue to rise as the effects of the recent crisis dissipate. Investors are beginning to notice this, and the knock-on effect of that will be enormous.

    One key element, of course, is strong commodity prices. Africa is fortunate to be endowed with 10% of the world’s known oil reserves, 8% of gas reserves, 54% of gold reserves and a wealth of other precious metals, industrial metals and diamonds.

    This commodity boom is inspiring a huge increase in foreign direct investment in Africa – notably by China. China is active in nearly all parts of the Continent, especially in countries such as Sudan or Angola, where they have significant contracts to buy oil. But she is doing more than that. China is developing infrastructure projects, often tied to aid, using China’s partners and contractors and, in so doing, improving African infrastructure.

    China’s interest extends beyond oil to minerals and forests and arable products. And where China leads, others will follow, in a development that is changing both the perception and reality of the changing African market.

    What of agriculture? Firstly, Africa is blessed with a land mass significantly larger than that of China, India, the US and Europe combined. I make that point for two reasons: in the context of its tremendous size, it is overwhelmingly likely that many of Africa’s reserve riches – whether precious metals or hydro-carbons – still wait to be discovered and, secondly, the abundance of such land, and the nature of most of it, offers unrivalled prospects for agriculture.

    This is hugely encouraging for small entrepreneurs but, in many cases, they need help to begin. The work of Farm Africa, the generosity of private donors like Warren Buffet and Bill Gates, the work of NGOs, and well-directed aid, are all addressing that problem. And the [Comprehensive African] Agricultural Development Programme (CAADP) aims to increase agricultural productivity by at least 6% per annum.

    In jargon terms, the cavalry is arriving, troop by troop, and the possibility of more land under management; better water supply; more rural infrastructure and other practical improvements, is becoming more likely. This is absolutely necessary, and will enable the small rural farmer to operate in a more clement environment.

    500 years ago, John Donne wrote “No man is an island entire unto itself”. Nor is any Continent.

    But the growth of agriculture in Africa should not be seen in isolation. Africa is inextricably linked to worldwide growth patterns. Economic growth elsewhere will bring rising wealth to Africa – indeed is already doing so: this means better machinery for agriculture, better transport infrastructure for distribution, bigger towns in concentrated markets and the attraction of development capital.

    Before the financial crisis, Africa’s five-year economic boom was challenging the conventional view of the Continent as a war-torn, poverty-stricken crisis region undeserving of investor consideration. And so it should have done: after all, many places previously regarded as risky investment options – Vietnam being an obvious example – have since earned handsome returns for investors who identified their growth prospects. There is no reason why similar growth should not be achieved in Africa.

    I spoke earlier of 2050, and a world population of, perhaps, nine billion. Africa’s riches, Africa’s contribution, will be needed – and an ever-more global market will help that contribution to be made.

    Is it fanciful to look forward and see an Africa with a greatly improved road network; with more sea-ports and air-ports; with a private sector mentality; with less bureaucracy; a modern tax system; and growing opportunity for agriculture?

    I think not. And the history of the last fifty years tells us not. Farming for sustenance can become farming for profit. What an industrial revolution achieved for others it can – and I believe will – achieve for Africa.

    And when that happens, Farm Africa – and the other pioneers of help – will see that their help was far-sighted as well as humanitarian.

  • Sir John Major’s Speech to the Mexico Chamber of Commerce / COMCE – 13 September 2010

    The text of Sir John Major’s speech to The Mexico Chamber of Commerce / COMCE, held at the Torre Mayor in Mexico City, on Monday 13th September 2010. The speech was entitled “UK and Mexico – Partners in a Changing World”.


    SIR JOHN MAJOR:

    It’s always a pleasure to visit Mexico – and never more so than to represent the British Government at your Bicentennial Celebrations.

    For two countries – half a world apart – we have much in common, both in the past and – more important – in the future. We were the first European nation to recognise Mexican independence. British engineers helped Mexico’s early development and – I believe – even introduced football – soccer – to your country.

    Today, we still have much in common. We’re both democracies. We’re free-traders. We work together to solve problems of climate change and sustained development. We both wish to reform out-of-date international institutions – especially financial institutions.

    I could easily extend this list – it would be easy, and comfortable, to do so.

    Instead, I want to refer to one other aspect we have in common: the fact that neither one of us has made as much of the Mexican-British relationship as we could – and should.

    Yes, trade and investment is growing. Yes, we exchange students. Yes, the political relationship is perhaps closer than ever before. I, myself, am here today at the specific request of the Prime Minister – who could not travel here at this time. Proof positive of the UK Government’s wish to increase the personal links that we know are so important in taking our overall relationship further.

    But we could – and should – do so much more. Nor should we be inhibited by the real problems of security and drugs. Both countries are – apart from a few restrictions – open for business, and the opportunities are huge.

    Mexico is, for example, far easier to do business with than China, Brazil or Russia. The UK is the 5th largest economy in the world. Mexico is the 14th, and moving up rapidly. The scope for doing so much more is self-evident.

    And it is in both our national interests to do so, as the recent economic downturn has made clear. Mexico becomes less reliant on the US; the UK returns to a traditional Latin American market it has ignored for far too long. As a result, we both widen our markets.

    In a global market, this could happen spontaneously. But we should not leave it to chance. That is why I am delighted that both our Governments are keen to promote greater mutual trade and investment, and I want to commend our Ambassador, Judith McGregor, and the British Embassy, Pro-Mexico, COMCE and the UKTI, for the work they are already doing in this endeavour, not least with our “Think Britain” and “Mexico Matters” initiatives.

    Why is it so important that we act now? Because the world is re-shaping rapidly.

    Today, change is brutally swift. The leaders with whom I once worked are now part of history, although I still see many of them, including your former President, Ernesto Zedillo – a good friend whom I cherish.

    Another was Boris Yeltsin. Alas, no longer with us. Market economics were a mystery to Boris. Once asked him to tell me “State of Russia” in one word. “Good”, when asked in two words, “Not good”. Today we’re passing through a “not good” phase.

    Let me look around the world in which Mexico and the UK must compete: The East, which was not highly indebted, is moving forward swiftly. The West, which was – is not.

    A recovery of sorts has been stimulated – but it has left many Western Governments drenched in debt. What does that mean for the years ahead?

    Some of this is becoming clear.

    America first – since she is crucial to Mexico. The recession ended last autumn, but growth is still weak – and much of it driven by artificial stimuli that will soon be gone. So there is a risk – unlikely, but a risk – that the up-turn will stall – or even fade away.

    The UK and the EU are in a similar position, with one important difference which I will come to later.

    The UK has a new Government – a novel coalition of Conservative and Liberal-Democrats. It is unknown political territory but it does know what needs to be done – and has the Parliamentary majority to do it.

    Economically, the UK – like other nations – is in a difficult situation, and hard decisions will have to be taken in order to stimulate our long-term recovery.

    The new Government is already taking these tough decisions, and has made it clear that we see the emerging markets as playing a key role in that recovery.

    Thanks to the UK opt out from the Euro, we do so against a more positive backdrop than our European partners, who have the additional dimension of Greece – and Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland – all facing debt crises, but who cannot stimulate their economy by devaluing their currency because they are in the Euro. The pain of the recession for them is being felt in slow growth, unemployment and business failures. Some have forecast Greece will leave the Euro or, more dramatically, the Euro will break up. I very much doubt that.

    A bail-out package for Greece has been agreed. Personally, I’m not convinced it will prevent a default or a restructuring – but it buys time for other euro debtors to begin to put their finances in order. Nor will Greece leave the Euro – inside its situation is dire: outside it would be catastrophic.

    As for the Euro, too much political credibility has been invested for it to be abandoned. I don’t say this as a euro-enthusiast.

    In 1991, as Prime Minister, I refused to commit Sterling to the Euro-zone because I did not see how monetary union could work without economic convergence: and I did not believe Greece or Portugal or Italy would match the economic efficiencies of Germany. Nor have they.

    It is due to that 1991 opt-out that the UK is now in a much stronger position for recovery than the Euro-zone.

    Elsewhere, there is a brighter picture. Although the collapse in Western demand hit the Eastern economies, the larger countries – China, India, Indonesia – were not highly leveraged, and have emerged in good order.

    Latin America has changed dramatically for the better over the last two decades. It is now a Continent of increasingly stable democracies. It is not deeply in debt. Its economic fundamentals are stronger much of the developed world: its foreign exchange reserves are at an all-time high.

    Its collective GDP is – to within a whisker – the same as China, and three and a half times that of India. Latin America is in a good position to bounce back from the economic crisis.

    In the Middle East, North Africa and the Gulf, some countries were barely affected by the financial turmoil: indeed, most grew around 5% despite the steep drop in the oil price.

    What can we expect as we look forward?

    In the West – more regulation and control. Higher taxes to cut deficits and – in due course – higher interest rates to fund them. Public spending will fall.

    So will private spending, as the impact of high unemployment – and record levels of personal debt – encourage the consumer to save more and spend less. All of this suggests a muted recovery.

    Over recent years, the world has looked enviously at the energy-rich countries – especially in the Gulf – and the spending power of their Sovereign Wealth Funds.

    When oil fell to US$40, OPEC cut output to sustain the price. It has since risen to US$70-80 for two reasons:

    – rising demand as growth returns; and
    – a growth in investment in oil as an asset. In the medium-term, it is more likely to rise further than fall. This is also crucial to Mexico.

    What risks lie ahead?

    Of course, the risk of a double-dip into recession, but that is very unlikely, although growth may slow.

    A greater risk is protection, which is always a danger at times of high unemployment.

    Mini protections – hidden protections – exist almost everywhere. A recent study identified 192 Protectionist measures in OECD countries, with a further 148 in the pipeline: fortunately, many are not obvious or inflammatory. It is gratifying to see that Mexico – under the leadership of President Calderon – continues to promote Free Trade and fight against protectionism in all its forms.

    If protection gets out of hand it is dangerous. It risks retaliation: it was, after all, what caused the problems of 1929/30 to become the prolonged slump of the 1930s as world trade fell by two-thirds. The dangers of protection should always be in our mind.

    It is easy (and fashionable) to be gloomy about the mature Western economies and to look too much to China and the East. We shouldn’t overdo this: the West may not be able to compete on labour costs but while they continue to lead the technological revolution they will remain the key economic players.

    I am here to celebrate the bicentenary of Mexico, but let me touch on some of the areas where there are great shared opportunities for us over the next 200 years:

    Consider science: the first integrated circuit – invented by Jack Kilby in America in 1958 – proved to be the fore-runner of silicon chips containing – literally – billions of microscopic circuit elements. Nothing in the 20th century has so accelerated change; it led to the computer revolution; to the Digital Age. Without that circuit there would be no Silicon Valley; no Internet; no laptop; no Google; no iPods; no Blackberrys, no PlayStations – and none of the hundreds of millions of jobs they have created.

    As science changes how we live, medical science is changing the quality and length of our lives. A hundred years ago, no-one knew of blood groups, hormones or barbiturates. Since then, medicine has given birth to whole new industries. New technologies are delivering better drugs, healthy food, new pesticides, the control of pollution, and advances in forensic medicine.

    Scientists are now examining how to combine computer chip technology with pharmaceutical research so they can target drugs to treat specific parts of the body. Imagine – for example – chemotherapy with only minimal side-effects.

    Such science is leading a revolution in medical care: advances in engineering techniques have given us insulin pumps for diabetes; cochlea implants for deafness; and there are realistic prospects of repairing nerve cells for sufferers of Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s disease. It may soon be possible to replace heart muscle cells.

    A few years ago, all this would have seemed like Black Magic. Soon, fantasy will become reality, with commercial prospects that are simply staggering.

    One continuing headache will be energy supply and energy security.

    We know that coal, oil and gas are going to dominate energy supply for decades to come – irrespective of any advances in solar energy, advanced bio-fuels, fusion and other renewables.

    Since this is so, we need to develop carbon capture and store the carbon residue where it is safe – probably for centuries. This R&D challenge is daunting – and so is the cost – but energy security is a policy no-one dare ignore.

    So is the risk of climate change. Because hard-to-ignore science tells us the risks of global warming are real. Most scientists expect global warming of between two to five degrees. This sounds small – but isn’t: in the depth of the last ice age, the temperature fall was – five degrees.
    Energy security is not the only long-term challenge. In the last fifty years, world population has grown from less than 3 billion to over 6.5 billion. At the birth of Christ, world population was – probably – 300 million. By 1900 – 19 Centuries later – it had grown by something over one billion. We now grow by nearly one billion every decade.

    World population is projected to reach 8 or even 9 billion by 2050. This is like absorbing two more nations the size of China. It offers social threats and economic opportunities.

    We live in a fast-moving, ever-changing, uncertain world, with many risks and challenges ahead – yet there are so many opportunities.

    Over two decades, China and the US have developed a huge inter-locking economic relationship. Japan and China are beginning to repair old scars. Latin America has become a Continent of Democracies. And – until the recession – Africa was growing faster than at any time in our lifetimes. Europe has moved the free market eastwards and southwards.

    In a preface to some famous essays, an English philosopher flatteringly observed to his patron that “You have planted things that are likely to last”.

    As have the UK and Mexico, by working closely together in:

    – Pursuing a global deal on climate change;
    – Fighting protectionism and promoting free trade;
    – Creating a low-carbon global economy.

    But we could do so much more and – by doing so – we will forge a closer, more meaningful relationship between our two nations – for the next 200 years and beyond.

  • Sir John Major’s Speech at the Norfolk Churches Lecture – 17 October 2009

    The text of Sir John Major’s speech at the Norfolk Churches Lecture held at the John Innes Centre in Norfolk on Saturday 17th October 2009.


    SIR JOHN MAJOR:

    My theme this evening is to look at some of the issues – often forgotten amid the drama of day-to-day crises – that will change our future and re-shape our world.

    Mercifully, some things remain constant, even in today’s materialistic society. A determination to preserve our historic churches is one such example of stability, and I’m delighted to be here this evening at the request of the Norfolk Churches Trust.

    I set up the Lottery partly to help preserve precious monuments, in the hope that our distant descendants will be able to enjoy them as we do. The Trust’s work is vital, and I’m delighted to see so many of you here tonight, in support of it.

    These days change is constant. The men and women I worked with over a decade ago are now part of history.

    [Indistinct, anecdotes about Yeltsin and Gorbachev].

    Since then the world has changed. Political alliances have been formed and reformed; the global market has become established and a financial crash has nearly crippled the world economy.

    Meanwhile, wealth moves inexorably from West to East, as the East grows and the West slows. In 1700, the two largest economies were China and India. Some time this century, that will once again be so.

    The words of the poet, John Donne, five hundred years ago, that “No Man is an Island” are – today – very apt. Nor any country. Nor industry.

    In recent months, the whole world has been painfully reminded of that.

    It has been a period of great uncertainty and widespread fears. Once more, events have proved that what goes up – can also go down. It may take years to correct what has happened, but I want to look beyond the recession at some long-term trends that are changing the way we live. They creep up on us unannounced, but are often more compelling arbiters of change than the decisions of any Government.

    Consider science:

    Fifty one years ago, a man called Jack Kilby invented the first integrated circuit. It was crude, but it proved to be the fore-runner of silicon chips containing – literally – billions of microscopic circuit elements. Nothing in the 20th century has so accelerated change; it led to the computer revolution; to the Digital Age. Without that circuit there would be no Silicon Valley; no Internet; no laptop; no Google; no iPods; no Blackberrys – and no PlayStations. Our world was changed forever.

    Similarly, spin-offs from the space race have given us global communications, satellites and – less happily – missiles to carry nuclear weapons: it is likely there will be further unexpected advances as a fall-out from experiments with the Large Hadron Collider, which is due to re-commence in November.

    Science has not only changed how we live: medical science is changing the quality and length of our lives. A hundred years ago, no-one knew of blood groups, hormones or barbiturates. Since then, the advance of medicine has been bewildering.

    Whole new industries have emerged. Synthetic Biology has brought together science and engineering to design and build biological functions. New technologies are delivering better drugs to combat disease, promote genetic engineering, healthy food, better pesticides, the control and destruction of pollution, and advances in forensic medicine.

    Scientists are examining how to combine computer chip technology with pharmaceutical research in order to target drugs to treat specific parts of the body. Imagine – for example – chemotherapy with only minimal side-effects.

    Such science is leading a revolution in medical care: advances in engineering techniques have given us insulin pumps for diabetes; cochlea implants for deafness; and there are realistic prospects of repairing nerve cells for sufferers of Parkinson’s and Alzheimer’s disease. It may soon be possible to replace heart muscle cells. A few years ago, all this would have seemed like Black Magic. Soon, fantasy will become reality, with commercial prospects that are simply staggering.

    And then there are more subliminal issues, often very complex, that demand Government action but are too often pushed aside because the costs are now and the effects of inaction are decades away.

    Hard-to-ignore science tells us the risks of climate change are real. The burning of fossil fuels – last year, China alone built one hundred coal-fired power stations – continues to raise dioxides: by 2050 they are likely to be double the pre-industrial level. Most scientists expect this to lead to global warming of between two to five degrees.

    This sounds small – but isn’t: in the depth of the last ice age, the temperature fall was – five degrees. However, a single figure is utterly misleading: the land warms more than the sea and high latitudes more than low. So the impact of global warming is not uniform. Nor is it localised: innocent non-polluters may suffer – and the guilty may not. To put it more vividly: if China, India and the US continue to pollute, then Bangladesh and the Philippines might flood – and Singapore might sink altogether.

    We do know that coal, oil and gas are going to dominate energy supply for decades to come – irrespective of any advances in solar energy, advanced bio-fuels, fusion and other renewables.

    Since this is so, the first priority must be to develop carbon capture and storage before it leaks into the atmosphere. And then we need to store it where it is safe – probably for centuries.

    And we also need to stop cutting down the Equatorial forests which release immense carbon into the atmosphere.

    This R&D challenge is daunting – and so is the cost – but energy security and climate change – despite disagreements among scientists – is a threat no-one dares ignore. If we take no action, our generation will not be seriously inconvenienced, but our children/grandchildren may face disaster.

    Energy security is not the such only long-term problem. Take Population as an example:

    1 AD: 300 million
    1900 AD: 1.5 billion = 1 BILLION in 1900 years
    Now: 6.5 billion = growing at 1 billion every 10 years
    By 2050: equivalent of absorbing two new Chinas.

    Can we cope? Impact on climate change is obvious. On food, equally so.

    All around the world, even in the grimmest of circumstances, people hope for something better. Hope for something better is the most basic of emotions.

    For half the world, hope is nearly all they have. Today, three billion souls live on less than US$ 2 per day; and one-fifth on less than US$ 1 per day. This cannot be acceptable. I daresay no-one here today would hesitate in spending that sum on a cup of coffee on the way into work each morning.

    The rich nations do help. At present, they spend US$ 50 billion in total on overseas aid: an enormous sum. But less generous than it seems when you realise that Europe and America also spend US$ 350 billion on agricultural subsidies alone.

    To put that into context: we spend seven times as much subsidising cheap food for those already well-fed, as the whole world spends on all the needs of those whose bellies are swollen with hunger.

    Here, there is a real irony. As some nations grow and improve living standards, they drive up prices to the further detriment of even poorer nations. If one billion Indians – one sixth of the entire world population – together with millions of Chinese, Brazilians and Malaysians – now eat two meals a day, instead of only one, the demand for food soars.

    That puts up prices – provoking panic and moving the politics of food to the front burner of controversy. The days of cheap food are gone.

    So – let us recognise – now – that the world will need all the food we can grow – even if Australian harvests recover from a ten year drought, and Ukraine and Zimbabwe once again become the agricultural bread-baskets nature designed them to be.

    Nor is food the only problem. Consider the Nile – the lifeblood of Northern Africa. Population growth is putting terrible burdens on it. Sudan 5 million (1900), 150 million (2050). If the Nile can’t cope, much of North Africa returns to desert. The problem is decades ahead – the need for action is now. And, to get it, we need a new long-term approach to politics that will make great demands on Government.

    My theme has been to look at some of the issues in our post recession world. If we don’t tackle these problems now we will leave a truly dismal legacy to our successors.

    Inevitably, there is much I have not touched upon: political rivalries; the risks of nuclear or biological terrorism; the insecurities created by the arc of uncertainty from Syria to Pakistan.

    All these are unwelcome problems, complex and not easily solved, but let me add a little balance. Despite the economic downturn, we have just enjoyed fifteen years of high growth – hundreds of millions have been lifted from poverty.

    The Cold War is over: the risk of global conflagration has gone.

    Investment across nations minimises the risk of wars. Science is raising the quality of life. Medicine is raising its length: in the last forty years – since 1968 – life expectancy has risen faster than in the previous 4,000 years. Our children will be citizens of the world in a way earlier generations could never have dreamed. They will see more, do more, know more than we could ever have imagined.

    Over two decades, China and the US have developed huge inter-locking economic interests. Japan and China are beginning to repair old scars. Democracy is expanding. And – pre-recession – poor, forgotten Africa has been growing faster than at any time in our lifetimes. Europe has moved the free market eastwards and southwards.

    Sometimes – despite our economic problems – I think we should be more self-confident and more aware of what has been achieved.

    In a preface to some famous essays, an English philosopher flatteringly observed to his Patron that “You have planted things that are likely to last”.

    So have we – in our own time. The Free Market. The Global Market. Democracy. A Union across Europe. The concept of supra-national co-operation. All gifts from the West to the world – with the US and Europe as principal donors.

    Here in North Norfolk – you – by being here tonight – are playing your part in securing the future of our Heritage. It is up to all of us – near and far – to secure the future of our world.

  • PMQT – 1 December 1994

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 1st December 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Simon Coombs: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major): This morning, I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Coombs: Has my right hon. Friend had an opportunity to study the speech made by the French Prime Minister, Mr. Balladur, on the need to resist centralism and federalism in Europe? Is not that speech evidence that the entente is especially cordiale at present, and that the British Government are winning the arguments over the right kind of Europe for the future?

    The Prime Minister: I certainly did read Mr. Balladur’s speech. In fact, we discussed what he was likely to say when we met at Chartres a short while ago. I would have been pleased to make the speech that Mr. Balladur made–I nearly did at Leiden. He is right to reject federalism in favour of flexibility, say that we should avoid the encroachment of European institutions on national institutions, and talk of the need to look again at European policies as well as institutions, to keep costs down as we examine the question of enlargement. That is clear confirmation that the arguments made by the British Government for some time are increasingly gaining ground across Europe.

    Mr. Blair: As to value added tax on domestic fuel, given that it is now clear that eight and three quarter million pensioners will not even be eligible for cold weather payments, and given the Prime Minister’s specific promise at the last general election that he would not raise VAT, will the right hon. Gentleman agree to Labour’s amendment next week, so that the House can vote on whether he has kept his promise?

    The Prime Minister: As the right hon. Gentleman knows, we have already had four votes on VAT. He neglected to mention that, in real terms, even after last year’s VAT increase of 8 per cent., fuel prices actually fell. The position of the 15 million people who receive compensation for the VAT increase is, in real terms, better than it was before VAT was imposed on domestic fuel.

    Mr. Blair: I gather that the Chancellor is in one-to-one meetings with the Back-Bench rebels over VAT. Would not it be better if all Conservative Members of Parliament had one-to-one meetings with their constituents so that they could know of their anger at the promise betrayed?

    The Prime Minister: Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman and his hon. Friends might care to discuss carbon tax with their constituents and explain to them– [Interruption.] Clearly they do not wish to discuss anything with their constituents, such as why they oppose VAT because it is politically expedient for them to do so, and why they propose a carbon tax that would have precisely the same effect on fuel prices.

    Mr. Garnier: Will my right hon. Friend outline briefly his Government’s policy on the deployment of troops in Bosnia and confirm the House’s support for the actions of General Rose?

    The Prime Minister: I most certainly and unequivocally reaffirm the House’s support for the actions taken by General Rose. He has had an extremely difficult job. I believe that he has done that job as well as it could have been done by any commanding officer anywhere in the world. If I may say so, I believe that most hon. Members and most people in this country will bitterly resent the criticism of General Rose voiced in some United States newspapers. I have seen the arguments and comments about the position in Bosnia. There is no doubt that the position in Bosnia is serious at the moment. I have no doubt about that at all, but I have to say to the House that, if the embargo was lifted and UNPROFOR was forced to withdraw, the position would be even worse, and particularly so for the Bosnians. The belief that that would produce a level playing field is not, in my judgment, right. It would produce a level killing field.

     

    Q2. Sir David Steel: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the right hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Sir David Steel: During the past couple of days, the Prime Minister and his colleagues have tried to persuade us that all their tax increases are something of a temporary aberration from Conservative instincts. Even if that were so, how does he explain the fact that, under this Government, the top 1 per cent. of taxpayers received tax cuts of something like £47,000 on average, while the low-paid have seen their taxes increase by about £400 a year? Is not that a permanent feature of Conservative instincts?

    The Prime Minister: I will tell the right hon. Gentleman what is a permanent feature of Conservative instincts: the fact that real, disposable net incomes, at all levels, have risen. That, of course, is what affects people’s living standards. Post-taxation, they have more spending power in their pockets than they had before. That is undoubtedly the case right the way down the scale and, I believe, will remain the case.

    Mr. James Hill: Does my right hon. Friend agree that the best way in which to get the unemployed back to work is to give them incentives and training, and not to bash business men with a minimum wage and a training levy?

    The Prime Minister: Yes, I certainly agree with my hon. Friend about that. Priority is given to getting the unemployed back to work. We have seen unemployment fall more dramatically in this country than in any other European country. There was a wide range of measures in my right hon. and learned Friend’s Budget which will add to that return to work.

     

    Q3. Mr. Connarty: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Connarty: Does the Prime Minister accept the advice of the all-party group on pensions that, despite the Government’s compensation package, the individual pensioner will be 56p a week worse off if VAT on fuel rises to 17.5 per cent? In the light of that, will he tell his hon. Friends who are committed to defending pensioners against that attack to stick by their principles next week?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Gentleman will have heard what I had to say to the Leader of the Opposition just a few moments ago. The hon. Gentleman will also be aware of the consistent position that we have taken about VAT on fuel and the consistent position that the House has endorsed on at least four occasions.

    Mr. Stephen: Is my right hon. Friend aware of the grave concern expressed by many of our constituents about people who are not ordinarily resident in this country coming here to litigate their disputes in the English courts at the British taxpayers’ expense on legal aid? Will he consider withdrawing civil legal aid from such people in future?

    The Prime Minister: I shall certainly seek the advice of my right hon. and learned Friend the Lord Chancellor. I am aware of the concern that has arisen. As my hon. Friend knows, the matter is very complex, but it raises a great many concerns among many people in the country. I shall draw my hon. Friend’s remarks to the attention of my right hon. and learned Friend.

     

    Q4. Mr. Bennett: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Bennett: Will the Prime Minister confirm that he is still committed to the Rio environmental targets, and in particular to efforts to reduce carbon dioxide emissions? If he is committed to reducing carbon dioxide emissions, how will that commitment be financed? Does he accept that the Government’s policy was to use the Energy Saving Trust, and that so far the trust has virtually no money with which to reach its targets?

    The Prime Minister: I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for giving me notice of his question.

    We are currently considering a range of options for funding the trust, including the involvement of private sector finance and input from the energy consumer. We remain totally committed to meeting the targets to which I signed up at Rio, and with that in mind the trust has already prepared a plan setting out how it intends to proceed towards its contribution to carbon emission reduction as part of the climate change reduction programme.

    I would add that our decisions regarding VAT on fuel have a strong environmental impact.

     

    Q5. Mr. Jacques Arnold: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Arnold: What does my right hon. Friend think of the trench warfare being conducted against grant-maintained schools by Labour- controlled councils, particularly Kent county council? Kent has vetoed the only application for a new nursery unit in Gravesend because the school is grant-maintained.

    What does my right hon. Friend think of a man who is prepared to reject all the schools in his Labour-controlled borough, and to sneak his son eight miles across Greater London to a grant-maintained school?

    The Prime Minister: I have no comment to make about any right hon. or hon. Member who seeks the best for his or her children; I am sure that we would all do that. My only criticism would be that the policy for everyone should not be to remove the same choices from millions of other people.

     

    Q6. Mr. Byers: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Gentleman to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Byers: Is the Prime Minister aware that, according to the latest figures, the average household fuel bill in Northern Ireland is 27 per cent. higher than in the rest of the United Kingdom? Can he explain why the VAT compensation package announced on Tuesday failed to take that difference into account?

    The Prime Minister: As Northern Ireland would be the first to accept, we are a united kingdom as a whole, and our legislation stretches across the United Kingdom: that position is taken very firmly by Northern Ireland Members of Parliament. It is also true that we see from Government support across the United Kingdom–I take these figures broadly from memory –that the degree of underlying public support for Northern Ireland is substantially higher than that for other parts of the United Kingdom. The figure for Scotland is substantially above that for Wales, and the figure for Wales is substantially above that for England. It is in that way that we seek to ensure a proper equity of support for services and people throughout the United Kingdom.

    Sir Geoffrey Johnson Smith: Following my right hon. Friend’s talks with the Republican leader Senator Dole, will he confirm that he made it clear to the senator that, whatever the differences may be over Bosnia, they should not be allowed to undermine the commitment of his country and ours to the Atlantic alliance?

    The Prime Minister: I had an extremely useful exchange with Senator Dole. We spent some time considering the Atlantic alliance and there is no doubt whatever about Senator Dole’s whole-hearted support for NATO, both now and in the future.

     

    Q7. Ms Estelle Morris: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Lady to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Ms Morris: The Prime Minister has been asked three times this afternoon to justify his policy on VAT; three times he has failed to answer the question. Does he accept that, no matter what he says, pensioners do not believe him, because they know that an extra £1 a week will not pay their bills? Why has the Prime Minister betrayed the pensioners of the nation?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Lady may have repeated a question that has been asked before, but she should have listened to the answers. In reality, we have put in place a generous package to compensate not only pensioners but others for the effects of VAT.

    Mr. Connarty: Not enough.

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Gentleman shouts, “Not enough,” and that is just another illustration of the fact that the Opposition claim that they would not put up taxes, they oppose every tax increase, but they would choose to put up expenditure and have no idea how they would fund any one of their policies. That is not new Labour: it is the old Labour that the electorate have rejected time after time.

    Mr. Waterson: Does my right hon. Friend think that many people in this country would support the legalisation of cannabis or the party that advocates it?

    The Prime Minister: I certainly would not support the legalisation of cannabis, and I do not believe that the overwhelming majority of people in this country would support it either.

     

    Q8. Mr. Hutton: To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 1 December.

    The Prime Minister: I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Hutton: Why has the Prime Minister sanctioned the dismissal of 600 uniformed front-line customs officers this week? Does he agree with the Paymaster General that the dismissal of those 600 officers will compromise the Government’s fight against illegal drugs and pornography?

    The Prime Minister: The hon. Member for Ynys Mon (Mr. Jones) asked that question on Tuesday and I told him then that it will not. Since then I have had the opportunity of discussing it with the chairman of Customs and Excise and she confirms that it will not.

  • PMQT – 14 July 1994

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 14th July 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Mackinlay : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 14 July.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning, I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Mackinlay : What instructions has the Prime Minister issued this week in connection with combating the appalling level of air pollution throughout the Thames valley and in every other urban area of the United Kingdom? Can we be assured that it is Government policy that the polluters will pay and be prosecuted, rather than merely be given a ticking off and a prohibition notice? Now is the time for action to combat air pollution.

    The Prime Minister : Of course, it was a Conservative Government who established the first ever environment Department as long ago as 1970, and we take environmental matters very seriously. On air pollution, we have already agreed tight emission standards for new cars and lorries and we intend that they be rigidly enforced. We have taken the lead over the rest of Europe by introducing integrated pollution policies and we are determined to ensure that those are kept. We made it clear earlier this year in discussion documents that making the air cleaner is an important part of our policy and, where necessary, we will take action.

    Mr. Marlow : Is a single European currency a commercial convenience, or does it mean single European interest rates, a single European economy, harmonised and high levels of European taxation and, effectively, a single European state? And, if it is the latter, could my right hon. Friend tell the House that he is most unlikely ever to put it before the British people? It would give a great deal of simple pleasure to a lot of simple people if he could say so.

    The Prime Minister : I am always prepared to give some simple pleasure to my hon. Friend. As I have told the House on many occasions, a single currency would not be a practicable proposal, unless one had a proper and equally performing series of economies right across the area that would be governed by that currency. Without that, there would be the very practical difficulty that one would get large-scale structural unemployment and a massive demand for funds transferred from one part of the European Union to another. It is for that very practical reason that I do not believe that we are within many years of being able to consider a single currency.

    Mrs. Beckett : Is the Prime Minister yet able to tell us whether, in the context of the presidency of the European Commission, there are any candidates who do not support the social chapter?

    The Prime Minister : I can tell the right hon. Lady that, since we are not partners to the protocol, it does not matter from our point of view whether they are in favour or not.

    Mrs. Beckett : But the meeting is tomorrow. Is the Prime Minister telling us that, having used the veto–so he said–to permit extensive consultations, he does not know whether any of the candidates are against the social chapter?

    The Prime Minister : I sometimes think that the right hon. Lady prepares her second and third questions before listening to the first answer. The second question bore no relationship to the answer which I just gave her, which I shall repeat. Since we are not partners to the protocol that governs that aspect of European policy, it does not matter to this country whether the new president does or does not support that.

    Mrs. Beckett : The Prime Minister, as he will be well aware, has twice run away from answering the question. Is he reluctant to answer it because he knows that, in a triumph of personal diplomacy, he vetoed the appointment of one Conservative Prime Minister from a Benelux country who supports the social chapter, and will now support the candidacy of a Conservative Prime Minister from a Benelux country who supports the social chapter?

    The Prime Minister : Oh dear, oh dear. I fear that the right hon. Lady has shown the House too clearly that she does not have a scintilla of understanding of the European policies of each of the candidates whose name has been put forward for the presidency of the European Commission. There is a substantial difference between those policies that I vetoed last week and those that are followed by any of the candidates who remain in the ring at the moment.

    The decision will be made on Friday and the right hon. Lady might then understand the distinction between the policies of a European Commission president whom I would not accept and those of a European Commission president whom I can accept.

    Mr. Batiste : Is my right hon. Friend aware that the impending statement from the Secretary of State for Defence will be keenly awaited by many people who work in the defence contracting industry in Leeds and in many other parts of the country? Can he confirm that “Front Line First” means enhancing the capabilities of our front-line troops by giving them the best available equipment to do the many jobs with which they are faced?

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. and learned Friend will be making a detailed statement about the matter in a few minutes and, if my hon. Friend will forgive me, I will not anticipate that statement in detail. “Front Line First” was established to ensure precisely that we direct the resources available to the front line to maximise the fighting capacity and the cutting edge of the British armed forces.

     

    Q2. Mr. Hain : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 14 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Hain rose

    Mr. Richards : Liar. [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker : Order. [Interruption.] Just a moment. Let me establish who made the remark.

    Hon. Members : Stand up.

    Madam Speaker : Order. I understand that it was Mr. Rod Richards. Is that the case?

    Mr. Richards indicated assent .

    Madam Speaker : In that case, I require the hon. Gentleman to stand up and immediately apologise.

    Mr. Richards : I withdraw my remark, Madam Speaker.

    Madam Speaker : The hon. Gentleman must apologise to me as the Speaker of the House for those words.

    Mr. Richards : Madam Speaker, I apologise to you.

    Mr. Faulds : On a point of order, Madam Speaker.

    Madam Speaker : Order. I call Mr. Hain.

    Mr. Hain : Will the Prime Minister establish an inquiry– [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker : Order. The House must now come to order. The matter is over and done with.

    Mr. Hain : Will the Prime Minister establish an inquiry into the way a member of his Cabinet, Lord Wakeham, and other leading Conservatives were in 1988 taken off selected Lloyd’s syndicates which later suffered three years of catastrophic losses? Were they the beneficiaries of insider information while millions of pounds of losses were dumped on ordinary Lloyd’s investors?

    The Prime Minister : If the hon. Gentleman has any information whatever to suggest impropriety, he should bring that information forward. Given the inferences that clearly underlie his question, under the privilege of Parliament most people would not regard it as the right way to raise that matter.

    Mr. Mans : Has any member of my right hon. Friend’s Cabinet in the past advocated the abolition of nuclear weapons while at the same time suggesting that they should be retained, or suggested that we should withdraw completely from the European Community while advocating a federal Europe with Britain inside it? Have not all three contenders for the Labour leadership done all of those?

    The Prime Minister : The answer to that question is clearly, no. Had they done so, they would certainly not be members of my Cabinet.

     

    Q3. Mr. Simon Hughes : To ask the Prime Minister what official engagements he has already fixed in the London borough of Southwark for the rest of the current year.

    The Prime Minister : I have no engagement planned at this stage.

    Mr. Hughes : In that case, will the Prime Minister accept a short engagement to cross the river and explain to the people of Southwark, a borough with one of the highest levels of deprivation and unemployment in Britain, whether it is the Government’s policy to narrow the gap between the richest and the poorest in Britain and increase public services before thinking of cutting taxes? If so, when?

    The Prime Minister : If the hon. Gentleman looks at the available public assistance given to people in hardship, both to those in work on very low incomes and those out of work, he will see that there has been a significant improvement in recent years in the resources available to deal with those problems. He will know of the significant resources put particularly into inner-city areas of deprivation like Southwark over a large number of years. What does need to be done, and it requires the assistance of local authorities and others if we are to get to the root of the problem, is to ensure that those boroughs are also prepared to co-operate with bringing private capital into the area so that a joint approach of public and private capital can maximise the improvement for people who live in poor circumstances.

     

    Q4. Mr. Wareing : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 14 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Wareing : Since the Tory Government came to power in 1979, this country has lost a considerable proportion of its manufacturing base, yet, alone among European Union Governments, this Government have benefited to the tune of £124 billion worth of North sea oil revenue. We can guess what the Germans and French would have done with that. What did the Tory Government do with it?

    The Prime Minister : The hon. Gentleman would, perhaps, be prepared to acknowledge in private that employment in manufacturing industry has been on a downward trend since the 1960s, whomsoever have been in Government. It has now stabilised. The manufacturing base at the moment is broadening, not narrowing. We now have the best economic circumstances, not just for exports but for growth and manufacturing, that we have had for the past 20 or 25 years. That is readily understood by everyone beyond the confines of the Labour party.

     

    Q5. Mr. Ian Bruce : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 14 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Bruce : It is common ground in the House that the civil service is full of people of ability, honesty and integrity. Yet we would all agree –indeed, civil servants would agree–that the high cost of government and grandiose waste in building projects, for instance, are not what we are looking for. Does my right hon. Friend agree that the White Paper published yesterday, “Continuity and Change”, shows that we also need improvement and cost reductions?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend. We can take pride in the performance of the British civil service over many years. That is evident not only in this country but by the fact that a number of other countries have copied the British civil service system. It has high standards of integrity, and we are determined to maintain that integrity and impartiality while improving the service delivered through the civil service to the people of this country, who pay for it, and to us.

    Mrs. Mahon : The Prime Minister will be aware that at the moment, no national health service patients can be placed in private health care systems or homes against their wishes if they or their relatives will incur a personal charge for that move. Will the Prime Minister give the House a guarantee that people will retain the right to free NHS care?

    The Prime Minister : I can certainly give the hon. Lady that guarantee : the right to national health service care free at the point of delivery is an integral part of the Government’s policy, and will remain so.

     

    Q6. Mr. Oppenheim : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 14 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Oppenheim : Has my right hon. Friend had a chance to study the recent report by the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, which shows that during the 1980s, Britain’s manufacturing productivity growth out-performed that of Germany, whereas the period when we were most out-performed by Germany was between 1974 and 1979? Does not that illustrate that the time when this country was in danger of slipping into a second rate, low productivity, low wage, skivvy economy, with Mickey Mouse jobs, was not under the present Government, but rather in the heroic days of Labour’s industrial strategy?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend has unearthed some interesting facts, which Opposition Members would do well to study. He is entirely right. The key to lasting prosperity and lasting jobs is to get the underlying economic conditions right, and then to keep them right. That is what we have done, and is what we propose to continue to do.

  • Mr Major’s Speech on World Environment Day – 3 June 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech, made on World Environment Day at the QEII Conference Centre in London on Friday 3rd June 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Thank you all for coming here this morning to mark World Environment Day. It gives me great pleasure, in particular to welcome the new Global 500 Laureates, many of whom have travelled great distances to join us today. It gives me great pleasure too to welcome Elizabeth Dowdeswell, Director of the United Nations Environment Programme.

    Let me straight away apologise for the fact that I will not be able to stay for the ceremony itself. As I am sure most of you know, while we celebrate Environment Day today, this weekend we also commemorate the 50th anniversary of D-Day.

    It was D-Day and the campaign that followed that secured democracy in Western Europe. And that, I believe is crucially important. Democratic systems and environmental protection go hand in hand. And nowhere is that more starkly illustrated than by the contrast between the rising environmental standards of Western Germany and the environmental degradation of the East.

    Both these events remind us of the important of individual effort, of individual contributions. This morning we are here to celebrate exceptional individuals who found a problem, and took action. Action to save a coral reef in Guam, the pampas deer in Uruguay, sea turtles in the Caribbean. Action to promote safer water in Mexico, energy efficiency in Japan, cleaner beaches in New Zealand. And by their action, to stimulate and inspire action by others.

    You will hear more later about the laureates. I will not single out anyone for special mention – with one exception. I am delighted to see Sir John Houghton – who has agreed to serve on the Government’s Panel on Sustainable Development – honoured today.

    It is fitting too that your Master of Ceremonies today is the man who has brought “biodiversity” into our living rooms. Sir David Attenborough has done more than any other to make us all revel in the glories of the natural world. Throughout his long career, he has taken us to the furthest corners of the world – the rainforest, the tundra, the savannah. No-one has made the case for conservation more graphically.

    My focus on individual action is not intended to deny the important of governments. Their contribution too is vital. Almost exactly two years ago, I had the great privilege to join over 120 heads of government at the Earth Summit in Rio. It moved the environmental debate from problems to solution; from analysis to action; from conviction to commitment.

    Today I want to take the opportunity to report back on how far we have come in delivering those commitments.

    The UK sometimes fails to match the grand rhetoric of other countries. We are less given to extravagant flourishes. We read the small print before we sign. But the UK’s record to date in meeting its Rio obligations is second to nine.

    We were the first European Union member to ratify the Climate Change Convention. We have a detailed programme of action. We have already taken the first steps to implement it.

    We have already published our national Biodiversity Action Plan – with machinery to monitor its implementation, and to sharpen its targets to a specific timetable. We are taking concrete action to preserve species under threat. One example, our programme to re-establish in Britain the white-tailed sea eagle, a globally threatened bird, driven out of Scotland in 1916. These eagles are now beginning to breed again in the wild in our Scottish islands. And lest anyone should under-estimate the significance of such action, I would remind you that today we celebrate one other anniversary – 150 years ago today, the last paid of great auks were killed and their eggs destroyed.

    That example illustrates how much we all have at stake in preserving biodiversity. At Rio, I offered to make the unrivalled expertise British scientists and naturalists had built up over the past 200 years available to help other countries manage their natural resources. Two years on, the “Darwin Initiative” is now funding exciting and important projects around the world.

    Two examples. In Belize, the Initiative has helped the national university college set up a system for monitoring and protecting its uniquely important coral reef system. In the Philippines, the Initiative has helped local people develop the management and harvesting of seahorses in a sustainable but commercial way. Two projects out of 53. And many more to come over the next three years.

    Its impact promises to be considerable – both through its own direct contribution. And through demonstrating new possibilities.

    These are concrete actions to promote the objectives of the Biodiversity Convention. But, as many of you know, the UK has not yet taken the step of formally ratifying the Convention. I can confirm that we will ratify the Convention later today. That decision will mean we have delivered every element in the Eight Point Plan I set out straight after the Rio Conference.

    At Rio, I announced two other initiatives. Technology transfer was high on the list of priorities for all developing countries at the Earth Summit. Again, a practical response. Our Technology Partnership Initiative started in March last year. The initial conference brought together businessmen from the UK and over 40 developing countries. Since then, we have sponsored three seminars on environmental management; are working with UNEP to produce best practice case studies; and are linking businesses which need skills and technologies with British companies who can provide them. More practical responses.

    Rio brought together people from all sectors – a unique gathering. We wanted to make sure that people from non-governmental organisations, business and local government had another chance to come together, share experiences and take away practical ideas for delivering sustainable development. To move from talk about Agenda 21, to action to deliver it.

    The Partnerships for Change Conference took place in September last year. It brought together over 300 people from 80 countries. In the Victorian splendour of Manchester Town Hall, delegates heard of sustainable transport in Brazil; involving villages in conservation in Zimbabwe and commercial development of tagua nuts in Ecuador. A dramatic demonstration of what can be accomplished, even in the most adverse circumstances.

    One theme connects all these efforts. The need for sustainable development. In January we published our Sustainable Development Strategy, which identifies the challenges we face over the next 20 years. Challenges on energy efficiency, challenges on transport policy, challenges on waste.

    We know that it will be easier to face those challenges if people are confident and secure in their future. If that is true in a rich country like Britain, it is true a hundred times over for people living at or near the margins of subsistence. Increasing global prosperity is an essential precondition. Only that will generate the means and the desire to deliver sustainable development.

    The UK will play its part. We already have a large aid programme – over two billion pounds a year. We have reviews it, to make sure all our aid activities contribute to the achievement to the objectives of Agenda 21. We have also committed 130 million pounds to the Global Environment Facility – making us one of the very largest contributors. Those funds will help developing countries meet their obligations under the two Rio conventions.

    But aid can only ever be a small part of the story. Trade will be the most powerful means of raising living standards in developing countries and thus open the way for further progress on environmental protection. That is why I regard the successful completion of the Uruguay Round – with its promise of opening markets around the world – as the environmental landmark of 1993.

    Rio and Uruguay both illustrate the scope for international cooperation. These two great global bargains set the framework in which we can all pursue the goal of sustainable development. The past two years have seen notable progress. That came out clearly at the second meeting of the Commission on Sustainable Development, which concluded last week in New York.

    We need now to look for progress in two areas where less was achieved in Rio than we might have hoped. Through our joint initiative with the Indian government we aim to give further impetus to efforts to deliver the Forest principles agreed at Rio. The International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo in September offers another opportunity to address the vital challenges of population growth and its links to poverty and pressure on world resources.

    In short, much done, but much to do. But, ultimately, what we achieve will depend as much on individual efforts as on governments. And so, I will make you wait no longer to offer your appreciation for the efforts of the new Global Laureates. I am delighted to leave you in the capable hands of Sir David Attenborough.

  • Mr Major’s Statement at the Launch of the Rio Documents – 25 January 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s statement at the launch of the Rio Documents on Tuesday 25th January 1994.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    When I, and 117 other Heads of Government, put our names to the Rio agreements in June 1992, we all knew it was just a beginning. The environmental challenges the world faces are immense. We all knew that signatures in Rio would mean nothing unless they resulted in action at home.

    Today we are launching four documents which take the Rio process forward.

    – our Climate change plan – to meet our commitment to return the UK’s CO2 emissions to 1990 levels by the year 2000; a commitment now backed by substantive measures to change the way we use energy;

    – our biodiversity plan – to show how we propose to conserve our natural heritage for the benefit of future generations and for the rest of the world;

    – our forestry plan – setting out how we propose to manage our forests in a sustainable way.

    Over-arching all these, is the UK’s strategy for sustainable development. It is a long and complex document. I make no apology for that. It is a big and difficult subject. But it is one that is crucial to the quality of life of everyone in the country.

    Sustainable development is a jargon expression. But the problem it addresses is real. It is about meeting the global environmental challenges we face – how to tackle climate change, how to remove the threat to the ozone layer, how to preserve the variety of plant and animal life.

    They may sound remote to many people. But they’re not. And much of sustainable development is very real to people. It is about ensuring the good quality of the air we breathe in our cities, the water we drink, maintaining the countryside we all enjoy. All this does not mean calling a halt to economic growth – it means ensuring that the growth we need does not exact an unacceptable price from our environment.

    It is a huge task. A task too big for government alone. The report has been drawn up only after long consultation with business, voluntary bodies and local authorities. John Gummer will be explaining how we propose to involve them all in taking the strategy forward and how we plan to involve individual citizens.

    But government also requires advice. We are often operating in uncharted territory. We are learning as we go along. The environment requires us to think on a longer time scale than Ministers and civil servants often need to. It requires us to think beyond the normal pigeon-holing of Departmental responsibility. In that task, we need frank advice of the highest quality.

    For that reason I am establishing a panel of people with long and distinguished track records in science, business and the environment to aid the Government in this task:

    – Sir Crispin Tickell – a man whose environmental credentials are known to you all as Director of the Green College Centre for Environmental Policy and Understanding, Chairman of the International Institute for Environment and Development and who has, most recently, been chairing the advisory committee on the Darwin Initiative;

    – Lord Alexander – under whose guidance NatWest Bank had become widely renowned as an environmental innovator;

    – Dr Anne MacLaren – Foreign Secretary of the Royal Society, a distinguished scientist with a European reputation;

    – Lord Selborne – Chairman of the Joint Nature Conservation Committee who has tremendous breadth in practical nature conservation in which the UK leads the world;

    – and Sir John Houghton – Chairman of the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution – who, more than anyone, has been responsible for pushing climate change to the top of the international agenda.

    I am delighted that Sir Crispin, Lord Selborne and Sir John can be with us today.

    The task of the Panel is to give independent advice on issues of strategic importance to the Government as a whole. In particular:-

    * to keep in view general sustainability issues at home and abroad

    • to identify key threats and opportunities; and
    • to monitor progress and consider priorities.

    I am grateful to them. There are few tasks more important than securing the well-being of future generations.

  • PMQT – 13 July 1993

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 13th July 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. David Evans : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 13 July.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Evans : Is my right hon. Friend aware that Conservative Members are delighted to welcome him back from Tokyo and congratulate him on his success? Is not that in stark contrast to the lot opposite, who are horrified that their leader has just come back from Bournemouth? Did my right hon. Friend’s father, at the height of his career as a trapeze artist, do as many somersaults as the Leader of the Opposition, the wriggler from Monklands, East?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his welcome home. We did have a successful meeting in Tokyo and, from what I hear, the right hon. and learned Member for Monklands, East (Mr. Smith) had a rather less successful meeting in Bournemouth.

    Mr. John Smith : Following the vote in the House last night in which the Prime Minister and his colleagues voted to impose value added tax on the heating bills of millions of pensioners and families, does not he think that he should now apologise to the British people for betraying the election pledges that he made during the last election?

    The Prime Minister : I am surprised that the right hon. and learned Gentleman should raise that matter today. This week’s edition of “Labour Party News” contains an article with the heading

    “Sending your comments to Chris Smith MP”.

    It asks :

    “In what ways can economic policy be developed to encourage environmental protection? You might consider : Taxation Policy (eg energy tax )”.

    Mr. Smith : The Prime Minister clearly does not want to hear a reference to his VAT commitment. Let me remind him what he said in the “Conservative Campaign Guide”– [Interruption.] I know that Conservative Members do not want to hear it. The last thing that they want to hear about is the “Conservative Campaign Guide”. It attacked the Labour party for what it called irresponsible scares about VAT and said :

    “The Prime Minister has confirmed that the Government has no intention of raising VAT.”

    Why was that said in the election?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. and learned Gentleman clearly does not know his own policy and I offer him my copy of “Labour Party News”. My comment was in response to Labour’s charges that we intended to raise the standard rate to 22 per cent., which we were not intending.

    Mr. Battle : You lied to them.

    Madam Speaker : Order. I clearly heard the hon. Gentleman’s unparliamentary language. Will he now withdraw it?

    Mr. Battle : I understand that the expression is “economical with the truth”, Madam Speaker.

    The Prime Minister : That was a typically cheap withdrawal. Frankly, the Leader of the Opposition is not being remotely open about his position. Quite apart from this week’s admission that the Labour party was considering VAT on fuel–and still is–in its policy review document, “Looking to the Future”, the Labour party stated : “Zero-rating should remain on fares, books, food and children’s clothing.”

    It specifically excluded fuel. That fact, allied to the document from which I quoted earlier, constitutes the clearest illustration that that is Labour party policy.

    Before the Liberal leader looks too smug, may I say that in his document “Costing the Earth” the Liberal Democrats advocated a tax on energy and, failing that, said :

    “We would press forward by ending the anomalous zero rate of VAT on fuel.”

    Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will go back to Christchurch and tell them that.

    Mr. John Smith : If the Prime Minister wants to wriggle out of the “Conservative Campaign Guide” commitment, let me remind him of what he said to the House on 28 January 1992. He said :

    “There will be no VAT increase.”–[ Official Report, 28 January 1992 ; Vol. 202, c. 808]

    Did the Prime Minister say that? Does he deny that he said it? Does he also deny that he has cynically betrayed an election pledge?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. and learned Gentleman is embarrassed because he walked into an open hole. That quote of mine is clearly related to the 17 per cent. rate of VAT, which we have not changed. The right hon. and learned Gentleman is well aware of that. He may wriggle and wriggle, but this week’s edition of “Labour Party News’ shows clearly what the Labour party policy was and is.

     

    Q2. Mr. Harry Greenway : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 13 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Greenway : Does my right hon. Friend agree that racial tolerance and compassion underlie the British character and that that is reflected in the natural desire of many childless couples to want to offer a good and loving home to children, regardless of race, colour or creed? Is not it time to end the shameful political correctness of some officials who seek to discourage that?

    The Prime Minister : The Government’s adoption policy will be guided by common sense and the interests of the child. There will be no house room for political correctness.

    Mr. Wigley : Is the Prime Minister aware of the strong feeling in Wales about the need to give the Welsh language official status alongside the English language in Wales–a policy which is supported across party political boundaries? Is he aware that a monolingual French label on a wine bottle or similar product in Wales is official in Wales? A label in Greek only is valid in Wales, but a label in the Welsh language is not valid because the British Government do not recognise the Welsh language as an official language. Will the right hon. Gentleman try to change that policy at the Report stage of the Welsh Language Bill this week?

    The Prime Minister : The Government’s Welsh Language Bill represents an important addition to support and encouragement for the Welsh language in Wales. I know that the hon. Gentleman has canvassed and fought hard for the Bill and I know that he appreciated the fact that it was produced. We believe that Welsh already enjoys official status in Wales. A general declaration in the Bill would have no practical effect and would probably only increase legal uncertainty.

    Mr. Milligan : Does my right hon. Friend agree that the reason that there is one member, one vote in the trade union movement was that the Government gave financial encouragement for postal ballots and actively helped democracy in the trade unions? Given that the campaign of the Leader of the Opposition to introduce one member, one vote in the Labour party will clearly either be fudged or abandoned, what measures will the Government– [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker : Order. The hon. Gentleman must resume his seat for a moment. The Prime Minister is not responsible for Opposition policies. The hon. Gentleman must rephrase his question.

    Mr. Milligan : I am grateful for your correction. I am asking what action the Government will take, similar to that taken to encourage democracy in the trade unions, to encourage democracy in the Labour party.

    The Prime Minister : Democracy in the Labour party would be a welcome addition to our public life. The right hon. and learned Member for Monklands, East (Mr. Smith) appears to be prepared to fight the battle for one man, one vote. He also appears to be retreating from it.

     

    Q3. Mrs. Roche : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 13 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Lady to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Mrs. Roche : Will the Prime Minister break his reputation for stubbornness and listen to the Social Security Advisory Committee when it says that the imposition of VAT on domestic fuel will have a disproportionate effect on the incomes of the poor?

    The Prime Minister : As the hon. Lady will know–we have stated it often enough in the House–we have made it clear that extra help will be provided in advance for people who are vulnerable, to meet the costs of VAT on fuel. That help will be in addition to the automatic increase in pensions and other benefits to reflect the impact of any increase in the retail prices index. I have made that clear repeatedly and so has my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Security. Perhaps the hon. Lady would either care to listen to that statement now or read the innumerable occasions on which it has been made clear.

    Mr. Day : Will my right hon. Friend join me in congratulating British manufacturing industry on the figures published today on manufacturing output? Does he agree that that is a sign that Britain is moving into recovery and that, under his strong leadership, not only will Britain’s economy improve but our party will emerge victorious at the end of this Parliament?

    The Prime Minister : They were extremely good figures this morning. The increase in manufacturing output reported this morning is the largest monthly increase for four years. Clearly, that is good news and it bodes well for British manufacturing. But it is only one of a large number of signs that the economy is recovering–retail sales are up, car registrations are up, confidence is up and unemployment is down.

     

    Q4. Rev. Martin Smyth : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 13 July.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave some moments ago.

    Rev. Martin Smyth : Has the Prime Minister seen today’s leader article in The Times which refers to the instability in Northern Ireland since the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement and the unease among Unionists? Does he accept that that instability has been increased by the Labour party’s so-called discussion document, Dick Spring’s revelations and the talks between emissaries of the British Government and the Provisional IRA? Will we now move from parrot calls for round table talks to restoring accountable democracy in Northern Ireland at all levels by direct action, rather than diplomatic dithering?

    The Prime Minister : On the first part of the hon. Gentleman’s question, I share the views that he expressed about the Labour party’s proposals for Northern Ireland. My right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland wrote to the Leader of the Opposition about this matter some time ago, but, so far as I am aware, he has not yet received a reply.

    As for talks in the future, I hope that we shall be able to reach the outcome that the hon. Gentleman has in mind as a result of the resumption of talks. We hope that they will be able to resume speedily and, once they resume, we hope that they will be successful.

     

    Bromsgrove

    Q5. Mr. Thomason : To ask the Prime Minister if he will visit Bromsgrove.

    The Prime Minister : I have no immediate plans to do so.

    Mr. Thomason : Will my right hon. Friend join me in congratulating Rover cars, parts of which are made in the Bromsgrove constituency, which announced yesterday that it had increased sales world wide? Does he agree that its achievement bodes well and is a good advertisement for British quality, British workers and an expanding British economy?

    The Prime Minister : I am happy to join my hon. Friend in congratulating Rover, which has increased its sales in Europe significantly. To have done that in the difficult trading conditions of Europe speaks volumes for its pricing and the quality of its products. Total car production has risen by about 11 per cent. and production of computers and related equipment is up by 8 per cent. There is no doubt that British industry is becoming more competitive and that British manufacturing industry in particular is beginning to penetrate new markets in quite a substantial way.

    Dr. Lynne Jones : What would the Prime Minister say to the residents of Bromsgrove and nearby Birmingham who are sceptical about his claim that the imposition of VAT on fuel is an energy tax when that tax is also to be imposed on standing charges and there is no proposal to reinvest the revenue gained in energy conservation measures?

    The Prime Minister : I would say what I said moments ago to the hon. Member for Hornsey and Wood Green (Mrs. Roche) about the reimbursement that would be available.

  • Mr Major’s Speech at the Global Technology Partnership Venture Conference – 24 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech at the Global Technology Partnership Venture Conference, held in Birmingham on Wednesday 24th March 1993.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Perhaps right at the outset I may say how pleased I am to see how many of you have come here for this particular conference and clearly recognise the importance of the subject and the importance of the conference itself.

    It does seem as we meet here this morning that Birmingham in March is a world away from Copa Cabana in June, and so I suppose in many ways it is. But this conference is an important staging post in the process that began at Rio last year and is the staging post for this reason, because today we move from discussion and negotiation to implementation and it will be implementation of what was agreed at Rio that will actually make the practical effect in the environment we hand on in the future.

    You will be familiar with the events at Rio. In Rio leaders from over 120 countries came together to discuss the environmental challenges that all of us face. We in Britain were determined from the very outset to ensure that that conference at Rio was a success and I believe our early support, the determination to attend and to contribute was crucial in ensuring that Rio did turn out to be a success.

    The core set of agreements that were reached at Rio are well known: climate convention to reduce the risk of global warming; the biodiversity convention to protect the varieties of plants and animal species and the statement on forest principles and a great deal more besides. Those were the agreements that Heads of Government all over the country signed up to in that remarkable conference in Rio. But we need to move beyond that, we need now to turn those agreements into reality and here also I wish to ensure that Britain is in the lead.

    When we returned from the Rio conference I urged our partners in the G7 and in the European Community to action. On Monday of this week the United Kingdom played a significant part in an agreement reached at the European Community Environment Council, an agreement that committed all the European Community countries to take action to ratify the climate change.

    That summit at Rio recognised the need for coordinated action. Global problems will only be solved by a global response. Without that one country can undo the good that is done by another. But we agreed also on some common sense precepts, that action would be most effective if it drew on the individual strengths of each country, but the action required was not just for governments alone and that action would succeed best if it went with the grain of the economy and not cut against the grain of the economy. And we took that view for a very practical reason – enlightened self-interest is a far more powerful weapon for change and improvements than grudging masochism.

    Those are the ideas that will underlie our environmental strategy for the future. And that is why while at Rio I launched three special United Kingdom initiatives designed to draw on Britain’s individual strengths. First, on technology transfer which we are discussing today; second, on biodiversity which is already under way; and third, on involving non-governmental bodies which we will launch in the autumn.

    I will say more in just a few moments about technology transfer, but let me just briefly remind you of the other programmes. The Darwin initiative that I announced at Rio draws on British expertise in the field of biodiversity and our aim quite simply is to promote the conservation and sustainable use of the world’s plant and animal resources. But in order to do so we will be putting the skills and expertise of world renowned institutions like the Royal Botanical Gardens at Kew and Edinburgh and the Natural History Museum at the disposal of the whole of the world.

    Our initiative on non-governmental bodies will be taken forward in September when we will host The Partnership for Change 1993 Conference that will be held in Manchester. And the purpose of that is to bring together several hundred representatives from the world’s non-governmental organisations, the voluntary sector, local government and business, bringing them all together in that conference. And the aim will be to exchange practical experience on the delivery of sustainable development.

    Over years in the past perhaps the role of the non-governmental organisations have been under-played. But I myself have not a shred of doubt that they played a very important part in the preparations for Rio and I want to see them equally involved in the future in taking the process forward. It is right that these NGOs should press action on governments right the way around the world. But apart from that they have a second role that is equally important, a vital role to play in involving a wider public in the debate on all environmental matters. Because ultimately it will be public acceptance of the threats that we all face that will create the climate for decisive action by governments all around the world.

    The initiatives I have set out just briefly there are global initiatives. But the United Kingdom must demonstrate that it will do more than just offer assistance to others. We have to show that we are prepared to act here at home. For every single country the environmental buck stops in their own back yard, nowhere else, and that means governments around the world need to act, even when that means taking difficult and unpopular measures. And that was why we announced decisive action in the budget in the United Kingdom last week. The Chancellor announced that there would be long-term rises in the real level of road fuel duties and that Value Added Tax would be extended to the domestic use of fuel and of power. And in so doing he underlined Britain’s determination to meet our Rio commitments on Carbon Dioxide emissions. It makes no sense for the government to commit Britain to lower CO2 emissions but at the same time to be the only Western European government with no Value Added Tax on domestic fuel. It was, frankly, a text book case of perverse signals. Nor did it make any sense for the government to exhort motorists and manufacturers to choose and build fuel efficient cars while refusing to give them tangible incentives to make and to buy those cars.

    And we announced these measures in the budget but gave people time to adjust to the new signals, that is why the increases have been announced well ahead for a series of reasons. To give households the time they need to adapt and to invest in making their homes more energy efficient, to give car manufacturers, and for that matter car buyers, time to realise that in the 1990s there will be an increasing premium on fuel efficient cars and to enable the government to put in place special measures to protect the least well off from the impact of those bills.

    The Chancellor made our intentions clear in his budget speech and will announce full details of the usual way in which we will assist people in the benefit up-rating statement in the autumn.

    What is the environmental impact of those measures? We expect those measures to deliver an annual reduction of 3 million tonnes of carbon by the turn of the century. But we cannot, and in my judgment we should not, meet those targets through tax changes alone, they are but one element in the programme. We expect an even larger saving to come from the measures we have already put in hand to boost the efficient use of energy. We already have programmes to offer advice and information and to provide grants to low income households.

    We are adding new measures. The Energy Saving Trust to devise and implement programmes to improve energy efficiency in consultation with the energy utilities and with their regulators. And also a new energy management assistance scheme to help small businesses with advice on energy efficiency. When these measures are operative we will be two-thirds of the way towards meeting our target. The Secretary of State for the Environment, Michael Howard, is now engaged on a nationwide consultation on the remaining elements. We need a comprehensive approach and that means using a whole range of instruments and seeking lower emissions from all sectors. We will need to build on the excellent record of business so far in improving its energy efficiency.

    We set out options in the document published last December. We will complete consultations with business, with consumer, with environmental groups, and by the end of the year we will produce the national plan to meet our targets.

    We warned some time ago in the first Environmental White Paper that meeting our CO2 target would mean a rise in the relative price of energy. That White Paper was published not last week but two-and-a-half years ago. We could, as some have urged, have introduced a new tax, a tax that would have meant not just higher bills for private consumers but also higher bills for business but as the Chancellor said last week, we did not want to take measures that would damage the competitiveness of British industry and I will tell you the practical reason why that is so for there is one other development which is essential to creating the conditions which mean that Britain can meet its Rio commitments and that is economic recovery. A tax that added to business costs, dulled competitiveness would at best have retarded that and at worst could have undermined it completely.

    Some people argue that there is a choice between economic growth and the environment or even that growth is the enemy of the environment. I have to say to you that I believe precisely the reverse is true. Growing economies can invest in technologies which save energy or recycle waste, dynamic businesses can lead the way in raising the standard of corporate environmental practice and it is when people are confident about their own immediate future that they think most about the longer-term future. In short, “no development” is not sustainable development, “no growth” policies would mean no green policies either; they would range environmental concerns against concerns about jobs and concerns about living standards and that would wreck any chance of the shared commitment we need in order to make progress.

    If that is true of Britain and true of the other industrialised countries, it is surely true a thousand times over of developing countries. It is no accident that wherever you look in the world, the worst environmental degradation is found within some of the weakest economies. Allowing countries to grow out of poverty is the best way of securing long-term environmental improvement.

    Our economy and our ecology are interdependent. That was the central driving principle of the Earth Summit but to maintain and improve the world environment in the face of rapidly-rising populations we must all invest, and to invest on the vast scale needed nations need income and to earn that income nations must trade and that is why a successful and rapid conclusion to the Uruguay Round is vital to our environmental future. Over time, a successful conclusion would raise the income of developing countries by some 100 billion dollars each and every year and that increase in income will have a far more positive effect on their willingness and their ability to protect their local environment than stalling GATT by erecting green trade barriers. Trade protection is the enemy – not the friend – of environmental protection.

    I want to see us harness together environmental protection and business opportunity to create a green virtuous spiral of growth and higher environmental standards and if we are to be able to achieve that we need to draw together those who have technology to offer and those who can benefit from the technology that is now available in different parts of the world. I believe the British Government can make a special contribution in doing this and that is why today I am delighted to launch the Global Technology Partnership initiative.

    Consider for a moment some of the lessons of history. The countries which industrialised in the 19th and early 20th centuries have now had to re-invent technology to meet today’s demands for cleaner air, fresher water, unsullied land and the aim of this particular initiative is to allow those who are newly industrialising today to bypass the old technologies and to move straight to cleaner processes. That surely is the logical and rational way to avoid environmental degradation and to avoid too the very heavy clean-up costs which eventually result from environmental degradation and if you want an illustration of that there is certainly one readily available. The countries of Eastern Europe suffered under governments which went for unclean industrial development for generations while ignoring the environmental consequences and they now demonstrate in the starkest possible way the price to be paid – the environmental price and also the case price – as they seek to protect and reverse the damage that has been done over so many decades.

    I believe that British industry has a long track record of successful technology co-operation around the world from recycling in Kenya to energy efficiency in India and what we want to ensure is quite simply this: to ensure that that expertise is both more widely available and more widely used.

    Consider the opportunities for that: the opportunities for that are almost limitless. The world market for environmental goods and services is at about 200 billion dollars a year; it is anticipated to grow by a further 50% in the next seven years and beyond that any estimates I suspect would be worthless but certainly further growth will occur. That is a prospect that few businesses will wish to ignore so there are valuable commercial opportunities and technology transfer which takes place as a hard commercial transaction which passes the market test is I believe the technology transfer that is most likely to succeed. Both partners must have a vested interest in its success; the technology must be the best, the most appropriate the customer needs and if it is not, they will not buy it so there is this element of joint interest.

    This Conference and this initiative are built to promote precisely such exchanges of technology. They are designed to promote partnership between Britain and developing countries, a partnership that like all successful partnerships will work precisely because both partners have something to offer and something to gain from the relationship between them.

    Global Technology Partnership will run for three years and in so doing create the conditions for increasing successful transfers of technology. First, it will provide information. It is one thing to point to the benefits of technology transfer but what those of you from overseas need is hard concrete information – who can help and with what can they help and when can they help? That information is there in the Department of Trade & Industry’s new Guide to UK Sources of Environmental Technology and Services and that lists over 400 UK companies who can offer technology or expertise.

    That Guide is a first step but guides get out of date. You need to know where to turn for news and for the latest developments so we have established a new network of organisations to keep that information flowing and the purpose is that through that particular network we shall give developing countries direct access to the guidance on the best environmental practice which we will make available to British industry. We will aim to expand it, to include as many organisations as possible, organisations who can help the process of technology co-operation.

    But the network will work in another way as well; it will also feed back information from abroad to businesses here to ensure that special local problems abroad are more widely understood so that our businesses here in the United Kingdom can develop technologies specifically tailored to the needs of overseas countries and we are setting up a new unit in the Department of Trade & Industry that will be particularly dedicated to coordinating this initiative and making sure that it is a success.

    There is one other important point often, alas, overlooked. People matter as much as hardware. There is no more depressing sight than an expensive piece of equipment gleaming unused or misused because technology transfer has meant only the equipment transfer and that particular piece of equipment. Successful technology transfer needs more than that. It requires also the transfer of technical and management skills to be in place to ensure that technologies can be used and diffused in the recipient countries so a vital element of this initiative will be a practical training through a hands-on training scheme. United Kingdom companies will help senior businessmen and women from developing countries to acquire practical experience of modern technology, modern management and modern production methods and the benefits they gain from that will surely multiply as they pass on those skills back home in their own countries.

    This Conference runs for three days. In those three days, you will be able to address workshops addressing the most important environmental challenges. The workshops are organised and led not by civil servants but by practical businessmen. They will, I hope, address your needs and alert you to the opportunities that exist. I hope that at the end of those three days you will be able to leave this Conference with a greater sense of how far business can help business to meet the challenge of sustainable development into the next century.

    At Rio, we recognised that governments could and should set the framework, could and should act as catalysts but we also recognised that we could not and should not claim that we can deliver that change on our own. Here at Birmingham today, the business community represent one of the powerful forces for the improvement of the well-being of people in all our countries but business is an equally powerful force for the protection of the environment in all countries. There are challenges for you in these next three days and beyond but there are also enormous prizes to be won, business prizes and environmental prizes, if business in this country and abroad is able to rise to the challenges that are there.

    I hope at the end of these three days when you leave Birmingham you will leave Birmingham believing as I believe that the business communities of the United Kingdom and developing countries must work together. Not only that, but that it is to their mutual commercial and environmental advantage to work together but also beyond that ultimately – and this is a matter of crucial importance to this generation and to future generations as well – their working together will be to the enormous benefit of the environment we depend upon and the people we serve.

    As we look at that, we should perhaps bear one thing further in our minds. In twenty, thirty, forty, fifty years from now, people will look back at the actions we took now to see whether we have taken the right action to protect our environment for the future. We have the technology, we have the capacity to transfer that technology; it is a matter of will and determination to make sure that we do. I hope this Conference will assist in bringing that will and that determination into being so that the technology transfer can be made for this generation and for the next. [Applause].