Tag: Iraq

  • Mr Major’s Commons Statement on the Gulf War – 17 January 1991

    Below is Mr Major’s statement made in the House of Commons on 17th January 1991 regarding the Gulf War.


    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) With permission, Mr. Speaker, I shall make a statement on the start of hostilities in the Gulf in the small hours of this morning.

    Aircraft of the multinational force began attacks on military targets in Iraq from around midnight Greenwich mean time. Several hundred aircraft were involved in the action, including a substantial number of RAF aircraft. The action was taken under the authority of United Nations Security Council resolution 678 which authorises use of all necessary means, including force, after 15 January to bring about Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait.

    The action was taken after extensive consultation with the principal Governments represented in the multinational force and following direct discussions between President Bush and myself over a period of weeks. It was taken only after exhaustive diplomatic efforts through the UN, the European Community, Arab Governments and others to persuade Saddam Hussein to withdraw peacefully.

    The action is continuing. Attacks have been directed at Iraq’s military capability, in particular airfields, aircraft, missile sites, nuclear and chemical facilities and other military targets. Reports so far received suggest that they have been successful. Allied aircraft losses have been low. I regret to inform the House that one RAF Tornado from later raids is reported missing.

    The instructions issued to our pilots and those of other forces are to avoid causing civilian casualties so far as possible.

    Our aims are clear and limited. They are those set out in the United Nations Security Council resolutions: to get Iraq out of Kuwait-all of Kuwait; to restore the legitimate Government; to re-establish peace and security in the area; and to uphold the authority of the United Nations.

    As I explained in the debate in the House of Commons on Tuesday, it is only with the greatest reluctance that we have come to the point of using force as authorised by the Security Council. We did so only after all peaceful means had failed and Saddam Hussein’s intransigence left us no other course. We have no quarrel with the people of Iraq. We hope very much for a speedy end to hostilities. That will come about when Saddam Hussein withdraws totally and unconditionally from Kuwait. Our military action will continue until he comes to his senses and does so.

    Most of all, our thoughts go to the men and women of our forces and their families who wait anxiously at home. [HON. MEMBERS: “Hear, hear.”] They have our wholehearted support and our prayers for a safe return home.

    Mr. Neil Kinnock (Islwyn) I am grateful to the Prime Minister for his statement.

    As the House and the country consider the current conditions in the Gulf region, does the Prime Minister agree that it is relevant and fair to remind ourselves that the first act of warfare which caused the Gulf crisis was taken by Saddam Hussein on 2 August when he invaded Kuwait?

    For the reasons that I gave on Tuesday, I had hoped that the combined pressures of blockade, sanctions and military readiness could be employed longer to have maximum effect.

    Our forces naturally have our complete support and I join the Prime Minister in his thoughts for the families of the men and women facing danger in the Gulf and in his desire that their loved ones come back home safe.

    Will the Prime Minister confirm that the war aims of the allied forces in the Gulf are related directly to achieving the fulfilment of the United Nations purposes of upholding and implementing resolution 660 and of restoring international peace and security in the area? Will he take this opportunity to make it clear that the forces pursuing those purposes of the United Nations are guided by the dual aims of maximising the disabling of Iraqi military strength while minimising any harm to civilians?

    I recognise that the conflict is but hours old, but will the Prime Minister, even at this stage, reaffirm that, after the conclusion of the conflict, prominence must be given to proceeding as quickly as possible to international activities through the United Nations to resolve the wider problems of justice, peace and stability throughout the region?

    I welcome the fact that the Government are making provision for an early debate. Once again, just in the act of doing that we are demonstrating the superiority of democracy over any form of dictatorship.

    The Prime Minister I share the views expressed by the right hon. Gentleman.

    I entirely agree with the right hon. Gentleman’s first point. It was the invasion of Kuwait on 2 August which commenced the hostilities. As the House knows, that was conducted without cause and, after the invasion had taken place, repression was conducted without mercy. The aggression was Saddam Hussein’s, not ours.

    I share the complete support for the forces that the right hon. Gentleman expressed. I can confirm that our aims in the conflict are to uphold the United Nations resolutions – those and no others are the aims for which the British and other forces are fighting in the Gulf.

    I also confirm that the instructions that have been given to all the allied pilots are to minimise civilian casualties wherever that is possible, and the targets that they have been instructed to attack are, without exception, military targets or targets of strategic importance.

    Finally, the right hon. Gentleman asked for our aims and policy at the conclusion of the conflict. I confirm that we will wish to return, as we have in the past, to the question of a peace conference to deal with the wider problems of Arab-Israel.

    Mr. Michael Jopling (Westmorland and Lonsdale) Does the Prime Minister agree that in the days and weeks ahead, when internal communications in Iraq are likely to be seriously impaired, the work of the BBC’s world service is likely to achieve unparalleled importance? Will he check today to ensure that that service is given every opportunity to speak the truth to the people of Iraq?

    The Prime Minister That action is in hand.

    Mr. Paddy Ashdown (Yeovil) May I say how reassuring it was that the Prime Minister laid out so clearly in his statement the limited aims of the operation?

    We cannot, of course, rejoice in any loss of life on whatever side, but will the Prime Minister pass on our congratulations and admiration to our forces for their professionalism, skill and courage? The operations so far have clearly been a considerable success, but does the Prime Minister agree that we must not underestimate the scale of the task that has still to be carried out or the dangers that are still to be confronted?

    The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman is entirely right and I share his views without reservation. Iraq has a substantial number of men under arms. They have sophisticated weapons and, in many cases, they have considerable hardened military experience. There is a great deal yet to be done before the matter is resolved.

    Rev. Ian Paisley (Antrim, North) Will the Prime Minister take it from me that all right-thinking people in Northern Ireland are with him in the heavy burden that he is carrying at this particular time? Is he aware that many hundreds of Ulstermen are out in the Gulf, side by side with all the service men from the rest of the United Kingdom who are standing shoulder to shoulder to defeat the aggressor? When the right hon. Gentleman sees Her Majesty the Queen this afternoon, will he invite her to call for a national day of prayer, that we might pray that the war will be over speedily and that Kuwait will be liberated?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is right to pay tribute to the young men from Northern Ireland, the vast majority of whom are, I believe, serving with 7 Brigade, and have done so for some time with distinction. I shall be delighted to pass on the hon. Gentleman’s kind words to their commanding officer. I shall certainly bear in mind his comments about my meeting with Her Majesty the Queen later today.

    Mr. William Ross (Londonderry, East) Is the Prime Minister aware that he enjoys the total support of Unionist party Members on these Benches today for the action that has, unfortunately, had to be taken in the Gulf? Is he further aware that he also enjoys the support of the vast majority of the people of Northern Ireland, both Protestant and Roman Catholic, who are well aware that the action that we have been compelled to take in the Gulf is the lesser of the two evils that confronted us in that part of the world? Is the Prime Minister aware that we admire his statement today, because it said remarkably little, and will he follow a similar course of action when making further statements over the period of the hostilities, since least said is soonest mended, and the “need to know” should be paramount in his mind when any statement is being prepared?

    The Prime Minister In all that I say, I shall bear in mind first and foremost the need to guard the security and interests of our troops in the Gulf. That has been, and will continue to be, uppermost in my mind. As to the hon. Gentleman’s earlier remarks, he and his constituents in Northern Ireland understand the impact of terrorism better than most, and it is against a form of terrorism that our troops are fighting in the Gulf.

    Mr. Michael Grylls (Surrey, North-West) As it is likely that some British service men will be taken prisoner during the hostilities, will my right hon. Friend make it clear on behalf of Her Majesty’s Government that we expect any such prisoners to be treated according to international convention-because, in view of the Iraqi regime’s appalling record of treating its people, we may feel some nervousness about that. Will my right hon. Friend make it clear that, if the Iraqis do not treat prisoners according to international convention, their leaders will be held responsible after the hostilities?

    The Prime Minister We certainly expect any of our troops who are captured to be treated in the manner that prisoners of war should normally be treated. We made that absolutely clear to Iraq and we also held discussions with the International Red Cross about that matter.

    Mr. Merlyn Rees (Morley and Leeds, South) The Prime Minister referred to aims and said that there would be an end to military operations when Saddam Hussein withdraws from Northern Ireland-[Laughter.]

    Mr. Tony Banks (Newham, North-West) And so he should.

    Mr. Rees Whatever you say, Mr. Speaker, say nothing. I meant to say, when Saddam Hussein withdraws from Kuwait. Would the same apply if Saddam Hussein is driven out of Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman knows precisely what are our aims under the Security Council resolutions. They are to ensure that Saddam Hussein leaves Kuwait and returns to Iraq, and that a legitimate Government are returned to Kuwait. I assume that we shall conclude the existing conflict when that happens.

    Mr. Keith Speed (Ashford) Does my right hon. Friend agree that events in the Gulf and, alas, in the Soviet Union, mean that the prospects of an early and substantial peace dividend is now remote?

    The Prime Minister We very much regret what is happening in the Soviet Union and we shall have to continue examining the situation there to see what impact it has on our forces. Thus far, we have very little real information about what is happening in the Baltic states. We are seeking to obtain more, but without that information, it is difficult to make a proper judgment.

    Mr. Jack Ashley (Stoke-on-Trent, South) Despite the Prime Minister’s assertion that he does not believe that Iraq has a nuclear capability and despite the assumption made by some of us yesterday that that was so, there are persistent press reports today that Iraq does have a nuclear capacity. It would obviously be disastrous if nuclear weapons were to be used in the middle east, so will the Prime Minister state categorically that under no circumstances would we use nuclear weapons-[HON. MEMBERS: “No.”] – first, but that we will use every means in our power to deter the Iraqis from using such weapons, including the threat of retaliation?

    The Prime Minister As to whether Iraq has nuclear capacity, it is certainly the case that it is seeking to attain nuclear capacity. It is our information that it does not yet have nuclear capacity and, on that basis, the remarks that I made earlier about the non-proliferation treaty stand.

    Mr. Patrick Cormack (Staffordshire, South) Reverting to the point made by the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley), is my right hon. Friend aware that this morning the Archbishop of Canterbury gave a most wise and unequivocal message of full support for our troops? Is he further aware that your Chaplain, Mr. Speaker, has arranged for a daily service of intercession at 1 o’clock in St. Margaret’s while the crisis continues?

    The Prime Minister I certainly was aware of the remarks of the Archbishop of Canterbury and I welcome them unreservedly. Of course, as the House knows, the Archbishop has considerable military experience himself, being a holder of the military cross.

    Ms. Clare Short (Birmingham, Ladywood) Will the Prime Minister tell us, as fully and as honestly as he can, what he knows about the level of Iraqi casualties and will he promise us that, throughout this war, we shall be told honestly about the suffering and killing of Iraqi people?

    The Prime Minister I must repeat what I said earlier. The instructions that have been given to our pilots are to minimise casualties and all the preliminary evidence is that that is the case. I have no clear evidence yet, nor will I be able to get it for some time, as to the level of casualties in Iraq, but to the extent that there may be any, either now or later, there can be no doubt in the hon. Lady’s mind, in mine or in anybody else’s, where the responsibility for that must lie.

    Miss Emma Nicholson (Torridge and Devon, West) Will the Prime Minister congratulate our pilots on the enormously skilled implementation of their training in the raid last night? Will he remind those of our citizens who complain about the intrusion of forces training in their daily lives in times of peace that it is this training which gives our forces their leading edge and enables them to go in and win?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend makes a fair and valid point. It is that low flying, which is often such a frustration to people in this country, which is enabling us to minimise civilian casualties in Iraq at present.

    Mr. D. N. Campbell-Savours (Workington) May I, as someone who has regularly questioned low-flying activities in the Lake District, as have my constituents, ask the Prime Minister to relay to our pilots in the Gulf that they have the support, the hearts and the minds of people throughout the county of Cumbria, and we salute their courage and skill at this important time?

    The Prime Minister I will do so with great pleasure.

    Mr. Robert Hayward (Kingswood) Will the Prime Minister take this opportunity to welcome not only the courage displayed by the many people to whom he has already referred, but the exceptional courage which has been shown during the first few hours of this conflict by newsmen in places such as Baghdad and other parts of the middle east and by the many foreign citizens and British workers-many of whom are British Aerospace workers-who have remained in the eastern region of Saudi Arabia to provide the support facilities so badly needed by many different troops?

    The Prime Minister I think that my hon. Friend makes his own point most eloquently and I agree with it.

    Mrs. Alice Mahon (Halifax) Is the Prime Minister aware that at a news conference this morning a member of the democratic Iraqi opposition, in emotional tones, talked about the extra suffering that his people would now have to go through, and he blamed the United States for inflicting that suffering – [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker Order.

    Mrs. Mahon He also told the news conference how distressed he was that there was so little feeling for the Iraqi people, who have lived under Saddam Hussein’s cruelty for many years, and that the west had helped in that cruelty by allowing Saddam Hussein to buy his weaponry and to have export credits? Will the Prime Minister please- I repeat what my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Ladywood, (Ms. Short) said -tell the House honestly of all the civilian casualties as they happen?

    The Prime Minister I have already responded with all the information that I have about civilian casualties. I hope that the hon. Lady will accept that. As for the gentleman she mentioned, I can only say that that member of the Iraqi opposition might dwell on the matter of those other members of the Iraqi opposition who have been murdered by Saddam Hussein.

    Mr. Patrick Nicholls (Teignbridge) Has my right hon. Friend seen press reports that suggest that the BBC may have given its correspondents instructions to refer not to “our troops” but merely to “British troops”, apparently in the interests of impartiality? Does my right hon. Friend agree that, if those reports are true, it is deeply depressing that-even in a conflict of this sort-the BBC should be unable to distinguish between good and evil?

    The Prime Minister I believe that what the BBC is doing, in what has already been some remarkable reporting, is trying to keep a proper balance in that reporting-precisely because so much of the world listens to the BBC and because it is important to this country that they continue to do so and to believe what they hear.

    Dr. John Gilbert (Dudley, East) Was there anything encouraging in the reply that the Iraqi Government made to the Prime Minister’s representations about the treatment of any prisoners of war who might fall into their hands?

    The Prime Minister I regret to tell the right hon. Gentleman that we have received no positive response.

    Mr. Paul Marland (Gloucestershire, West) Will my right hon. Friend confirm that our forces have no ambition whatever to topple Saddam Hussein from his position of power in Iraq and that the aim of the conflict is simply to remove his forces from Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend will know the terms of the United Nations resolutions; I set them out earlier. Those are our aims.

    Mr. Peter Shore (Bethnal Green and Stepney) While our armed forces can be confident that they are fighting in a just and, indeed, noble cause-and while they will enjoy the overwhelming support of the British people-can the Prime Minister tell us what is being done to pierce the walls of silence that separate the Iraqi people from the truth, not only about their position but about the hideous role to which Saddam Hussein has brought them?

    The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman is entirely right. This is a just cause and I think that that is accepted by the overwhelming majority of people throughout the world.

    We have been trying to penetrate the fog of misunderstanding that exists in Iraq over a period of months, not least by means of broadcasts but also in other fashions. In a society dominated as Iraq has been for so long, it is terribly difficult to get that message through; I hope, however, that it will be understood very shortly and that the people of Iraq will realise that the way in which they have been led and mistreated by their own dictator in recent years is wholly unacceptable. Let us pray that he is soon gone.

    Mr. Roger Gale (Thanet, North) Let me join my right hon. Friend in congratulating those responsible for the extremely courageous reporting that is coming out of Baghdad in particular. It is of great interest and comfort to the families of our troops out there.

    As well as pledging total backing for our troops in the Gulf, will my right hon. Friend confirm that total support will be given, not only during but after the conflict, to the wives, children and families of our service men out there?

    The Prime Minister I can certainly give my hon. Friend that firm assurance.

    Mr. James Lamond (Oldham, Central and Royton) May I ask the Prime Minister not to allow the fact that the first action of a United Nations operating with the new, full-hearted support that it has found has ended in this dreadful tragedy of war to dissuade him from giving equally strong and full-hearted support to the UN’s other proposals to deal with difficulties not only in the Gulf area but elsewhere in the middle east and in the world? Can we count on that?

    The Prime Minister As the hon. Gentleman will have heard me say in my speech the other day, many people throughout the world will have been very pleased about the growing authority of the United Nations over recent years. That certainly embraces my view. As for Arab-Israel, I made it clear earlier that we would continue to pursue a peace conference once the present conflict was ended.

    Sir Geoffrey Johnson Smith (Wealden) Does not my right hon. Friend agree that, in view of the events of the past 24 hours and the past five and a half months, we should be grateful for the strength and determination of the United States in the cause of freedom?

    The Prime Minister I very strongly agree with my hon. Friend’s view. We have 35,000 troops and an enormous amount of aircraft and armour there, but the United States has a far greater amount and is paying a substantial price to ensure freedom in Kuwait.

    Mr. Jim Sillars (Glasgow, Govan) May I refer the Prime Minister to the penultimate paragraph of his statement, in which he said that military action will continue until Saddam Hussein withdraws unconditionally from Kuwait? Given that we are now at war and that casualties and disruptions are part and parcel of that, is he really saying that, if Iraq announced at any time its willingness to accept and implement the United Nations resolutions, but required a short time to gather people together to leave peacefully, that would not be acceptable?

    The Prime Minister I did not say that that would not be acceptable. I have made it clear that the war cannot end until we know that Saddam Hussein is out of Kuwait or it is clear beyond doubt that he is going to get out of Kuwait. We need to know exactly what he means if such an offer is made, but we would wish to examine it most carefully.

    Mr. Alistair Burt (Bury, North) Does my right hon. Friend agree that, in answer to those of our constituents whose sincere and genuine views lead them towards pacifism or a belief that the continuation of sanctions would be the best way to proceed, it is necessary to say simply that sometimes a better world cannot be hoped for or prayed for but has to be fought for?

    The Prime Minister I do agree with my hon. Friend about that. Many people, for religious and other reasons, have a genuine and mortal hatred of war. I understand that – none of us likes it. For some people, it is a hatred that they are unable to overcome. We must continue to explain to them, to borrow the words of the right hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Stepney (Mr. Shore), that this is a just war by any count.

    Mr. Tony Benn (Chesterfield) Did the Prime Minister notice that, in the course of the night, the Secretary-General of the United Nations said that he had not been told that the attack was about to take place? As this is supposed to be a United Nations operation, can the Prime Minister tell the House what role he sees for the Security Council in monitoring the operation? Everybody knows that, when the bloodshed ends, there will be a peace conference that will have to meet all the problems.

    On the question of casualties, the right hon. Gentleman must have stayed up through the night watching the bombing of Baghdad as the greatest aerial bombardment in the history of air warfare was launched, which we watched in person on our televisions. Did he not feel that, when the commentator said that it was like a firework display on 4 July while human beings were being killed by that bombardment, such a comment ran contrary to the spirit of what the Prime Minister said about minimising the casualties on both sides?

    The Prime Minister The attacks and military action that the right hon. Gentleman saw through the night were on military establishments for a military purpose to achieve the liberation of Kuwait. It operated under the authority of the United Nations, freely given by the United Nations, and there was no specific need to refer back to the Secretary-General.

    Mrs. Edwina Currie (Derbyshire, South) May I commend my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister for the way in which he has conducted himself and for his dignity and restraint, which reflect well on this country? Does he share my concern that most of the news coming out of the Gulf is from nearly 400 United States correspondents, while the reports from British correspondents, including the BBC, are coming from only a handful who are having to pool their reports? We need British news about British service men and women, from British correspondents. Will the Prime Minister please see what can be done about that?

    The Prime Minister We went to some trouble to ensure that there were appropriate visas so that British reporters were able to be in the Gulf area during this conflict. I must tell the House that we are concerned also about the safety of British correspondents there and we have made it perfectly clear that we do not expect them to stay in areas of great danger to themselves.

    Mr. John Fraser (Norwood) Will the Prime Minister recognise that, as well as achieving the objective of the United Nations of freeing Kuwait, it is important to preserve political stability in the area and the advance to freedom in other countries? Will he be ever mindful of the effect of an extended conflict on the stability of countries such as Jordan and other Arab countries? Will he undertake to work for a cessation of hostilities at the earliest possible moment and for the minimisation of casualties?

    The Prime Minister There is no way in which, at the conclusion of the conflict, the status quo ante will immediately reappear. One of the matters that I was able to discuss in my recent visit to the Gulf was precisely what might happen at the end of the conflict. I assure the hon. Gentleman that we are already thinking, consulting and liaising with our allies about a proper security structure to ensure that this dreadful conflict does not recur.

    Mr. Churchill (Davyhulme) Is my right hon. Friend aware that the House’s admiration of the courage and skill of our pilots knows no bounds and that our thoughts and prayers are with the families of crewmen who are missing and of those who will not return from this conflict?

    The Prime Minister I am grateful to my hon. Friend. He expresses sentiments which the whole House will share.

    Mr. Tony Banks As the Prime Minister has reminded us several times that this war is being pursued in the light of United Nations resolutions, when can we expect some briefings and statements from the United Nations rather than from General Powell and President Bush? Does he intend to ask for the reconvening of the Security Council and the Assembly so that there can be broader discussion of what is going on in the Gulf?

    The Prime Minister There is no need to reconvene the United Nations Security Council. The resolutions and the authority are clear. The United Nations is not directly involved in the conflict; its member states are, but under the authority of the United Nations.

    Mr. Spencer Batiste (Elmet) Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the ability of our forces in the Gulf to perform the tasks asked of them depends not only on their courage but on the quality of the equipment with which they are supplied? Will he confirm that the British defence industry has performed unstintingly all the tasks that have been asked of it, and more, in these difficult times? Will he ensure that in future our troops will never be asked to undertake tasks for which they are not supplied with the best equipment available? Is that the policy of his Government?

    The Prime Minister Our troops most certainly have the best equipment available. My hon. Friend would be pleased to know precisely what the troops think about the excellent way in which the Challenger tank is performing in the desert. They have excellent equipment and that equipment is in excellent hands with our troops in the Gulf.

    Mr. Robert Hughes (Aberdeen, North) On this more sombre day, when the Prime Minister has expressed his reluctance to have taken military action and his willingness to consider the possibility of Iraq deciding to withdraw from Kuwait, does he accept that it is necessary to have absolute clarity on the war aims of the United Nations coalition? Will he reflect on his answer to my right hon. Friend the Member for Morley and Leeds, South (Mr. Rees), in which he said that he assumed that, if the forces physically went into Kuwait, they would stop at the border? If we are to look for Saddam Hussein or for those of influence in Iraq who may be more peacefully minded and prepared to accept an end to the conflict by withdrawing from Kuwait, will he make it clear that it is not part of the war aims of the coalition to invade and occupy Iraq?

    The Prime Minister I have made it clear that that is not our aim. Our aim is to enforce the United Nations resolutions. That, and only that, is the aim for which the allied troops are in the Gulf.

    Mr. Robert Boscawen (Somerton and Frome) Will my right hon. Friend accept my commendation to the decision takers of the United Nations force for having taken advantage of the great benefits of the principle of surprise and attacked straight away, which will save the lives of friend and foe alike by bringing this conflict to an earlier conclusion than would otherwise be the case?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend has a distinguished war record and a distinguished military record. His commendation will mean more to the commanders than mine, and I will pass it on.

    Mrs. Maria Fyfe (Glasgow, Maryhill) Will the Prime Minister recognise that those of us who oppose going to war at this stage, who are not pacifists but who are simply saying, once again, that it is wrong to go to war until all approaches have been exhausted, are not showing any lack of support for our troops? Of course we want them to have the medical and food supplies that they require. That is not an issue in this conflict.

    Will the right hon. Gentleman recognise that the best thing that we can do for our troops is to bring a speedy end to the conflict – not just to defeat Saddam Hussein in Kuwait but to bring about peace and justice in the middle east? I am extremely disappointed that the Prime Minister’s war aims seem to be so limited. We do not think that there will be a satisfactory end to the conflict if it merely ends in the removal of Saddam Hussein from Kuwait.

    May I further ask the right hon. Gentleman – [HON. MEMBERS: “No.”] If this is a democracy, if this is part of what we are talking about, if other opinions are to be heard –

    Mr. Speaker Order. Of course this is a democracy, but the hon. Lady must take account of the other Opposition Members who wish to participate.

    Mrs. Fyfe I just want to finish on this point. Is Monday’s debate to be yet another Adjournment debate or will the Government make a clear statement of the position?

    The Prime Minister The latter point will be discussed between the usual channels in the usual way and my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House will make a statement in due course. All of us are seeking peace and justice in the middle east, in Kuwait and beyond, but I fear that, for Iraq and Kuwait, peace and justice require the action that we are taking and the defeat of Saddam Hussein.

    Mr. Bowen Wells (Hertford and Stortford) Is my right hon. Friend aware that the maintenance of the confidence and morale of our armed forces in the middle east crucially depends on this country’s calm, courageous, steadfast leadership, all characteristics which he has exemplified perfectly during the past few days and, indeed, since he took office? Will my right hon. Friend explain to Saddam Hussein that the only way in which a ceasefire can take place is if he withdraws from Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister I am grateful to my hon. Friend. He sets out the absolute precondition for a settlement and I agree with him.

    Mr. John McWilliam (Blaydon) Will the Prime Minister accept my regard for the professionalism, training and expertise of all our forces, whom I had the opportunity to meet in the Gulf just before Christmas? They have now been committed to action and I hope that they will come through safely. I shall understand if the right hon. Gentleman has difficulty in answering my next question: what is the current attitude of Jordan and Iran to what is happening?

    The Prime Minister I shall certainly pass the first half of the hon. Gentleman’s remarks on to the commander in the middle east. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will forgive me if I do not respond directly to his second question.

    Mr. John Browne (Winchester) Does my right hon. Friend accept that the action of the Governments and armed forces of our country, the United States of America and the Arab allies has been bold and effective, thus lending new and awesome consequence to the implementation of United Nations resolutions, which have been made possible by the new peace of detente between the great powers? Does my right hon. Friend agree that the success of this worthy enterprise will lead to greatly enhanced peace, freedom and stability not only in the middle east but in the world in general?

    The Prime Minister I certainly hope that the action taken on this occasion will in future deter any aggressor who may feel that he can march into a small adjacent and peaceful country. I think that we all hope that the United Nations action on this occasion will guarantee that no such future conflicts need arise.

    Mr. John Evans (St. Helens, North) As the military action launched against Iraq last night was in pursuance of United Nations resolution 678 and as the Secretary-General was not consulted before the attack, will the Prime Minister give an undertaking that the Secretary-General will be involved in determining whether the terms of that resolution have been met?

    The Prime Minister As I explained some moments ago, there was no need to consult the Secretary-General because the Security Council had given the necessary authority for the attack to take place.

    Mr. Bill Walker (Tayside, North) Does my right hon. Friend agree that one of the reasons why the aerial onslaught has been so professional thus far is that the United States, the United Kingdom and others regularly practise and work together, at all levels up to Ministers? That has made it possible for us to carry out an action that could not otherwise have been conducted. The low-flying exercises that go on throughout the United Kingdom, in which United States pilots, RAF pilots and others are involved, have brought about such an operation. We should be grateful for the good and professional way in which the pilots have conducted themselves now and in the past.

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend is entirely right. There has been such close consultation in NATO for many years.

    Mr. John P. Smith (Vale of Glamorgan) I welcome the Prime Minister’s message of support to the families of soldiers in the Gulf and the measures taken by the Minister of State for the Armed Forces in offering special facilities to obtain information about what is happening. However, will the Prime Minister take this opportunity to confirm that, when there are casualties on our side, after military considerations have been taken into mind, it is the families who are notified first, so that they do not have to hear about such casualties through the media?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman raises a most important question. It will be our invariable practice to ensure that the families are made aware of any casualties before they are made public. They should hear about them not from a third source but from the Ministry of Defence. That will be our intention.

    Mr. William Cash (Stafford) Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is not only the RAF pilots who have shown superb skill and bravery in what they have done? They in their turn owe an enormous amount to the ground crews and to the maintenance and repair people, including those from RAF Stafford, who give them such superb back-up.

    The Prime Minister I entirely agree with that. In my visit to the Gulf, I took the opportunity precisely to meet those back-up crews.

    Dr. Norman A. Godman (Greenock and Port Glasgow) If, God forbid, our forces suffer heavy casualties in this appalling war, it may mean, in terms of the counselling of the families and of the advice given to their loved ones, that the fine people employed by the Soldiers’, Sailors’ and Airmen’s Families Association may be overwhelmed by the demand.

    What contingency plans have the Government made to call on the professional services of social workers and others employed by social work departments and by social services departments? Do not the tragic events at Lockerbie show the way ahead for the application of professional counselling services for those who have suffered tragic bereavement? What are the Government doing for the provision of such counselling services?

    The Prime Minister The Ministry of Defence will be in close contact with the appropriate services. The hon. Gentleman raises an important point.

    Mr. Tim Devlin (Stockton, South) As yet, the promised strike against Israel has not taken place. Will my right hon. Friend say what the allies’ reaction would be if such an attack or any other incursion into other neighbouring territories took place?

    The Prime Minister The allies have repeatedly made it clear that they would take a very … If my hon. Friend will forgive me, I should prefer to put it a different way. I hope very much that there is no attack on Israel. There is no justification for it and, if such an attack were to occur, the allies would be absolutely justified in responding most severely and most swiftly.

    Mr. Andrew Faulds (Warley, East) Is the Prime Minister aware that in order to keep Israel out of the war, which would have broken up the Arab aspects of the alliance, the United States gave a commitment to Israel that it would not agree to a peace conference which could have discussed the Palestinian issue and others and could have avoided the war? Is it not clear -[Interruption.] History will prove me right. Is it not clear what a malign role Israel plays in the middle eastern tragedy?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is not right. He says that history will prove him right. That sort of history, as Henry Ford said, is bunk.

    Mr. Robert Adley (Christchurch) Will my right hon. Friend and the whole House spare a moment to think of the continuing plight of our three hostages being held in the Lebanon? For the avoidance of doubt, will my right hon. Friend make it clear that the Government have no territorial ambitions in the Gulf and no intention of seeking long-term military bases there?

    The Prime Minister I am certainly content to make that point clear. I would add that in no sense have our hostages in the Lebanon been forgotten. They are of great concern to us and the subject of constant interest and activity on the part of the Foreign Office, which seeks to secure their release. We very much hope that they will be home.

    Mr. Edward O’Hara (Knowsley, South) May I press the Prime Minister further on the important question whether the Secretary-General of the United Nations will have any part in determining whether the terms of United Nations resolutions 660 and 678 are fully met?

    The Prime Minister The Secretary-General is the servant of the Security Council. The Security Council has made its position clear. The allied forces are operating under the authority given to them.

    Mr. Kenneth Hind (Lancashire, West) Does my right hon. Friend agree that what happened last night was a great credit to British and allied planning? Will he confirm that the fact that Scud missiles in Iraq have been knocked out makes it unlikely that the Iraqis will be able to make an attack on Israel and that that means that Saddam Hussein will not be able to divide the allies and split off the Arabs, which is clearly his intention?

    The Prime Minister As I said a moment ago, I very much hope that no such attack takes place. If my hon. Friend will forgive me, I can make no comment on the effectiveness of the attack on the Scud missiles.

    Mr. Win Griffiths (Bridgend) Given that so much blood is now to be spilt following the actions of Saddam Hussein and over his desire to gain control of the oil reserves of Kuwait, has the Prime Minister had any discussions with President Bush or King Fahd about some control of the oil markets of the world, to prevent people from profiteering in the current crisis?

    The Prime Minister No, Sir.

    Mr. Ian Taylor (Esher) As this is a just war, being fought to carry out United Nations resolutions, does my right hon. Friend agree that it would be welcome if those nations which, for whatever reason, cannot take part in the military action themselves, would now reaffirm their support for what happened last night and give moral and, it is to be hoped, practical support in the way that they consider most appropriate-including financial support?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend’s addendum is equally important. I hope that nations that have made no material contribution may reconsider – if they have not yet done so – the possibility of making a financial contribution towards dealing with the difficulties faced not least by the front-line states in the Gulf area, which face such economic disruption as a result of the whole affair.

    Mr. George Galloway (Glasgow, Hillhead) Is the Prime Minister aware that every one of the news correspondents based in Baghdad and broadcasting throughout the night said that they did not see a single aeroplane – so high were the aeroplanes flying that were dropping the ordnance on the streets of Baghdad? Does he not realise that the concepts of pinpoint bombing, surgical strikes and quick and clean bombing actions are a fantasy of the armchair strategists in their sandpits in the television studios.

    In so far as Saddam Hussein is a brutal dictator, does it not follow that his own people are by definition his victims, just as much as the hostages and the people of Kuwait? Does it not give the Prime Minister a moment’s pause for thought that those are the very people who, as we speak, are being dragged dead and mutilated out of the rubble of the centre of Baghdad?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman may speak for himself, but he speaks for no one else.

    Several Hon. Members rose –

    Mr. Speaker Order. I notice that several hon. Members were not previously rising but now are doing so. I shall call only those who have been rising and then we must move on.

    Mr. Julian Brazier (Canterbury) Has my right hon. Friend heard that CND has set up a chatline via British Telecom? Does he agree that it would be unlikely to be allowed to do so in Baghdad? Does he further agree that, while people may be certain of their moral superiority, there is room for a certain humility if they remember that the freedoms that they so take for granted have been bought with the lives of successive generations of British and other service men?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend makes his own point most eloquently.

    Mr. Giles Radice (Durham, North) Does the Prime Minister accept that, although no one wants this war, now that it has come we must get it over with as speedily as possible and with the minimum loss of life? In that connection, does the Prime Minister consider that UN forces yet have command of the air?

    The Prime Minister It is far too early to make that judgment. From all that one can see and all the evidence that we have, the first 24 hours have been extremely successful from the allied point of view. I must reiterate to the House most passionately that there is a great deal yet to be done before we can be certain how the course of the conflict will be run. We cannot yet say that there is command of the air. The operation has begun remarkably well and we must hope and pray that it continues equally well.

    Mr. Ian Bruce (Dorset, South) The whole House will agree that possibly the bravest people in the conflict are the families who have to stay behind and worry about their loved ones. In areas such as mine, where we have a naval and an Army base, support groups are already being set up. May I have an assurance from my right hon. Friend that he will ensure that people who are isolated, perhaps in areas that do not normally have bases, are given full support during these difficult days? I am sure that the whole House is concerned about those people and the lonely wait they have.

    The Prime Minister As my hon. Friend says, it is often hard to wait and wonder. The units of the men involved will keep in close touch with people in those circumstances. The Ministry of Defence has made it clear that it expects that to be done on a wide basis and sensitively.

    Mr. John McAllion (Dundee, East) The Prime Minister has said that we will not use nuclear weapons. However, last night President Bush told the American people that this war would not be another Vietnam and that this time the American military would not fight with one hand tied behind its back. Is not that not a clear indication from the President that the green light has been given to the American military to use tactical nuclear weapons if necessary? As part of his extensive consultations with the President, was the Prime Minister consulted on that matter? Did he agree to give the American military a free hand to use whatever weapons it thinks necessary?

    The Prime Minister There was nothing in President Bush’s remarks that remotely approximated to the conclusions that the hon. Gentleman has drawn from them.

    Sir Alan Glyn (Windsor and Maidenhead) Does my right hon. Friend agree that a great contribution has been made by the St. John Ambulance Brigade, the Red Cross and the national health service in making provision for emergency treatment in this country?

    The Prime Minister Yes, the national health service has been remarkably co-operative and has made substantial provision. We all hope that that provision will not be necessary. As my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health made clear yesterday, to the extent that extra expenditure is required for that purpose, it will be made available.

    Mr. Bob Cryer (Bradford, South) In view of the precipitate abandonment of sanctions and the onslaught of this bloody conflict, will the Government learn some lessons? For example, the arms and ammunition used against our service men will have been sold to Iraq by western nations. Indeed, components for the manufacture of arms have been sold from this nation. Will the Government make serious efforts to develop an arms embargo to curtail the wretched trade in arms throughout the rest of the world and make sure that the opportunity for conflicts such as this is limited? Or do the Government intend to put profit before peace?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is ill informed. We have had strict control of arms sales to Iraq for a considerable number of years. As to sanctions and their abandonment, they have not been abandoned, but have been added to by the military force now operating. There was no abandonment. Even if there had been total abandonment, it would not have been precipitated; it would have been inevitable because of the way Saddam Hussein has been behaving.

    Mr. Ivor Stanbrook (Orpington) Does my right hon. Friend agree that, the battle having been started, it would be wise and desirable if public discussion on the tactical details and public comment on what is happening were kept to the minimum?

    The Prime Minister It is self-evidently in the interests of a successful outcome to the conflict that we are all responsible about what we say on tactical matters.

    Mr. Stuart Bell (Middlesbrough) Is not it noticeable by the House that the debate has revolved around the fact that we are in the Gulf to support United Nations resolution 678? Is not that resolution the 12th in a line of resolutions going back to 2 August? Therefore, it is appropriate that all the action should be under the United Nations. Can the Prime Minister reaffirm again that we have Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti airplanes in the sky and nail the lie that this is somehow a British-American operation?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is quite right, and I can certainly confirm that. I would add that we have French aircraft in the skies as well.

    Mr. Dennis Canavan: (Falkirk, West) Will the Prime Minister dissociate himself from those euphoric warmongers who naively imagine that last night’s air raids guarantee a quick and conclusive military victory? Does not the US army war college report – until recently a secret document – which concludes that air raids alone will not be able to drive the Iraqi forces out of Kuwait and goes on to predict a long and bloody ground battle, with many casualties on both sides, reinforce the case for calling a halt now to hostilities and starting genuine peace negotiations which have not even been tried yet?

    The Prime Minister I have made it clear twice already this afternoon that there is much more to be done. That must be self-evident to everyone. The whole purpose of the way in which the campaign is being conducted is to minimise civilian casualties. I have also made that clear. What will happen as the conflict continues, it is impossible yet to say. More has to be done. How it will fall out, we cannot yet know. What I am confident about is, first, that our forces will continue to operate with the professionalism that we have seen in the last 24 hours, and, secondly, that we will continue to have in the forefront of our minds the safety and security of our troops and our firm intention to minimise civilian casualties.

    Mr. Roy Beggs (Antrim, East) Will the Prime Minister accept that the Ulster Unionists and the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland respect his resolute leadership during the Gulf crisis? Will he also accept that the conflict could be helped to an early conclusion if all the nations that up to date have withheld their full support for the United Nations would now come behind it and fully support the troops in the Gulf?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is quite right; I wholeheartedly agree with him.

    Ms. Mildred Gordon (Bow and Poplar) The Prime Minister accepted with approval the word “just” to describe the war. Will he explain where the justice is for the Kuwaiti people caught between the violence of Saddam Hussein and allied bombing, fearful that they will be ground into the earth, while the Emir and the royal family are living in safety and luxury?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Lady is mistaken. The Kuwaiti people are actually caught under the oppression of Saddam Hussein.

    Mr. Paul Flynn (Newport, West) Does the Prime Minister recall that, in 1940 and in 1967, the Soviet Union used the preoccupation of the world with events of this kind to send the Red Army into the Baltic states and into Hungary? Is not there a grave danger of history repeating itself? Will the Prime Minister take up as a matter of urgency the invitation given yesterday by Mr. Tamara Ringa of the Latvian Popular Front and the foreign secretary of the Lithuanian Parliament to send observers from Britain to the Parliaments of Tallinn, Riga and Vilnius?

    The Prime Minister As I made clear to the House earlier, we take an extremely serious view, which is well known to the Soviet Union, of the events in Vilnius. We are examining what is happening to determine what else we may be able to do.

    Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover) As this American-led war continues – [HON. MEMBERS: “UN war”] – American-led war, to protect American oil interests – and as the number of British casualties arising from it increases, will the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he has any plans to requisition private hospitals and to use the royal yacht Britannia as a hospital ship?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman’s tasteless intervention overlooks the fact that we have had an American and British-led peace in this country for 40 years – from which he has benefited.

    Mr. Ron Brown (Edinburgh, Leith) Does the Prime Minister recall that, during the recess, I wrote to him to say that the Iraqi Assembly wanted to send a peace mission to this country to brief Members of all parties? I received no acknowledgement from his office apart from a curt note from his private secretary. Why the rush to war? Why can he not reply on this basic issue? Is not peace important? Is it the case that he is really the puppet of the President of the United States?

    The Prime Minister It is justice that is important in the Gulf region. The hon. Gentleman may have his own views about the nature of the regime; I have mine. I believe that Saddam Hussein and his regime are thoroughly evil. It is entirely right for the United Nations to give the authority that it has and I am delighted that it has the overwhelming support of this country, even though I regret that it does not have the support of the hon. Gentleman as well.

    Mr. Harry Barnes (Derbyshire, North-East) Was this war really necessary in terms of United Nations resolution 678, as sanctions have not been given a full chance to operate?

    The Prime Minister Yes, it was necessary – absolutely, totally and completely necessary. If the hon. Gentleman does not think so, he is in a minority.

    Mr. Dave Nellist (Coventry, South-East) How do the Prime Minister’s instruction to British pilots, reported this afternoon, to minimise civilian casualties square with what President George Bush said at 2 am? He said that, unlike Vietnam, American forces in this war ‘would not fight with one arm tied behind their backs”.’ Since that war cost 57,000 American lives and 2 million Vietnamese lives, the right hon. Gentleman should, instead of defending cheap oil, stable monarchies and American strategic interests, call a ceasefire. Before the land war develops and tens or hundreds of thousands of young men and women lose their lives, the right hon. Gentleman should call a ceasefire and bring the troops home.

    The Prime Minister American pilots have had the same operational instructions as British pilots to minimise casualties. Those instructions come from their commander-in-chief, President Bush.

    Mr. Jeremy Corbyn (Islington, North) Is the Prime Minister aware that, throughout the United States, western Europe and the entire Arab world, millions of people are opposed to this war? They are appalled that, already, in the first 12 hours of war, more explosives have been dropped on Iraq than were dropped on Hiroshima in 1945. How many deaths do there have to be before the oil interests of the United States and western Europe are satisfied, or is the Prime Minister prepared to go back now to the United Nations to seek an early end to this war and a ceasefire, so that negotiations can take place on all the problems of the region?

    The Prime Minister How much longer would the hon. Gentleman have let the people of Kuwait suffer under the oppression that they have had? How much longer? The Security Council resolutions are entirely clear and we shall prosecute them until they are fully met.

  • Mr Major’s Statement on the Gulf War – 17 January 1991

    The text of Mr Major’s statement on the status of the Gulf War, made in London on Thursday 17th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I thought you might care to know the information that I have thus far. As you almost certainly will know, Allied forces attacked military targets in Iraq and Baghdad last night.

    The operation began just before midnight our time and is a very large and continuing operation. The attack was carried out by a four-nation force – United States forces, British forces, Saudi Arabian forces and Kuwaiti forces – and it was, of course, carried out under the authority of United Nation Resolution 678.

    Early indications are that it has been a very successful operation. I have just received an initial report this morning from the Secretary of State for Defence, Tom King, and from the Chief of the Defence Staff. I am pleased to tell you that at the present time I am not yet aware of any British casualties. We will provide further information on the detailed success of the operation at a later stage when that is available.
    Tom King will hold a press conference later on this morning and I shall myself of course be making a Statement to the House of Commons this afternoon.

    I know that everybody would share my feelings at the moment that our principal thoughts and prayers are with the troops who have been carrying out this operation and with their families who must be so concerned about the matter at home. Immense trouble has been taken of course to ensure that it is military targets that are the target of this attack and an enormous amount of effort and care has gone into ensuring that there are the minimum possible number of civilian casualties.

    If I may, I will take what questions you may have and answer them insofar as I am yet able.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, may I ask you first of all would you consider a pause to allow for negotiations to take place?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No. This is an ongoing operation. If Saddam Hussein were prepared to start withdrawing from Kuwait, then that is a separate matter but for the moment this is an ongoing operation. I am not prepared to risk the potential lives of British forces – and I am sure the other commanders feel the same – by a pause that would allow Saddam Hussein to regroup his forces and perhaps launch a substantial attack. I do not think that would be right and I think the security of our forces must be a matter to which we will give overriding concern.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, can you tell us a little bit about your conversation with President Bush before this began? What was the sort of mood of the discussion that you had with him and what the format that you agreed, the context in which you would all work?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No-one enters into an operation of this scale or of this nature lightly. I have had a considerable number of conversations with President Bush about the possibility of us needing to use force at the end of the deadline over a considerable period of time.
    The final decision that we would use force if Iraq did not remove themselves from Kuwait was taken very shortly after the conclusion of the House of Commons debate on Tuesday.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, do you honestly believe that you have used force as a last resort and that there was no other way of getting Saddam Hussein out?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Yes. That has been our position for a long time.

    Of course, the United Nations Resolution was set some time ago with a particular deadline so that there was no doubt that in international law there was a proper authority to use force after the expiry of the deadline on the 15th. I do not think Saddam Hussein could have been in any doubt at all from what has been said over recent weeks that at the expiry of that there was authority to use force and that we would find it necessary to do so to expel him from Kuwait. I am myself satisfied that that was necessary and I hope this will be a speedy and successful operation.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, do you have any assessment at this stage of how long military action might have to continue?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No. There can be no assessment of that at this stage. We have some preliminary assessments of the damage that has been done but we will need a considerable degree of extra information before we can be precisely clear about that.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Thus far, the assessments are that a considerable amount of damage has been done but they are very preliminary assessments and we will have a good deal more information later.

    QUESTION:

    When did you first hear about the attack?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I, of course, have known about the timing of the attack, as I said a few moments ago, from consultations I had with President Bush at the conclusion of the House of Commons debate on Tuesday. I therefore was aware of the time the attack would take place.

    QUESTION:

    How have you spent the night and what are your feelings now that war has started?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No-one wanted this conflict. No-one can be pleased about the fact that this conflict has been necessary and I regret that as much as anyone. I have been up throughout the night; we have had an open line to the White House and there has been very considerable consultation throughout the night.

    I hope now that it is clear to Iraq that the scale of the Allied operation is such that they cannot win. I hope that Saddam Hussein will now make a very swift decision that he must do what he has been invited to do by the world community for a long time – that he should get out of Kuwait and enable this matter to end swiftly and decisively. I hope that he will do that.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, could the war be over in a matter of days?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I cannot forecast that. We will prosecute this war until it comes to a successful conclusion. There is no doubt at all what the world community wants: it wants Saddam Hussein to leave Kuwait and Kuwait to return to its rightful government. When that matter is concluded, the war will end but there should be no doubt about our determination to prosecute it to that end. International will is very strong; international law is quite clear; and it has been made absolutely clear by the Allies over recent weeks that that is our determination and our intention — it remains so.

    I will now leave you if I may but I will report to the House of Commons this afternoon.

  • Mr Major’s Commons Statement on the Gulf War – 15 January 1991

    Below is Mr Major’s statement made in the House of Commons on 15th January 1991 regarding the Gulf War.


    Mr. Speaker Before I call the Prime Minister, may I say that a very large number of right hon. and hon. Members wish to participate in this very important debate. I propose to put a limit of 10 minutes on speeches between 6 o’clock and 8 o’clock, but I ask those who are called before that, particularly if they are Privy Councillors, to bear that limit in mind.

    Mr. Bob Cryer (Bradford, South) On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Since there have been two debates on the Gulf in the past few months, may I ask whether you will give preference to hon. Members who did not speak in those debates?

    Mr. Speaker I shall seek to balance opinion in the House.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) There is overwhelming concern in Parliament and in the country about the situation in the Gulf. That concern is shared by everyone, but must self evidently be most acutely felt by the families and friends of our troops at present in the Gulf.

    The position has been brought about, first, by Iraq’s illegal invasion of Kuwait and, secondly, by its continued and blatant refusal to implement the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and to withdraw wholly and unconditionally from the country which it invaded in early August. It is now five and a half months since the first of the resolutions and the deadline for Iraq to comply runs out today. Therefore, the Government thought it entirely right for the House to debate the situation.

    Since we last discussed these matters on 11 December last year, there have been important diplomatic and military developments. In addition, my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary and I have both visited the middle east to discuss the position with the rulers and with the Governments there. I have recently met President Bush, President Mitterrand, and Secretary Baker for the same purpose and my right hon. Friend has been in constant contact with his European Community colleagues and many others. Yesterday, upon his return from Baghdad, I also spoke at length to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. I intend to cover those developments shortly, although I shall not on this occasion go into the detailed background to the present crisis, which was dealt with by my right hon. Friend the Member for Finchley (Mrs. Thatcher) with characteristic clarity last September. I shall, however, report on the various discussions that my right hon. Friend and I have had. I shall then explain why the Government regard full implementation of the United Nations resolutions as being so crucial. Finally, I shall set out to the House how we intend to act.

    Before I do so, I should like to make one general point. I hope that this debate will not in any way be seen either here or, perhaps more appropriately, beyond here as a party-political or partisan occasion. With the clear danger of hostilities looming, through no wish of anyone in this country or the House, it seems to me acutely important that our forces in the Gulf should feel that they have the united support of the vast majority of the House and of the country. It will be in that spirit in which the Government approach the debate.

    Mr. Gavin Strang (Edinburgh, East) rose –

    Mr. Dave Nellist (Coventry, South-East) rose –

    The Prime Minister I should like to make a little progress, if the hon. Gentlemen will forgive me.

    Since the invasion on 2 August the international community has collectively and repeatedly called on Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait, 12 Security Council resolutions have been passed, either unanimously or with very substantial majorities, and dozens of visits to Baghdad and appeals to Saddam Hussein have been made by international statesmen from many countries. Most recently, the United States Secretary of State, James Baker, has met Tariq Aziz in Geneva and the Secretary-General of the United Nations has met Saddam Hussein in Baghdad.

    Despite all this, Iraq is still in Kuwait and shows no imminent signs of leaving. I fear that the contrary is the case. In recent weeks Iraq has continued to increase the size of its forces in and around Kuwait. There are now nearly 600,000 troops, more than 4,000 tanks and more than 3,000 artillery pieces. Its defences are continually being strengthened. Chemical weapons, already used by Saddam Hussein against his own people, have been deployed. Contrary to international agreements, Iraq has produced and threatened to use both chemical and biological weapons, the use of which would be wholly contrary to international agreements. Iraq also continues to develop a nuclear weapon, although we do not believe thus far that she has succeeded in doing so.

    Mr. Tam Dalyell (Linlithgow) rose –

    The Prime Minister If the hon. Gentleman will let me make a little progress, I shall give way to him later.

    At the same time, Iraq has constantly and, in my view, cynically changed the pretexts given for its invasion of Kuwait. At various times we have been told that the invasion took place for different reasons: first, because Kuwait had artificially depressed the world price of oil; then because Kuwait had failed to pay compensation to Iraq for lost revenues; and then because it had occupied territory on Iraq’s border. We were then told that there had been a coup d’etat in Kuwait and a new Government established that had appealed for Iraqi support. That absurd untruth soon disappeared without trace. Then we were informed that Kuwait had been wholly absorbed into Iraq, and the Iraqi information Minister told the world ‘to forget that a place called Kuwait had ever existed.’ It was even suggested that Kuwait had been attacked because it posed a threat to Iraq’s security – a notion so absurd that the whole world dismissed it with contempt, and dismissed it immediately.

    Finally, we were told, least credibly of all, that the purpose of the invasion had been to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian question. In my discussions in the Gulf, I have found that non-Iraqi Arab leaders are particularly contemptuous of that excuse and have made that crystal clear to me and my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary. The real fact is that Iraq’s action has made a settlement of that longstanding and very real problem infinitely more difficult. Only when Iraq has withdrawn from Kuwait shall we be able to resume efforts to find a solution with any hope of success – and that, of course, we shall seek to continue to do.

    Rarely in history can there have been a more cynical catalogue of lies and deceits. The reality is clear for all to see: Iraq has used military force to wipe Kuwait off the face of the map and to plunder its resources. Nor is that all. Intimidation, torture and murder of the Kuwaiti people have continued without respite. The appalling details have been carefully and shockingly catalogued in the report by Amnesty International, which should be compulsory reading for everyone who expresses a view on this issue.

    What the report reveals is truly shocking: people executed – in my view, murdered would be a better word – for failing to display a photograph of Saddam Hussein in their homes; teenage boys murdered in the sight of their mothers and sisters, their bodies then left on the street as garbage and their families forbidden to take their corpses home to give them a decent burial. This is literally horrifying, a tale of unbelievable and sickening cruelty since last August.

    Those who caution delay because they hate war – hate the very thought of war, as all hon. Members must surely do – must ask themselves this question: how much longer should the world stand by and risk these atrocities continuing in Kuwait?

    Mr. Cryer rose –

    Mr. Strang rose –

    Mr. Nellist rose –

    The Prime Minister We are talking not only of atrocities. Hundreds of thousands of Kuwaitis have been forced to leave their country as a part of a systematic effort to change populations, to expunge records and to erase national identity itself. At the start of August, there were 700,000 Kuwaitis in Kuwait; today there are 250,000, a fall of two thirds. Organised robbery has taken place on a gigantic scale, with everything from cars and buses to medical equipment – even incubators for use in hospitals – being taken away: stolen, ransacked and taken as spoils of war to Iraq.

    What we are seeing is not just a simple dispute or everyday difference of opinion. What we are witnessing in Kuwait is an attempt to eliminate an entire state by a dictator who has shown himself to be a thorough force for evil in his actions over recent years.
    Despite all this, neither we nor our international partners have given up our efforts to find a peaceful solution on the basis of full implementation of the United Nations resolutions. The United Nations, the European Community, the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference have all separately tried to persuade Iraq to comply with the Security Council resolutions. Many individual countries and Governments have made their contribution. And yet, what happened last week when Secretary Baker met the Iraqi Foreign Minister in Geneva to try yet again to bring about a peaceful solution? Tariq Aziz refused even to mention Kuwait or to discuss withdrawal. He showed no flexibility or, shockingly, any remorse for the crimes that have been committed in Kuwait since the beginning of August. And an invitation to Tariq Aziz to meet the European Community was brusquely and immediately rejected and ignored.

    Subsequently, as the House knows, the United Nations Secretary-General travelled to Baghdad to offer his good offices. We welcomed that unreservedly. Even at that late stage we hoped that reason would prevail. Mr. Perez de Cuellar’s mission had the full support of Britain, of the United States and of the European Community and, I believe, the full support of the whole world community which holds him in such continual respect. Yet his involvement demonstrated, perhaps more clearly than anything else could, that the confrontation is not just between the United States and Iraq or the west and Iraq, but between the United Nations and an aggressor that has overrun a neighbouring small and innocent country.

    But I am sorry to report that the Secretary-General’s efforts, too, were crudely and brutally brushed aside. When I spoke to him yesterday he told me, without any doubt or hesitation, that there was nothing favourable to report from his meeting with Saddam Hussein; not the slightest sign of willingness to comply with the Security Council resolution either now or in the future.

    Mr. Alfred Morris (Manchester, Wythenshawe) In the event of an unprovoked attack on Israel in the days ahead, what would be the British Government’s response and what consultation has there been with other Governments about that possibility?

    The Prime Minister Of course that possibility is one which we have been considering, not least because Saddam Hussein has made it clear on a number of occasions that he may seek to involve a nation at present standing wholly adrift from this particular dispute in the way described. I hope very much that that will not happen and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will forgive me if I do not speculate on what would follow, but I feel sure that the international community, at present part of the allied force, would regard that as a wholly unacceptable way for Iraq to behave and would respond accordingly. I hope very much indeed that the restraint that has been shown by the state of Israel will continue in the weeks ahead. That restraint has been extremely helpful.

    In the past 24 hours the House will have seen reports of a French initiative put forward just a few hours after the European Community Foreign Ministers had concluded that the conditions for an initiative no longer existed. It would be more accurate to say that what is involved is an appeal to Saddam Hussein to reconsider and to withdraw even at this late hour, and that is something which we all wish to see. But what I believe we cannot do is to water down the existing Security Council resolutions. We have supported those for a long time. They call for total and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal. Nor can we be party to extending the United Nations deadline or in any way reward Iraq for its aggression.

    Those are the criteria on which we would judge any proposal. Saddam Hussein must be given no false expectation that peace can be had without complete and full implementation of the Security Council resolutions.

    Mr. Paddy Ashdown (Yeovil) I think that the whole House agrees with the Prime Minister that there can be no question of a watering down of existing United Nations resolutions, but, according to the report in The Independent today, the French initiative calls on the Security Council to ask Iraq ‘to announce without further delay its” – ’ Iraq’s – ‘intention to pull out of Kuwait according to a set timetable and to begin now with a rapid and large-scale withdrawal.’ Will the right hon. Gentleman explain why he regards that as being a watering down of the terms of the United Nations resolutions?

    The Prime Minister Let me reiterate the point in order to put it in its proper context. We fully subscribe to the idea of a last appeal to Saddam Hussein to obey the Security Council resolutions. We have no difficulty with that point. But we do have considerable difficulty with the French text. All along we have supported the Security Council resolutions and we must judge the French text by two criteria: whether it is wholly consistent with the United Nations Security Council resolutions and whether it is likely to lead Iraq to comply with those resolutions or simply have the effect of taking the pressure off Iraq at this very late stage. In our judgment, it fails those tests and it is for that reason that, although we are content with the idea of a last appeal, we cannot accept and cannot support the particular proposition put forward by the French.

    Mr. Tony Benn (Chesterfield) It would appear that one of the major reasons why the Government reject the French initiative, which I certainly welcome, is the matter of linkage. But is the Prime Minister aware that when the war begins a linkage denied in the conference hall may be established on the battlefield within hours and if Israel is drawn into the conflict the two issues will come together? Is he also aware that, when the war is over, the proposal made by President Mitterrand will be the basis of the peace conference? Why cannot we have the peace proposal before the bloodshed instead of afterwards?

    The Prime Minister As I indicated to the right hon. Member for Yeovil (Mr. Ashdown), I did not share the view put forward by the French that their proposal is wholly consistent with the United Nations resolutions as we have thus far known them. Perhaps I may elaborate on that point. The French text only calls on Iraq to announce its intention to withdraw according to a timetable. The Security Council has called for an immediate, total and unconditional withdrawal. There is a distinction. But equally relevant is the fact that I do not think that we would be wise to place much faith in an indication of Iraq’s intentions against the background of the lies, deceit and treachery that we have seen in the last six months. There is no basis of trust and therefore we must rely on an appeal either from the Security Council or from the Secretary-General that is wholly and completely consistent with the resolutions that we have supported for so long.

    If I add in reply to the right hon. Gentleman a word about my discussion with President Mitterrand, he may find it useful. My clear impression from my discussions with President Mitterrand yesterday is that, like all of us, he hopes and prays that hostilities can be avoided. But particularly in the wake of Iraq’s totally negative response to the United Nations Secretary-General, President Mitterrand sees no realistic prospect that Iraq can now be persuaded to take the essential step of withdrawing from Kuwait.

    No one, anywhere, can claim that the international community has not tried for peace. If it turns out that we shall have failed, we shall have failed only because Iraq has rejected every attempt to reach a diplomatic solution.

    Mr. Dalyell Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

    The Prime Minister Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will permit me to make a little more progress.

    In parallel with those diplomatic efforts, the international community has, with very few exceptions and contraventions, applied economic sanctions against Iraq. As the House knows, they are among the most sweeping sanctions ever agreed by the United Nations. They have interrupted 90 per cent. of Iraq’s foreign trade and have caused widespread dislocation of its economy.

    What is the real test of the sanctions? It is not just whether they cause economic misery in Iraq. The real test is whether they bring about Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait. So far, they have failed to achieve that. [HON. MEMBERS: “Give them time to work.”] I will deal precisely with the points that Opposition Members want to raise, if they will give me a moment. It is clear that the sanctions will not succeed by the deadline set by the United Nations for Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait, or for a very long time after that.

    There are those who argue – and I understand their concern – that we should give sanctions more time to work. But at what price should we give them more time to work? Allowing more time for sanctions to work has other implications.

    Mr. Denis Healey (Leeds, East) The Prime Minister has again referred to the tragic plight of the people of Kuwait, of whom perhaps 2,000 have already been killed since the beginning of August. What does the right hon. Gentleman think would be the effect on the people of Kuwait of a war to reconquer Kuwait? Has he read the report in today’s Financial Times in which one of the leading members of the al-Sabah family, speaking from the comfort of his luxury hotel in Dhahran, hundreds of miles from the fighting line, said that he would be quite happy to see the “flattening” of Kuwait if it meant that he got back sovereignty of the territory? Does the Prime Minister really think that that sort of war will do anything to help the people of Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister The liberation of Kuwait is an important principle. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, other important principles are at stake in this dispute and in a few moments I will deal with them at some length. If the right hon. Gentleman will permit me, I shall return to the point about the time taken for sanctions to work. [HON. MEMBERS: “Answer.”] I will return to the points raised earlier about sanctions, to which the House is entitled to a reply. The point that was concerning the House was whether we should give sanctions more time to work. I said that more time for sanctions has other implications. It also means more time for Iraq to continue to extinguish Kuwait. It means more time for Iraq to prepare its defences against allied troops and perhaps a greater subsequent cost in the lives of allied troops. It means more time during which Kuwaitis will be tortured or killed. Because sanctions are not having their intended effect, we would, in addition, in practice be extending the deadline for Iraq’s withdrawal while relaxing pressure on Iraq to comply.

    Mr. Strang rose –

    The Prime Minister If the hon. Gentleman will forgive me, I shall continue.
    To do so would destroy the credibility of the international community’s response to Iraq’s aggression and that is why I do not believe that we have the time, nor would we be wise, to let sanctions run a lengthier and fuller course. That is the situation we face.

    Several Hon. Members rose –

    The Prime Minister If hon. Members will forgive me, I shall make a little more progress.

    Mr. Speaker Order. I think that every hon. Member who is rising to intervene is anxious to take part in the debate. They will not be able to do so if there are constant interruptions.

    The Prime Minister The situation that I have just outlined is the situation we must face. Throughout recent months the Government have taken great care to consult their allies, the United States, Europe and – perhaps most important of all in many ways – the Arab world. Last week I met the Emir of Kuwait, the King of Saudi Arabia, the Sultan of Oman and President Mubarak.

    My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary has just returned from visits to other Gulf states, as well as Jordan and Turkey, on which he will report in his winding-up speech. Earlier this week I spoke to Mr. Mulroney, Secretary Baker and President Mitterrand –

    Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover) Blood on their hands.

    The Prime Minister I wish that the hon. Gentleman would show as much concern for the blood in Kuwait City in the past few months.
    Throughout my visits I found a rock-solid determination to make Saddam Hussein withdraw. Among our allies there was no talk of compromise, no talk of concessions, no suggestion that the United Nations’ deadline should be extended and no inclination whatsoever to weaken or back down in the face of Iraq’s intransigence. [Interruption.]

    Mr. David Blunkett (Sheffield, Brightside) rose –

    Mr. Speaker Has the hon. Gentleman a point of order for me?

    The Prime Minister The resolve of our Arab allies to see the United Nations resolutions implemented remains unshaken and unshakeable – [Interruption]

    Mr. Blunkett Does the Prime Minister accept that many of us agree with what he has just said about the need to stand rock solid over the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait, but we would be better able to assess for ourselves the effectiveness of sanctions if we had before us an assessment of how sanctions had worked, the loopholes that existed and what might be done to close them? Does he accept that people like myself, who are willing to agree that there should be greater caution today of all days, are also clear that, if professional troops have to be used to get Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait, we would back it if we had the information that he has to enable us to make the judgment that he is making? Will he give the elected Parliament that information so that we can make that judgment for ourselves?

    The Prime Minister I have two points to make in reply to the hon. Gentleman’s intervention. First, my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary will deal in his winding-up speech specifically with the details of the impact of sanctions. Secondly, the overall purpose of sanctions is to ensure that Iraq leaves Kuwait. So far they have failed in that respect and show no sign of imminent success.

    Mr. Nellist Will the Prime Minister give way?

    The Prime Minister If the hon. Gentleman will forgive me, I shall make some progress.

    It is to restore the independence of Kuwait, to defend Saudi Arabia and to back up these diplomatic efforts and the peaceful pressure of sanctions that more than 30 nations have contributed to the multinational effort in the Gulf. Over the past few weeks, the scale of those forces has grown steadily. They now contribute an awesome assembly of military power, on a scale not seen since the second world war.
    Britain’s contribution to that force numbers more than 35,000 service men and women. I was able to meet a number of them last week while I was in the Gulf. I can tell the House with no equivocation that their morale is high, their professionalism obvious and their confidence impressive. They have the equipment that they need and the determination that we would expect of them. They are working well with their American and other allies.

    Mr. Dalyell Will the Prime Minister give way?

    The Prime Minister No, if the hon. Gentleman will forgive me.

    I explained to those service men and women while I was there why we had to ask them to be there and what might lie ahead. I told them, too, of the great concern felt for them by everyone at home, as well as the tremendous pride here in their performance in the Gulf. I am in no doubt whatever that they understand the risks and the dangers, as professional service men. They know what they may be asked to do.

    Mr. Skinner You are not going to risk your life, are you?

    Mr. Speaker Order. The hon. Gentleman should not make accusations of that kind from a sedentary position. It does not add to a debate on such an important matter.

    Mr. Skinner Yesterday, my hon. Friends and I demanded a vote on whether we go to war – [interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker Order. The hon. Gentleman must sit down.

    The Prime Minister Let me just say to the hon. Gentleman in all sincerity that, whatever he may think, I would have been proud to be there with those young men and women. As professional service men, they know what they may be asked to do. They left me in no doubt that they are both able and ready to do it.

    Sir Eldon Griffiths (Bury St. Edmunds) As one who has a son in the Gulf, may I ask my right hon. Friend to explain the exact chain of command from the President of the United States through General Schwarzkopf to the British commanders in the field? Is he satisfied that the British Government are able to make their contribution to that chain of command?

    The Prime Minister The troops in the Gulf are under British command and under American tactical control. The degree of liaison in the relationship between both commanders and men in the Gulf was – on the evidence of my own eyes – very high and very impressive. My hon. Friend would have been perfectly satisfied with it had he been there.

    Mr. Nellist Will the Prime Minister give way?

    The Prime Minister I think that the hon. Gentleman knows that I have given way a number of times. I am conscious that a large number of right hon. and hon. Members wish to express their own views, and I want to leave them some time in which to do so.
    Peaceful means of persuading Iraq to withdraw – the diplomatic efforts, the sanctions and the allied military presence – have been tried for six months now, but without success. A line has to be drawn somewhere and it has been drawn – not hastily by us or by any one state, but deliberately and collectively by the United Nations Security Council with resolution 678.

    From tomorrow the situation changes. We continue to hope and to look for a peaceful solution, but from tomorrow we shall also be justified in using all necessary means of bringing about Iraq’s withdrawal; and that includes the use of force. That is not a pleasant prospect, but, as we face it, let us never forget that the decision to use force was first taken by Saddam Hussein entirely of his own choosing when he chose to invade Kuwait.

    The principles at stake are crucial and we must uphold them. First – I hope that this is not too simplistic, but I feel it deeply – there is a clear dividing line between what is right and what is wrong and what Saddam Hussein has done in Kuwait is, in the simplest and clearest terms, just plain wrong and unforgivable.

    Mr. Cryer rose –

    The Prime Minister I am surprised that the hon. Member for Bradford, South (Mr. Cryer) has so little interest in the principles at stake in this matter that he is unwilling to listen to them.

    Secondly –

    Mr. Andrew Faulds (Warley, East) rose –

    The Prime Minister Secondly – [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker Order. The hon. Member for Warley, East (Mr. Faulds) is seeking to take part in the debate. He will not be able to do so if Saddam Hussein behaves in that way.

    The Prime Minister Secondly, if Saddam Hussein were to get away with his aggression and gain from it, other small countries in the vicinity, and those elsewhere in the world with large and potentially aggressive neighbours, will all too likely face similar problems and similar dangers. That is the second reason why there can be no deals, no partial withdrawal and no artificial linkage to solutions of other problems – nothing but absolute commitment to implement the Security Council’s resolutions in full and without delay.

    Thirdly, the failure to secure Saddam Hussein’s withdrawal would have grave implications for the balance of power throughout the middle east. It would mean putting off difficulties today at the expense of greater difficulties in the not-too-distant future – greater difficulties made more intransigent as Iraq acquires even more devastating and dangerous weapons and as its appetite for success and conquest grows.
    But there is a fourth, overriding point. We have made progress, particularly over the past 12 months, towards establishing in many ways a more peaceful world in which there is greater respect for the United Nations and its resolutions. At last it has seemed that the United Nations might live up to the aspirations of its founders. All our hopes for that would fall away if we were to allow Saddam Hussein to get away with swallowing up Kuwait in the way that he proposes. It simply cannot, must not and will not be permitted. So, if we are to have that safe world, we must demonstrate conclusively that aggression cannot succeed. If we fail to do so, when nearly the whole world is united against Iraq, we will face a heavy penalty ourselves for any future aggression. Much of the responsibility would rest with us.

    For all those reasons, we have all made it clear to Saddam Hussein that he must withdraw. We have also made it clear that if he leaves Kuwait and returns within the borders of Iraq, force will not be used against him. Let me reiterate that point: if he voluntarily retreats and withdraws into Iraq, he will not be attacked there. But if he does not leave, force will be used and he will be expelled from Kuwait.

    Mr. Dalyell rose –

    The Prime Minister Will the hon. Gentleman forgive me?

    I hope that Saddam Hussein understands the sheer weight of the forces that are ranged against him and the scale of armour and equipment which the multinational alliance has at its disposal. If he realises that, he will also realise that he cannot win and that the only consequence of failing to withdraw is to bring about the destruction of his armed forces and great damage to his country.

    We do not want a conflict. We are not thirsting for war, but if it comes I believe that it would be a just war. However great the costs of such a war might be, they would be less than those that we would face if we failed to stand up for the principle of what is right, and to stand up for it now. I believe that if Iraq does not withdraw, the time has come to make a stand.

    But even now it is not too late for Saddam Hussein to relent and to pull out his forces. We have always seen the possibility that he will do that at the very last moment, but I must tell the House that we see no sign at present that that is likely. None the less, we must hope that he sees sense. We must hope that he does not force the allies to fight. But let him be under no misapprehension at all: if necessary, we will commit our forces to fight. From tomorrow, we are ready, with our allies, to do whatever is necessary to implement the resolutions of the United Nations in full to ensure that Iraqi forces leave Kuwait without condition, without delay and without reward.

    Over the months, we have worked for peace and we have hoped for peace; but we are prepared for war, and the choice must be Saddam Hussein’s.

  • Mr Major’s Statement at London Airport – 9 January 1991

    The text of Mr Major’s statement, made at London Airport on Wednesday 9th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I have only just heard the outcome of the talks today. Let me say I think it is extremely disappointing that no progress has been made in these talks in Geneva. Saddam Hussein has now had a considerable period of time – some months in fact – in order to reverse his aggression and to leave Kuwait. I think it is a very great shame indeed that he has chosen not to do so. The fact that he has not done so makes the position, I think, quite clear: it still is that the Security Council Resolutions are perfectly plain and they are still there for the international community to operate on.

    Saddam Hussein knows very clearly and has known for some time that after 15 January the military option remains to be used if necessary. It was perfectly clear to me in my talks with our Arab Allies over the past few days in the Gulf that they remain very firmly behind those particular Resolutions.

    There is, of course, still time for Saddam Hussein to rethink and to withdraw from Kuwait – I very much hope that he will be wise and that he will do so.

    Thank you very much indeed!

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION:

    Given what Saddam Hussein has said lately, Prime Minister, do you not now think that war is inevitable?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I do not think war is yet inevitable. Saddam Hussein still has time to rethink. He knows the resolution of all the Allies; he knows the force of the Security Council Resolutions; he will have heard that reinforced yet again over the last few days. I hope very much that when Tariq Aziz goes back to Baghdad and reports to Saddam Hussein, that he will realise that he cannot win a conflict and that he will withdraw. I very much hope that that is the case and I do not yet regard war as inevitable.

    QUESTION:

    Will this mark an end to diplomacy before the deadline?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We must wait and see precisely what happens. I don’t think there are negotiations to be had. That has been the position for a considerable period of time. There were no negotiations today. The position is perfectly plain and has been for a considerable period of time. Saddam Hussein has broken international law; he has invaded an innocent country; it is time for him to withdraw. The international community have set out their position perfectly clearly. I hope he will acknowledge that and I hope he will withdraw.

  • Mr Major’s Press Conference in Cairo – 9 January 1991

    The text of Mr Major’s press conference in Cairo, made on Wednesday 9th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    May I just say firstly how pleased I am to be able to be here today and how worthwhile and enjoyable I have found the discussion with President Mubarak, the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister.

    We have had the opportunity today, at a particularly important time, to review a range of matters but of course most noticeably the present crisis that exists as a result of Iraq’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait.

    I am delighted to say in our discussions that it is perfectly clear that the position of the British government and that of the Egyptian government is precisely and absolutely the same. I found an absolute determination amongst my Egyptian colleagues here that Saddam Hussein would have to withdraw from Kuwait and that the Security Council Resolutions would need to be implemented in full and speedily and there was absolutely no doubt in my mind that that is the very firm and resolute position of the Egyptian government.

    I would like to add. if I may, having spent in the last few days some time with the troops that are gathering together in Saudi Arabia at the moment, I would like to say how much the international community appreciates the very remarkable contribution that Egypt has made towards that international force, it was speedily delivered, was resolutely delivered, it is a very substantial contribution and I know on behalf of all the partners in these allied forces I would like to express my gratitude to the Egyptian government for the way and the speed in which they responded to the crisis that has arisen.

    I hope that these discussions we have had today will be a further indication on a very important day whilst discussions continue, as I understand they still are continuing, in Geneva, a further indication on a very important day that Saddam Hussein is entirely on his own in his defiance of world opinion and his continued occupation of Kuwait. I think the discussions we have today have reinforced that particular view and I am delighted that I had the opportunity of coming here to have them.

    We were also able to look at a number of bilateral matters in general terms and President Mubarak was kind and generous enough to suggest that at an appropriate time I might care again to make a further and longer visit. And the bilateral relations at the moment between Britain and Egypt are excellent, I am very keen for us to build upon those and I hope at a suitable time I will be able to take up that most generous offer.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION (Barney Mason – BBC):

    Prime Minister, you have been quoted as saying in Saudi Arabia that it would be better to deal with Saddam Hussein now rather than further down the road when he has got nuclear weapons. In view of that and in view of the dangers that have been stressed by and taken seriously by some experts recently about an ecological disaster if there is a war, I am talking about the reports of deep mining and oil wells and the consequences of that, do you think that that makes it much more difficult to go to war now, is that a constraint?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think the first thing is that I should make it absolutely clear that nobody wants to go to war now, we want the matter settled by Saddam Hussein withdrawing out of Kuwait and going back to Iraq, that is the way ideally we would have it settled and it can be settled that way providing he is prepared to do it. The impediment to peace is Saddam Hussein and not the allies who are there. Clearly if it came to a conflict there would be ecological difficulties, it is undeniable that there would be some difficulties. But I think that those assessments of them that I have thus far seen have been very dramatically over-stated indeed. I think that is undoubtedly the case.

    But nonetheless there is a difficulty, as a result of what has happened in Kuwait, that needs to be dealt with and I think that is generally understood. So although one is concerned about the environmental impact of any conflict anywhere, not just here, any conflict anywhere, it is necessary to deal with this problem and the sooner it is done the better. I hope very much that it can be done peaceably, but that alas is not in our hands.

    QUESTION (ABC News):

    Do you think a change of alliances would happen in the Middle East if Israel was involved in the Gulf crisis or any military confrontation?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not believe Israel is going to be involved in it, Israel have kept well clear of it, I think that is right, the matter is going to be dealt with by the allied forces who are here if it is not dealt with by Saddam Hussein voluntarily withdrawing. So I hope and believe the situation that you envisage will not arise.

    QUESTION (Pat Neil, CNN):

    What have you and Mr Mubarak worked out or discussed about Post-Gulf crisis arrangements for security in the Arab region?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have not worked anything out because that is a matter for discussion with a large number of Gulf rulers as well. I have had the opportunity in the last few days of discussing with a number of Gulf rulers the position that will apply at the end of this crisis, for clearly there will be difficulties however it ends, and I think there is a general understanding that the Gulf Cooperation Council will need to examine what the security needs of the area are and they will then wish to examine no doubt with other powers as well the way in which the security of the area can be guaranteed.

    But there is a great deal of discussion and consideration to be developed before we can make any positive judgment as to how the matter might be dealt with. And of course the lead in that must necessarily come from the Arab nations themselves and that is a matter I discussed this morning with President Mubarak but because of the fact that this is only very much in its preliminary stages we did not reach firm conclusions as to what the outcome will be.

    That there is a matter to be discussed we are agreed upon and think that is the view of the other Arab leaders as well and it is something that will in my judgment become a matter of increasing importance and attention as the year progresses.

    QUESTION:

    As a follow-up, what role would the United States play in the broad area?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is a matter to be determined after the Gulf Cooperation Council and others have considered the matter, it is far too early to say what anyone’s role is, either the host Arab nations or the role of any other non-Arab nation at a later stage, it is far too early to contemplate that. What it is not too early to do is to identify the problem, identify the difficulty and make sure that the work is actually put in hand and the thinking that needs to be done is under way.

    QUESTION (Arab News):

    Dr Meguid [phon], I would like to ask you, in case of war has Egypt stated its position if Israel takes part in the war, will they withdraw their forces or will they actually fight alongside the Israeli soldiers?

    DR MEGUID:

    I am sorry but I think we have agreed that this press conference is the privilege of the Prime Minister so I will not answer questions.

    QUESTION:

    May I direct it to Mr Prime Minister, have you discussed this with President Mubarak?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think as I said a few moments ago, that is not a circumstance that either we or anybody else envisage happening, I do not think the Israelis are going to become involved in this conflict, certainly not unilaterally, I hope they are not going to become involved in this conflict in any way. That has been the position thus far and we hope very much the matter is going to be settled either peaceably with Saddam Hussein withdrawing or by the allied forces.

    QUESTION:

    If I may press, Sir, have you discussed the possibility?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You may press but I have nothing further to say.

    QUESTION:

    In view of the Labour Party’s increasing emphasis on the importance of not rushing into a war, do you think that British public opinion is behind military action soon after the 15th?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think British public opinion has been very resolute so far and not only British public opinion, opinion in the House of Commons as well. It is after all only a few days ago that we had a debate in the House of Commons on the subject of the Gulf, after the Security Council Resolutions were passed, and the impact of the Security Council Resolutions were known and the majority in the House of Commons for the government’s posture was a majority of over 400, an almost unprecedented majority. So I think that not only is there a very secure majority for it in the House of Commons, I have no reason whatsoever to doubt that that very strong opinion is held in the country at large.

    QUESTION:

    For early military action?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Security Council Resolutions are quite clear, the Security Council Resolutions say there will be no action before the 15th, after that it is a matter to be considered and there is no doubt in anyone’s mind as to the resolution of the allied nations.

  • Mr Major’s Press Conference in Eastern Saudi Arabia – 8 January 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s press statement and questions and answers, held in the desert in Eastern Saudi Arabia on Tuesday 8th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Let me just say, amongst the principal reasons I came here was to have a look for myself and to satisfy myself what the conditions were, what the equipment was like, and to actually see conditions on the ground and both talk to our Commanders and to as many of the men as possible who are actually out here at the present time. I have found it thus far an extremely useful and worthwhile exercise and I am extremely pleased I came.

    As you know, yesterday I had talks with the Emir of Kuwait, last evening I had a lengthy discussion with King Fahd of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and they were both extremely useful and worthwhile occasions.

    There seems to me to be no doubt in anyone’s mind amongst the allies precisely why we are here or what it may be necessary to do. We still hope very much indeed that there is the possibility of a peaceful conclusion to this matter, that is our preferred outcome, we hope that that may yet emerge from the discussions which Mr Baker will have with Tariq Aziz later this week.

    But what is entirely clear is that if a peaceful settlement is not possible that can only be because Saddam Hussein does not obey the Security Council Resolutions and if he does not those resolutions are quite clear and if he enters into a conflict that is a conflict of course that he cannot possibly win.

    In my discussions thus far I have concentrated not only on the immediate problems that we face in front of us in terms of the invasion and occupation of Kuwait, but also on the security matters that will need to be considered after this matter is over in whatever way it happens to be concluded. These are very much preliminary discussions in terms of future security arrangements, but it seemed to me it was important to consider those now and this has provided a very useful and worthwhile opportunity to do so.

    You will know that insofar as the troops are concerned we have now issued respirators, indeed I suspect all of you are carrying them as well, we have done that because of the nature of weapons that we know that Iraq have, and against the possibility that they would actually seek to use those weapons we will certainly seek to ensure that the troops have whatever equipment they may need to ensure their security and safety and to do the job that they have been sent here to do.

    So I think those are the general introductory remarks that I would wish to make to you and I will endeavour to answer any questions you may have.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION (Alex Thompson, Channel 4 News):
    Many people perhaps are a little confused, they say that there have been many instances of countries being invaded by other aggressor nations and Britain has not sent troops to those situations. Can you explain to the British people what it is that makes the Kuwait situation different?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think there are a variety of things that make the Kuwait situation particularly important and indeed I took the opportunity of saying that to those troops I had the opportunity of speaking to this morning. Firstly, the nature of the invasion of Kuwait, entirely unprovoked, by a large aggressor against a small defenceless country was in itself objectionable and unacceptable. Secondly, what has actually happened in Kuwait and continues to happen in Kuwait daily in terms of the treatment of the inhabitants of Kuwait has been very carefully documented not least by the Amnesty International Report, that is a chilling report and that too is entirely unacceptable and needs to be reversed.

    But beyond that I think there are some wider issues as well. If on this occasion, when the whole of the world is actually combined against Saddam Hussein as an aggressor, the aggressor were to get away with it, how many other small defenceless countries elsewhere around the world with an aggressive neighbour might face a similar problem in the future? I think the sheer force of world opinion requires that we do not let Saddam Hussein get away with it, not just to free Kuwait – important and vital though that is – but also to send a lesson to other people that this is not a way they can behave.

    The wider point of course if I can add it as well is the difficulties there may be if this matter were not to be resolved satisfactorily now, we may have a much bigger problem on our hands in two or three years time. So I think for those and other reasons that I could expand upon if you invited me to, there are a raft of good reasons why the international community has acted as it has done. And if I may add this final point, it has done so with a wholly remarkable consistency of purpose, as you have seen in the Security Council Resolutions.

    QUESTION (Peter Sale, Reuters):

    Could you describe to us your ideas for a regional security network or how you see a regional security network evolving after the current Gulf crisis, do you see a permanent Western presence in that and if so how will you deal with Iran’s current objections to that?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I do not think that is by any means the only way in which the matter can be dealt with. But the purpose of raising it privately with the Arab leaders at the moment is to begin to appreciate the sensitivities that are involved as well as the logistical problems that are involved so that we may be better informed when these discussions begin in earnest at a later stage. I think there are a variety of options that one may consider when one looks at a security pattern for the region as a whole, but if you will forgive me, I will not speculate on those at the moment.

    QUESTION (Alistair Campbell, Daily Mirror):

    Have the military asked you for anything specifically, can you tell us what it is and are you likely to give it to them?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No they have not asked me for anything specifically but I have found out a great deal that has been useful and interesting that I shall follow up back in London.

    QUESTION (Charles Richards, Independent):

    You said that the invasion of Kuwait was unforgivable, does that mean that even if Saddam Hussein does withdraw from Kuwait he will have to be punished in some way?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have made it perfectly clear, and I am happy to reiterate it, that if he stays in Kuwait he will be expelled, but if he withdraws to Iraq he will not be attacked within Iraq. We have made that clear and so have the other members of the Allied Forces and I am happy to reiterate that.

    QUESTION (UPI):

    You told the troops that the purpose of the Baker meeting with Tang Aziz is not to negotiate and not to do any deals. You sound almost as warlike as Dan Quayle did last week, is there any room for him to get out?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We want him to get out, that is entirely right, that is exactly what we want him to do. But if Saddam Hussein is concerned about the deadline, as we now hear yesterday he may be, then he has it within his own hands, he can start moving out straight away, he should never have moved in and he should move out.

    But if you have in mind that a partial withdrawal or something of that sort would be acceptable, then I must say to you I do not believe it is acceptable. Firstly because if somebody ransacks and burgles your house I doubt that you would find it acceptable if he maintained control of half of it. But secondly because the wider principle is this; if he does gain anything from this aggression, despite the opposition, the universal opposition to him, then other people may feel they could act in the same way elsewhere and likewise gain something from it. And I think given the increased force of the United Nations and the unprecedented nature of world opinion, we cannot permit him to do that when we have an opportunity to make clear to everyone that this is unacceptable behaviour and the international community will not accept it.

    QUESTION:

    Just to follow up, you do not seem to leave any option except for war after 15 January if he does not go out?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    He knows very well what the Security Council Resolutions say and what I have been saying is a reaffirmation of the Security Council Resolutions that have such unprecedented force. Saddam Hussein should read those resolutions and he should understand that we are serious about enforcing them.

    BEN BROWN (BBC TV NEWS):

    Can you say something about the mood of the men you met today, the morale, and whether you heard any complaints or criticisms from them?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I had quite an opportunity both to talk to them but more importantly than that, to listen to them. You saw the mood of the men; you saw what good heart they were in; you saw what the morale was – I must say it is very remarkable indeed, both amongst those who have been here for some time and also those who have just arrived and I met a lot of young troops from Lancashire who have arrived here just in the last month or so and their morale was very high indeed. I asked them what conditions were like here; I must say, I did not pick up a lot of complaints; I picked up some suggestions and I will take those suggestions back and discuss them in London.

    BEN BROWN:

    Can you tell us what suggestions they were?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I will discuss those first in London and then discuss them with Tom King.

    QUESTION:

    Can you give a hint – food?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, no! The food was fine. Food, they said, is fine depending upon the cook! It seemed to me from all I heard that it was a good deal better than the House of Commons!

    TREVOR KAVANAGH (THE SUN):

    Was one of the complaints the lack of information, newspapers, access to radio? This was the complaint made to us.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, nobody has made that complaint at all. There was certainly some comment from the troops but this was a very favourable comment about the amount of equipment, newspapers and other matter that had been sent over the Christmas period not just by the Government but by lots of other people as well and there was a very considerable degree of pleasure at that, but I heard no complaints of the sort you envisage.

    ROBIN OAKLEY (THE TIMES):

    Can you confirm specifically that there will be no diminution in the degree of force to be used against Saddam Hussein if there is a partial withdrawal?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    A partial withdrawal is not acceptable and a partial withdrawal will have to be followed by expulsion until it becomes a full withdrawal. There is no compromise on that.

    QUESTION:

    Is it fair to say on that point that the partial withdrawal remains the one greatest problem you have as you have toured around this region – that is the one conundrum which you find it most difficult to solve?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I don’t know that it is a conundrum and it would be solved in the manner I have just described. We do not know whether that will occur or not. I hope that the message has finally got through to the Iraqis, the two messages, really, that are critical:

    Firstly, that the Allies are serious; and secondly, that the Iraqis cannot win. Providing those two messages have gone home, as I hope they have, then I think we must look to Saddam Hussein to withdraw wholly. In those circumstances, there is no point on his behalf in a partial withdrawal and I must absolutely reiterate there is no point in him trying for a partial withdrawal because we shall enforce it until it is a full withdrawal.

    QUESTION (ARAB DAILY NEWSPAPER):

    Saddam Hussein is asking for a solution to the Middle East problem if you are looking for a solution to the Gulf crisis. What are your comments on that?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We shall be looking at the wider Middle East thereafter, as indeed we were before and we have made that perfectly clear. A solution to the wider Middle East problem is being held up by this particular side event at the moment, by this particular invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein. The wider problems of the Middle East will continue to be addressed as soon as this is over – they are very important.

    SAME MAN:

    After the withdrawal?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    After the withdrawal.

    MALCOLM CARMICHAEL (AGENCE FRANCE PRESS):

    In describing the reasons why the British and other troops are here, you omitted to mention the strategic value of the region and I was wondering why?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I could have added another five or six reasons why they were here but I set out the reasons that actually brought people here after the invasion and I think they are very important reasons and they were the underlying reasons why the Security Council Resolutions got such support.

    RICHARD WILLING (DETROIT NEWS):

    Mr. Prime Minister, if Saddam Hussein does not withdraw his troops from Kuwait by 15 January, should the nation and people of Iraq consider themselves targets of the Allied Forces or will the force be restricted to the area that you identified today as wanting delivery, i.e. Kuwait?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not going to speculate on what may happen after the 15th if Saddam Hussein does not withdraw; I do not think that would be fair to our troops, I do not think it would be fair to anybody else and I do not propose to do it. I am not going to comment.

    RICK SALENGER (CNN LONDON BUREAU):

    Prime Minister, after talking to the troops today, have you come across with a feeling similar to what we have received from them that they want to get the job done now and go home, that that would be preferable than waiting perhaps even longer for some peace negotiations to succeed?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I did not especially get that feeling but then I suppose everybody would pick up their own vibes from those they speak to. But certainly, that was not especially a feeling that I got.

    I did get a feeling of very considerable resolution amongst the troops I met; they know what they are here for; they know what they may have to do; they are extremely professional, extremely well-trained and they are prepared to do it if necessary

    MIGUEL MORENO (CATALAN TV, SPAIN):

    Prime Minister, I want to know if Saddam Hussein is going to use chemical weapons you are agreed to use nuclear weapons?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have plenty of weapons short of that and we have no plans of the sort you envisage and we hope it is perfectly clear to Saddam Hussein firstly that our men will be well-protected against chemical weapons – he would be very unwise to do that. I hope he will not do that; I hope he will actually have the sense to make a peaceful withdrawal but we have plenty of weapons short of those you mention.

    MIGUEL MORENO:

    I know you enjoy your holidays in Spain. I want to know what you think about Spanish collaboration, bringing some aeroplanes to the British Air Force.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I certainly enjoy my holidays in Candeleda and I hope to continue to do so and I am pleased to see the Spanish cooperation.

    ADAM BOULTON (SKY NEWS):

    Prime Minister, are you effectively saying in so many words that unless a real withdrawal starts by this time next week, there will be war?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The situation is perfectly clear, Adam. The situation is as set out in the Security Council Resolutions and I am underlining that precisely, absolutely and not going beyond that.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the Gulf – 6 January 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the Gulf, made in an interview on a VC10 to the Gulf on 6th January 1991.


    QUESTION:
    [Mr Major was asked why he was going to the Gulf].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    There are several reasons why I particularly want to go.

    Firstly, I want, of course, to discuss with all our Arab allies how they see the present events and what may happen of course after this matter is over for there will be a great deal to be done then.

    I want to see our own troops and our own British personnel who are there; I want to satisfy myself that they have the equipment that they need, that they are in good heart and good morale and I want to take the opportunity of explaining to them why they are there and how important is is we think that they are there to put right the dreadful wrong that thus far has been done to Kuwait.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked what he thought would happen in the following weeks].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not think anyone can be certain what is going to happen. Clearly, we would like this matter to be resolved without a conflict. We would like Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait and go back to Iraq. We have made it absolutely clear to him that if he does that, he will not be attacked within Iraq – that is absolutely clear and I hope he fully understands that – but whether or not there is a conflict is now up to him. We hope there will not be, but if he does not withdraw, then I fear there will be.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked that since the UN deadline was approaching, would war be inevitable].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think it was always likely that it would be at the very end of this time-scale before Saddam Hussein withdraws if indeed he does, so I certainly do not give up hope of him withdrawing and I hope very much he will see reason and will do so.

    He cannot win a conflict; that must be clear to him. The sheer scale of the Allied forces there and the Allied air power means that he cannot win, that must be clear to him and I hope he will withdraw. He still has some time to do so. I hope he will make use of that time and withdraw speedily.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if there would be a problem about whether the Allied troops would ready for war].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No. I am informed that the Allies are very well prepared for war if that should prove to be necessary; I will have the opportunity of seeing that for myself over the next few days.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on Iraq – 22 December 1990

    The text of Mr Major’s comments on Iraq, made in Washington on Saturday 22nd December 1990.


    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked whether he had any doubts about the US President’s use of military action in Iraq].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I am in no doubt at all. The President, like everyone else, would prefer the matter to be peacefully settled but indeed, I have no doubt whatsoever about the ultimate commitment to force.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked why sanctions wouldn’t work instead of using force].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think you have to consider firstly what is happening day by day in Kuwait. You are seeing the dismantlement of a country that at present is being run rather like a prison camp, so I think that is not an argument for excessive delay. Equally, of course, there are Security Council Resolutions and I think they should be observed.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked why sanctions couldn’t be given longer].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Sanctions have had a chance to work. I think you should address those questions to Saddam Hussein and invite him to withdraw. It is he who invaded Kuwait; it is he who is dismantling it; it is he who can bring the matter speedily to a peaceful conclusion.

    QUESTION:

    [Mr Major was asked if he was committed to a war if it were necessary].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We must hope that it proves not to be necessary and I think we must hope that Saddam Hussein will come to his senses and withdraw but there is no doubt that if he does not withdraw voluntarily, then he will have to be made to withdraw involuntarily.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 11 December 1990

    The text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 11th December 1990.


    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Gulf Crisis

    Mr. Dalyell : To ask the Prime Minister whether any disciplinary action is proposed against Brigadier Patrick Cordingley in respect of public statements about potential casualties in the event of resort to a military option in the Gulf.

    The Prime Minister : No.

     

    Iraq (Supergun)

    Mr. Caborn : To ask the Prime Minister which Government Departments were consulted about the orders for Iraq placed in 1988 by Walter Somers and Forgemasters.

    The Prime Minister : In the case of Walter Somers, the Department of Trade and Industry and the Ministry of Defence were involved. For the licence application made by Sheffield Forgemasters only DTI was involved.

     

    Nature Conservation

    Mr. Dalyell : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on the representations he has had from staff of the Nature Conservancy Council in Peterborough and Huntingdon about the break-up of the Nature Conservancy Council.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 10 December 1990] : In my capacity as the Member for Huntingdon, I received several letters and other representations from constituents employed by the Nature Conservancy Council about the planned reorganisation of the council. I have responded to those representations.

     

    Science Policy

    Dr. Bray : To ask the Prime Minister if he intends to take the overall responsibility for science policy; if he proposes to chair the Advisory Council on Science and Technology and the Cabinet Committee on Science and Technology; and what arrangements he proposes to make for overall ministerial responsibility for science policy.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 10 December 1990] : My intention is to continue the arrangements set out in the White Paper, “Civil Research and Development” (CM 185) of July 1987. In particular there will be collective ministerial consideration, under my chairmanship, of science and technology policy and priorities and the provision of independent advice from the Advisory Council on Science and Technology (ACOST), chaired by Sir Robin Nicholson FRS.