The Rt. Hon. Sir John Major KG CH

Tag: Jewish Community

  • Mr Major’s Speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews – 12 February 1997

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews, held at the Hilton Hotel in London on Wednesday 12th February 1997.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is just under four years since Norma and I last had the pleasure of dining with the Board of Deputies – and we’re delighted to be here again. It is also a great pleasure to see His Majesty King Hussein and Queen Noor as fellow guests this evening. In the quest for peace in the Middle East, over very many years, the King’s record is unmatched.

    A lot has happened in the world since I was last with you, and nowhere more so than in the Middle East. We’ve seen:

    – the Oslo peace agreements – hope that a final settlement is within reach;

    – the first-ever Palestinian elections;

    – the murder of Yitzak Rabin;

    – elections and a new government in Israel;

    – murderous, terrorist attacks on both Israeli and Arab;

    – and, most recently, the Hebron Agreement.

    Some big set-backs. But also some major advances on the road to peace. And some tragedies – none perhaps more painful for the people of Israel than the terrible helicopter crash last week. I know how dreadfully the loss of so many young lives will weigh on the whole community there, and here. We all share in your sorrow at this terrible accident.

    I know you will share my relief that the negotiations on Hebron were successfully concluded last month. This is a major step forward. I hope it will also prove to be a turning point in the peace process.

    Enormous efforts went into the negotiations. The international community has given unstinting support to the process. The American role has been crucial and I pay tribute to their efforts.

    Of course, the UK and the European Union are not directly involved in the peace negotiations. But we remain determined supporters. We provide substantial aid, both bilaterally and through the European Union, to support peace – and we will continue to do so.

    We are giving substantial aid to the Palestinians this year. It is in everyone’s interests that we do so. A prosperous Palestinian economy would make a major contribution to peace.

    Lynda Chalker was in the region a couple of weeks ago. She had a good look at how our existing assistance is helping and also announced a water and sewerage project for Hebron – the first project since the agreement. This is important because I doubt the Palestinian track would have made such progress without the efforts of international donors and I believe continuing help will be necessary.

    Perhaps the most significant outside involvement has come from within the Middle East. I know that both King Hussein and President Mubarak played decisive roles in bringing the two sides to agreement. The King’s last-minute intervention helped to resolve the final differences between the two sides. Let me say to His Majesty:- you left us with a lasting image of bold peace-brokering. Your commitment to the peace process provides a model of statesmanship and I warmly congratulate you upon it.

    But of course, none of this outside effort would have come to anything, if Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Arafat had not been willing to go the extra mile to find agreement. I am delighted that Mr. Netanyahu was able to take forward this part of the Oslo accords. I am sorry he was unable to join us tonight, but I know that his Government has only a slim majority in Parliament. He is attacked either for giving away too much in international negotiations or not enough. I sympathise. I know how he feels! But I am convinced he was right to reach an agreement on Hebron.

    A majority in Israel clearly thinks so too. The Knesset passed the Hebron deal by 87 votes to 17. Opinion polls show two-thirds of the Israeli public in favour. People claimed last year’s election result showed that Israel was divided. But a clear majority in Israel supports the Oslo accords; and supports progress to peace.

    Peace in the Middle East must become lasting. If hopes were to fall away now, bitterness would be redoubled. So there is much still to be done.

    – the Hebron deal must be implemented. Some tricky issues remain, including the extent of redeployment from the West Bank and also settlements. I hope both sides will approach these with imagination and flexibility.

    – other agreed steps must be carried out. Free passage between Gaza and the West Bank, and the opening of Gaza port and airport would rapidly help the economic regeneration of the area. This is vital. If you make people better off, you give them a stake in peace. You strengthen the peace constituency. Leave them poor and many will feel they have little or nothing to lose if peace goes – our interest must be to remove the breeding grounds for terrorism.

    – the rest of the Interim Agreement between Israel and the Palestinians needs to be implemented faithfully by both sides, in spirit as well as in letter. I understand Israel released a number of female Palestinian prisoners yesterday, as promised. I warmly welcome this example of good faith.

    – the Palestinians must live up to their commitments on security. There has been some progress since last year’s bombing campaign. For example, over recent months the Palestinian and Israeli security forces have co-operated well. The threat from extremists in Palestinian territories seems to have receded. This is welcome news. But continued vigilance is needed against those who seek to derail the peace process through violence and terrorism.

    The Hebron deal also clears the way for final status talks to re-start. Frankly, we know these will not be easy. But I am encouraged that there have been cross-party discussions in Israel of final status issues. I welcome these first steps. A final agreement will require flexibility and a recognition of the aspirations of both sides. No options should be ruled out at this stage. In the meantime, the two sides must continue to build trust and confidence.

    There can be no final peace in the Middle East without a peace between Syria and Israel. The Israeli Government has expressed its wish to resume negotiations with Syria. The Syrians have also said they want to get back to the negotiating table. I very much hope a way can be found to bridge their current differences.

    I have already mentioned Your Majesty’s role in the Hebron Agreement. I hope Jordan reaps the dividends of peace she deserves. We are trying to secure a fair economic agreement between Jordan and the European Union. I hope we will be successful. I hope also that investment and trade between Jordan and Israel will increase, following their recent agreements.

    Britain and Israel have been friends for a long time. Our historical ties go back to the time of the British Mandate for Palestine and the creation of the State of Israel. Our friendship is based on mutual understanding and trust. It encompasses all the areas one would expect:

    – a political relationship, which allows us to exchange views with honesty and frankness; and we do;

    – a wide variety of cultural links, where you, the Jewish community in Britain, are rightly at the fore – deepening and broadening our ties with Israel;

    – and a commercial relationship that has put Israel in the top echelon of Britain’s trading partners; with bilateral trade now over two billion pounds a year.

    Later this month, President Weizman will pay a State Visit at the invitation of Her Majesty The Queen. It will be an historic occasion. The first ever State Visit to Britain by an Israeli President. And President and Mrs Weizman’s British connections – especially his service with the RAF during the war and her work in Britain with Holocaust survivors immediately afterwards – make their visit all the more welcome. I look forward to receiving them. I am sure the visit will highlight the close and warm relationship Britain and Israel now share.

    I have already mentioned the role the Jewish community in Britain plays in expanding our ties with Israel. But your contribution to British life is invaluable.

    Last month I gave a speech to members of the Conservative Party from the ethnic minorities. I told them that my aim was to make Britain the best place in the world to live. By that I meant a Britain that is tolerant. A Britain that is at ease with itself. And a Britain where everyone has the opportunity to make a success of life, regardless of colour, race, creed, or background. Black and white. African and Asian. Jew and Christian, Moslem and Hindu.

    Opportunity for all can only be assured through national prosperity. You all know how healthy our economy now is: we have strong growth, low inflation and rapidly falling unemployment. I appreciate hugely the Jewish Community’s contribution to Britain’s economic life. I am sure you will also benefit from the uniquely favourable position in which we now find ourselves.

    Choice in education is one of the cornerstones of my vision of Britain. Many Jewish parents would like their children to receive a Jewish education. I understand this. Britain has a long tradition of schools catering for particular religions within the state sector. We have worked hard on this issue. There has been an increase in the number of Jewish schools. And more are planned and I welcome this.

    We must protect the diversity of our country. We have a good record of racial tolerance in Britain. It is one of the better places in the world to live. The Race Relations Act and the Public Order Act give a high level of protection. But I’m not complacent.

    I know many of you are concerned about the activities of people who deny that the Holocaust took place. As I said in the House of Commons yesterday, I understand the hurt, offence and distress of those who suffered, or whose families suffered at that time. I want to take account of the views of the Jewish Community.

    I believe such bigotry is best confronted with calm reason and education.

    That’s why the National Curriculum requires all 11-14 year olds to be taught about the Holocaust.

    That’s why the Imperial War Museum is preparing a permanent exhibition on it.

    We are keeping a close eye on this issue. I am determined that, with the help of such measures, the significance of the Holocaust will never be forgotten.

    This is also why I am personally committed to the European Year Against Racism and will launch it in this country later this month. At the moment, the proposed European Centre to Monitor Racism and Xenophobia would not be able to gather information on racial harassment and violence. That is clearly unsatisfactory. We are therefore discussing this issue with our European partners. I want an effective Centre established as soon as possible.

    The Government cannot legislate away the actions of every wayward individual. But we can, and will, do our utmost to prevent organised activities against the Jewish – or any other – community in Britain. I know that many of you are concerned about groups such as Hizb ut-Tahrir. Our universities provide young people the opportunity to express their views. But there is no excuse for the intimidation and harassment of innocent students.

    So I welcome the steps university authorities have taken to curb the activities of Hizb ut-Tahrir and their supporters. The Committee of Vice Chancellors and Principals are considering what advice they can give to universities faced with groups which incite racial, religious or political hatred.

    The police and courts have a number of powers to restrict such activities. Intentional harassment is already a criminal offence. And the proposed Protection from Harassment Bill will give the authorities even greater powers to deal with these problems. The Bill should become law next month.

    Terrorism is an evil that threatens civilised society across the world. The people of Northern Ireland, the police and the security forces have to live day in day out with the threat of IRA violence. Hamas and others have attempted to derail the peace process in the Middle East with their murderous attacks. Such violence can never be rewarded. No-one can be allowed to bomb, kill, or maim their way to the negotiating table. And those who are involved in making peace cannot allow themselves to be deflected from this path by violence.

    We all remember the horrific assassination attempt against Shlomo Argov in 1982. The memory of the bombings of the Israeli Embassy and Balfour House in 1994 is still fresh.

    Fortunately, at least some of the perpetrators were caught. They have now been given long sentences by the courts. Quite right too.

    The Government is committed to combating any terrorist activity in the UK. We will not allow Britain to be used as a base by those who support terrorism overseas. That is why the police and Security Service give such a high priority to countering the activities of those trying to organise, or fund terrorism from the UK. Let no-one doubt our resolve in this. Where we have proof of wrong-doing, we will not hesitate to act.

    Like so many other issues, terrorism has become a problem spanning national boundaries. Terrorist groups may be active in one country, have their headquarters in another, recruit their members in a third and raise their funds in a fourth. An individual country cannot tackle them on its own. Effective international action against terrorism is therefore essential.

    Britain is at the fore of international efforts. The Group of Seven industrialised nations and Russia held a Counter-Terrorism Summit last July. We put forward three ideas:

    – we suggested all countries look at their legislation against terrorism to see if it needed strengthening. Lord Lloyd has already looked at ours and we are considering his recommendations. We will do so speedily.

    – we proposed a new UN Declaration on Terrorism. As a result, a Declaration was agreed by the UN General Assembly in December. It will help to prevent terrorists, including people planning, funding, or inciting terrorism, from finding refuge abroad.

    – finally, we suggested a Directory of counter-terrorist “centres of excellence”. We have already ensured there is an EU directory. One covering G7 countries and Russia should be established later this year. They will enhance practical international co-operation. Those involved in combating terrorism will be able to share expertise and experience more easily and effectively.

    Let me conclude by leaving you with three final thoughts. The right to live in peace – without fear of violence from any quarter – is one of the most fundamental rights of all. The Peace Process seeks to give the people of the Middle East that right. It is a lesson to us all. It shows that sworn enemies can work together. We must pray that it continues until a final settlement is reached.

    Here in Britain, we have many different peoples. My vision of Britain is one where this country is home for them all. Where they can live without fear of violence. Where Britain is the best place in the world to live.

    While we strive to improve our own country, we do not forget the trials and tribulations of our friends around the world. That is why we will continue to join the Government of Israel, the Palestinian authorities and fellow Governments in the Arab world in their efforts to find a solution to the Middle East conflict. Israel, Jordan and the Palestinians may sometimes feel alone as they search for that settlement, but they aren’t.

    They will have all the support we can offer them, as a Government, as a nation and as friends. That is why I am delighted to be here tonight.

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews, held at the Hilton Hotel in London on Wednesday 12th February 1997.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is just under four years since Norma and I last had the pleasure of dining with the Board of Deputies – and we’re delighted to be here again. It is also a great pleasure to see His Majesty King Hussein and Queen Noor as fellow guests this evening. In the quest for peace in the Middle East, over very many years, the King’s record is unmatched.

    A lot has happened in the world since I was last with you, and nowhere more so than in the Middle East. We’ve seen:

    – the Oslo peace agreements – hope that a final settlement is within reach;

    – the first-ever Palestinian elections;

    – the murder of Yitzak Rabin;

    – elections and a new government in Israel;

    – murderous, terrorist attacks on both Israeli and Arab;

    – and, most recently, the Hebron Agreement.

    Some big set-backs. But also some major advances on the road to peace. And some tragedies – none perhaps more painful for the people of Israel than the terrible helicopter crash last week. I know how dreadfully the loss of so many young lives will weigh on the whole community there, and here. We all share in your sorrow at this terrible accident.

    I know you will share my relief that the negotiations on Hebron were successfully concluded last month. This is a major step forward. I hope it will also prove to be a turning point in the peace process.

    Enormous efforts went into the negotiations. The international community has given unstinting support to the process. The American role has been crucial and I pay tribute to their efforts.

    Of course, the UK and the European Union are not directly involved in the peace negotiations. But we remain determined supporters. We provide substantial aid, both bilaterally and through the European Union, to support peace – and we will continue to do so.

    We are giving substantial aid to the Palestinians this year. It is in everyone’s interests that we do so. A prosperous Palestinian economy would make a major contribution to peace.

    Lynda Chalker was in the region a couple of weeks ago. She had a good look at how our existing assistance is helping and also announced a water and sewerage project for Hebron – the first project since the agreement. This is important because I doubt the Palestinian track would have made such progress without the efforts of international donors and I believe continuing help will be necessary.

    Perhaps the most significant outside involvement has come from within the Middle East. I know that both King Hussein and President Mubarak played decisive roles in bringing the two sides to agreement. The King’s last-minute intervention helped to resolve the final differences between the two sides. Let me say to His Majesty:- you left us with a lasting image of bold peace-brokering. Your commitment to the peace process provides a model of statesmanship and I warmly congratulate you upon it.

    But of course, none of this outside effort would have come to anything, if Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Arafat had not been willing to go the extra mile to find agreement. I am delighted that Mr. Netanyahu was able to take forward this part of the Oslo accords. I am sorry he was unable to join us tonight, but I know that his Government has only a slim majority in Parliament. He is attacked either for giving away too much in international negotiations or not enough. I sympathise. I know how he feels! But I am convinced he was right to reach an agreement on Hebron.

    A majority in Israel clearly thinks so too. The Knesset passed the Hebron deal by 87 votes to 17. Opinion polls show two-thirds of the Israeli public in favour. People claimed last year’s election result showed that Israel was divided. But a clear majority in Israel supports the Oslo accords; and supports progress to peace.

    Peace in the Middle East must become lasting. If hopes were to fall away now, bitterness would be redoubled. So there is much still to be done.

    – the Hebron deal must be implemented. Some tricky issues remain, including the extent of redeployment from the West Bank and also settlements. I hope both sides will approach these with imagination and flexibility.

    – other agreed steps must be carried out. Free passage between Gaza and the West Bank, and the opening of Gaza port and airport would rapidly help the economic regeneration of the area. This is vital. If you make people better off, you give them a stake in peace. You strengthen the peace constituency. Leave them poor and many will feel they have little or nothing to lose if peace goes – our interest must be to remove the breeding grounds for terrorism.

    – the rest of the Interim Agreement between Israel and the Palestinians needs to be implemented faithfully by both sides, in spirit as well as in letter. I understand Israel released a number of female Palestinian prisoners yesterday, as promised. I warmly welcome this example of good faith.

    – the Palestinians must live up to their commitments on security. There has been some progress since last year’s bombing campaign. For example, over recent months the Palestinian and Israeli security forces have co-operated well. The threat from extremists in Palestinian territories seems to have receded. This is welcome news. But continued vigilance is needed against those who seek to derail the peace process through violence and terrorism.

    The Hebron deal also clears the way for final status talks to re-start. Frankly, we know these will not be easy. But I am encouraged that there have been cross-party discussions in Israel of final status issues. I welcome these first steps. A final agreement will require flexibility and a recognition of the aspirations of both sides. No options should be ruled out at this stage. In the meantime, the two sides must continue to build trust and confidence.

    There can be no final peace in the Middle East without a peace between Syria and Israel. The Israeli Government has expressed its wish to resume negotiations with Syria. The Syrians have also said they want to get back to the negotiating table. I very much hope a way can be found to bridge their current differences.

    I have already mentioned Your Majesty’s role in the Hebron Agreement. I hope Jordan reaps the dividends of peace she deserves. We are trying to secure a fair economic agreement between Jordan and the European Union. I hope we will be successful. I hope also that investment and trade between Jordan and Israel will increase, following their recent agreements.

    Britain and Israel have been friends for a long time. Our historical ties go back to the time of the British Mandate for Palestine and the creation of the State of Israel. Our friendship is based on mutual understanding and trust. It encompasses all the areas one would expect:

    – a political relationship, which allows us to exchange views with honesty and frankness; and we do;

    – a wide variety of cultural links, where you, the Jewish community in Britain, are rightly at the fore – deepening and broadening our ties with Israel;

    – and a commercial relationship that has put Israel in the top echelon of Britain’s trading partners; with bilateral trade now over two billion pounds a year.

    Later this month, President Weizman will pay a State Visit at the invitation of Her Majesty The Queen. It will be an historic occasion. The first ever State Visit to Britain by an Israeli President. And President and Mrs Weizman’s British connections – especially his service with the RAF during the war and her work in Britain with Holocaust survivors immediately afterwards – make their visit all the more welcome. I look forward to receiving them. I am sure the visit will highlight the close and warm relationship Britain and Israel now share.

    I have already mentioned the role the Jewish community in Britain plays in expanding our ties with Israel. But your contribution to British life is invaluable.

    Last month I gave a speech to members of the Conservative Party from the ethnic minorities. I told them that my aim was to make Britain the best place in the world to live. By that I meant a Britain that is tolerant. A Britain that is at ease with itself. And a Britain where everyone has the opportunity to make a success of life, regardless of colour, race, creed, or background. Black and white. African and Asian. Jew and Christian, Moslem and Hindu.

    Opportunity for all can only be assured through national prosperity. You all know how healthy our economy now is: we have strong growth, low inflation and rapidly falling unemployment. I appreciate hugely the Jewish Community’s contribution to Britain’s economic life. I am sure you will also benefit from the uniquely favourable position in which we now find ourselves.

    Choice in education is one of the cornerstones of my vision of Britain. Many Jewish parents would like their children to receive a Jewish education. I understand this. Britain has a long tradition of schools catering for particular religions within the state sector. We have worked hard on this issue. There has been an increase in the number of Jewish schools. And more are planned and I welcome this.

    We must protect the diversity of our country. We have a good record of racial tolerance in Britain. It is one of the better places in the world to live. The Race Relations Act and the Public Order Act give a high level of protection. But I’m not complacent.

    I know many of you are concerned about the activities of people who deny that the Holocaust took place. As I said in the House of Commons yesterday, I understand the hurt, offence and distress of those who suffered, or whose families suffered at that time. I want to take account of the views of the Jewish Community.

    I believe such bigotry is best confronted with calm reason and education.

    That’s why the National Curriculum requires all 11-14 year olds to be taught about the Holocaust.

    That’s why the Imperial War Museum is preparing a permanent exhibition on it.

    We are keeping a close eye on this issue. I am determined that, with the help of such measures, the significance of the Holocaust will never be forgotten.

    This is also why I am personally committed to the European Year Against Racism and will launch it in this country later this month. At the moment, the proposed European Centre to Monitor Racism and Xenophobia would not be able to gather information on racial harassment and violence. That is clearly unsatisfactory. We are therefore discussing this issue with our European partners. I want an effective Centre established as soon as possible.

    The Government cannot legislate away the actions of every wayward individual. But we can, and will, do our utmost to prevent organised activities against the Jewish – or any other – community in Britain. I know that many of you are concerned about groups such as Hizb ut-Tahrir. Our universities provide young people the opportunity to express their views. But there is no excuse for the intimidation and harassment of innocent students.

    So I welcome the steps university authorities have taken to curb the activities of Hizb ut-Tahrir and their supporters. The Committee of Vice Chancellors and Principals are considering what advice they can give to universities faced with groups which incite racial, religious or political hatred.

    The police and courts have a number of powers to restrict such activities. Intentional harassment is already a criminal offence. And the proposed Protection from Harassment Bill will give the authorities even greater powers to deal with these problems. The Bill should become law next month.

    Terrorism is an evil that threatens civilised society across the world. The people of Northern Ireland, the police and the security forces have to live day in day out with the threat of IRA violence. Hamas and others have attempted to derail the peace process in the Middle East with their murderous attacks. Such violence can never be rewarded. No-one can be allowed to bomb, kill, or maim their way to the negotiating table. And those who are involved in making peace cannot allow themselves to be deflected from this path by violence.

    We all remember the horrific assassination attempt against Shlomo Argov in 1982. The memory of the bombings of the Israeli Embassy and Balfour House in 1994 is still fresh.

    Fortunately, at least some of the perpetrators were caught. They have now been given long sentences by the courts. Quite right too.

    The Government is committed to combating any terrorist activity in the UK. We will not allow Britain to be used as a base by those who support terrorism overseas. That is why the police and Security Service give such a high priority to countering the activities of those trying to organise, or fund terrorism from the UK. Let no-one doubt our resolve in this. Where we have proof of wrong-doing, we will not hesitate to act.

    Like so many other issues, terrorism has become a problem spanning national boundaries. Terrorist groups may be active in one country, have their headquarters in another, recruit their members in a third and raise their funds in a fourth. An individual country cannot tackle them on its own. Effective international action against terrorism is therefore essential.

    Britain is at the fore of international efforts. The Group of Seven industrialised nations and Russia held a Counter-Terrorism Summit last July. We put forward three ideas:

    – we suggested all countries look at their legislation against terrorism to see if it needed strengthening. Lord Lloyd has already looked at ours and we are considering his recommendations. We will do so speedily.

    – we proposed a new UN Declaration on Terrorism. As a result, a Declaration was agreed by the UN General Assembly in December. It will help to prevent terrorists, including people planning, funding, or inciting terrorism, from finding refuge abroad.

    – finally, we suggested a Directory of counter-terrorist “centres of excellence”. We have already ensured there is an EU directory. One covering G7 countries and Russia should be established later this year. They will enhance practical international co-operation. Those involved in combating terrorism will be able to share expertise and experience more easily and effectively.

    Let me conclude by leaving you with three final thoughts. The right to live in peace – without fear of violence from any quarter – is one of the most fundamental rights of all. The Peace Process seeks to give the people of the Middle East that right. It is a lesson to us all. It shows that sworn enemies can work together. We must pray that it continues until a final settlement is reached.

    Here in Britain, we have many different peoples. My vision of Britain is one where this country is home for them all. Where they can live without fear of violence. Where Britain is the best place in the world to live.

    While we strive to improve our own country, we do not forget the trials and tribulations of our friends around the world. That is why we will continue to join the Government of Israel, the Palestinian authorities and fellow Governments in the Arab world in their efforts to find a solution to the Middle East conflict. Israel, Jordan and the Palestinians may sometimes feel alone as they search for that settlement, but they aren’t.

    They will have all the support we can offer them, as a Government, as a nation and as friends. That is why I am delighted to be here tonight.

  • Mr Major’s Speech to the Conservative Friends of Israel – 20 June 1995

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the Conservative Friends of Israel, given on 20th June 1995.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Introduction

    To go to Israel and Jerusalem at any time is special. As a committed friend of Israel, I was especially glad to have the opportunity to make the visit. Jerusalem, in particular, is unique, whatever one’s background. John Ward and John Marshall, who came with me, the latter in his capacity as Chairman of the British/Israel Parliamentary Group, will I am sure attest to that.

    Thank you for inviting me this afternoon. I recognise many faces here from the very enjoyable occasion six months or so ago, when I spoke to the Joint Israel Appeal – and indeed from where I spoke to the Board of Deputies in March the year before. So I don’t want to go over the same ground.

    However, it is now some three months since my visit. So I thought you might appreciate some reflections on it, and to hear about some of the practical ways in which it is being followed up.

    The Visit

    The reasons for my going, and the importance of Britain’s relationship with Israel, need no underlining to this audience. The ties between our peoples go back much further than the founding of the State of Israel. The Jewish community here in the United Kingdom has contributed enormously to British life. Looking round me, I know that that will continue.

    There have been difficult times in the past. But it was particularly poignant to visit Israel in the year that we celebrate the 50th Anniversary of VE-Day.

    I was glad to have the opportunity to pay tribute to the sacrifices of Jewish parachutists, dropped behind enemy lines at appalling risk and often terrible costs – just as I was glad to be able to present President Weizman with a model of the famous Spitfire which he flew with the RAF.

    Yad Vashem, which I visited early during my stay, bears heart-rending witness to why we fought side by side against common enemies. I know that Britain will continue to stand by Israel as it builds its nation, and secures its peace.

    So I went to Israel to reaffirm the importance of our relationship – and to give it added practical substance. To that end, I took with me one of the most powerful delegations of senior British businessmen ever I think to have left these shores. You will not be surprised to hear that we worked them hard. But the results that I shall mention shortly speak, I think, for themselves.

    UK/Israel

    During my visit, I spoke about the “menorah” of relationships that tie together our two countries:

    – in politics, where the deep disagreements of the past have given way to a much warmer relationship, demonstrated by the recent flow of high level political contacts. We share, for instance, an implacable hostility to terrorism, and a deep commitment that violence can have no place in a democratic state. In my two meetings with Prime Minister Rabin in Jerusalem, I could not help thinking back to a dark October afternoon last year, when Mr Rabin had come to see me in Downing Street only hours before another terrorist atrocity in the heart of Tel Aviv shocked the world;

    – in defence, where Malcolm Rifkind recently made the first visit to Israel by a British Defence Secretary. Britain and Israel of course also co-operated closely during the Gulf War, where we admired the Israeli people’s resolution under missile attack, and at the same time mounted the UK Special Forces’ largest operation since 1945 to counter this missile threat – with remarkable success which resulted in some 40 gallantry awards;

    – in culture, where the National Theatre visited last year, and the Royal Ballet this year. There are also intense and long-standing academic links and I should mention too the important role of private British philanthropy, which continues to contribute vitally to so many social and charitable activities in both Israel and this country;

    – in education and science. During my visit, I announced a scheme for “British Awards for Excellence in English” during a meeting with an English resource centre in Northern Galilee, which itself has been made possible by private British philanthropy. I also announced a doubling of the funds available to the UK/Israel Science and Technology Fund;

    – just as important, trade and investment. Our trading relationship now amounts to over £1.5 billion a year. Israel is Britain’s second largest market in the Middle East. And amongst our top 25 world-wide.

    Peace Process

    I also went to Israel, of course, to try and give a boost to the peace process. No-one can visit Israel without being acutely conscious of the wider political challenges facing the country.

    We all recognise that, in the longer term, Israel must reach an accommodation with her neighbours and take her rightful place in the region.

    Here in Britain, we will continue firmly to support the peace process. I know that you in the CFI take the same view. Negotiations with the Palestinians will remain essential to Israel’s future. The negotiations are bound to be complex and difficult, and the terrorists will go on trying to destroy the process. But it can be in neither side’s long-term interest to turn back now, and I spent a fair part of my time in the region discussing with both Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat how best to encourage progress.

    Here, I might say a word about my visit to Mr Arafat in Gaza. Our talk produced, I think, some useful movement.

    You may remember that I announced during my visit Palestinian agreement that the EU should co-ordinate election observers in the Occupied Territories. I am glad to say that this is going ahead. The Commission have reached agreement with the Palestinians and Israelis, and have started to make preparations. Britain will contribute observers.

    During my visit I announced further aid for the Palestinians. We have since announced a further £2 million as a contribution to recurrent costs. This brings our total aid package to over £83 million over three years.

    Meanwhile, progress is being made on the Palestinian track. It is excellent news that the two sides expect to reach agreement on elections and redeployment, even if they do not quite meet the target date of 1 July.

    There is also some encouraging news on the Syrian track. Negotiations on security arrangements are due to start in Washington on 27 June. There is still a wide gap on substance. But I am glad to see that movement has resumed.

    Business Follow-Up

    I thought you might be interested to hear too of some of the ways in which our two countries’ business communities have been following-up their own visit, with, if I may say so, great energy and considerable success.

    We shall for instance be following-up the business Round Table in Jerusalem, whose opening I attended, with the first meeting of the Israeli-Britain Business Council in the autumn, hopefully during the planned visit to London of Israel’s Minister of Trade, Mr Harish. Sir Richard Greenbury will chair for the UK.

    The Council will establish working groups on infrastructure, health and education, financial services and hi-tech issues. Some of these will begin work in the next couple of months.

    Following my visit, BT have agreed a partnership with Israeli companies in the telecoms sector. Cable and Wireless have purchased 7% of Bezeq.

    I have been glad to see, too, the start of triangular collaboration, involving UK, Israeli and Palestinian firms. An English company, Agrifarm, have obtained an EU contract for a feasibility study on the establishment of a marketing company for Palestinian agricultural and horticultural produce.

    The DTI is holding its first Levant-wide promotional event covering the Israeli, Palestinian, Jordanian and Syrian markets in the City on 13 September.

    We will be looking at proposals for Business Parks along the borders of Israel and the Occupied Territories, and hope to see British involvement.

    We will be inviting Israel’s Chief Scientist to visit Britain to discuss joint research and development activities.

    The first disbursements from the UK/Israel Science and Technology Research Fund, which we doubled in March, should be made this summer.

    Racial Harassment in the UK

    One other subject to mention before I close, not directly connected with my visit, but to which I attach the greatest importance. It was one of the major subjects raised when the Board of Deputies came to see me a few months ago, so I know the Jewish Community gives it a similar priority.

    Namely the subject of racial harassment and the threat of extremism. There is a problem of extremism, right and left, running right the way across Europe. Its scale in Britain is still small. But that is no consolation. I am absolutely determined that London will not become a centre for extremists, British, Islamic or otherwise. The publications and activities of organisations like the so-called Combat 17 and Hizb-ut-Tahrir are obnoxious and repulsive. They have no place in our society.

    I do not need to spell out to this audience the Government’s implacable opposition to such activity. We have already taken steps to deal with it. Last year’s changes to the Criminal Justice Act, for instance, give the police the power of arrest in relation to the publication or the distribution of material likely to incite racial hatred. They are using it. Earlier this year, as perhaps you know, the Metropolitan Police caught two Combat 18 members distributing literature, and subsequently seized material.

    The prosecuting authorities are aware of the Government’s views. The police and Crown Prosecuting authorities will pursue vigorously the possibility of prosecutions whenever the evidence so justifies. You need be in no doubt that I firmly support this approach.

    Conclusion

    So in all the ways I have mentioned, we are actively taking forward and deepening the relationship. And when I say “we”, I mean just that. Not just Government, but businessmen, politicians, teachers, musicians, scientists and so on.

    Most attention is rightly focused on the peace process; and there will be some critical months ahead in that respect.

    But it is important, too, to remember the many other levels on which the British/Israel relationship exists. We are determined to go on taking forward that relationship, both as a Government and as Conservatives.

  • Mr Major’s Speech at the Joint Israel Appeal / Jewish Continuity Dinner – 21 November 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the Joint Israel Appeal and Jewish Continuity Dinner, made on Monday 21st November 1994.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    My Lords, Ladies and Gentlemen,

    This is a charity dinner, an event founded on high ideals. And as I look around, I see people who are known and respected for their ideals and their outstanding public service. I am hugely privileged to be your guest tonight.

    I would like to say a word or two about those ideals, because I think they are very important.

    I would also like to say a word on the relationship between the United Kingdom and Israel which, in my view – and I know that Prime Minister Rabin won’t mind me saying that it is his view as well – has never been warmer, and never had so much content.

    Then perhaps I may touch on the politics of the Middle East.

    Joint Israel Appeal/Jewish Continuity/Jewish Values

    First, this is a dinner to support the Joint Israel Appeal and Jewish Continuity.

    It is no surprise to find an old friend, Trevor Chinn, presiding over the Appeal. Trevor is one of those people who seem to be everywhere and deeply involved in everything – and yet still to have the capacity for more. We all owe him a great deal.

    I understand that the Appeal brings help to around 11/2 million people every year – to the young and the old, the disadvantaged and the infirm.

    That is an astonishing figure, but it is also entirely typical of the Jewish capacity for self-help and good works. I am told – and I hope soon to see this for myself – that there is hardly a public building or park, or even a forest, in Israel which has not been created through funding from public-spirited individuals and bodies such as yourselves.

    I can fully share Churchill’s sentiment when he said:

    “I was very glad to have had the experience of watching the life and work of the Jewish community in England. There is a high sense of corporate responsibility in the community, a great sense of duty.”

    At the Lord Mayor’s Banquet exactly a week ago, I expressed concern at irresponsible attacks on our institutions, and at the way in which respect for public service was being undermined. So my eye was caught – in a note on Jewish Continuity from the Chief Rabbi’s office – by a very similar sentiment:

    “the institutions which framed our public life and gave us a sense of belonging have come under assault.”

    They have. And it’s dangerous. And it should stop. It is easy to tear things down. It is much more difficult to build them up.

    Jewish Continuity stresses the central importance of the values which have inspired and united Jewish people over two thousand years.

    It stresses education – and how appropriate that the Israeli Minister of Education, Professor Rubinstein, a great friend of Britain, should be here this evening.

    It underlines duty, honesty, service, neighbourliness, and the virtues of working together in local communities. It sees the risks of selfishness and isolation in our rapidly changing world.

    And it points up the way in which the family has always been at the heart of Jewish life, the institution on which all others depend.

    Jewish Continuity is an admirable initiative by the Chief Rabbi, now being carried forward by Dr Michael Sinclair and his team. I am delighted that it has attracted such strong support. I hope it will go from strength to strength.

    Britain and Israel

    The values we share form a bond between Britain and Israel. So, too, does the extraordinary network of personal connections which this dinner reflects. Moshe Raviv may have only a small staff in his Embassy – but he has thousands of personal ambassadors for Israel throughout the community. And they are also ambassadors for Britain in Israel.

    But events, and the determined efforts of many individuals on both sides, have brought us much closer together over the past few years – closer, as I have said, than we have ever been before.

    This was brought home to me most strongly only a month ago.

    My latest meeting with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin took place on the evening of 18 October, before he too spoke at a dinner of the Joint Israel Appeal. Sitting in Downing Street, we compared notes on the problems we had both faced confronting terrorism. We talked about extremist attempts to undermine the peace process in the Middle East. Mr. Rabin expressed his utter determination not to let terrorism move Israel from its chosen, and courageous, course.

    That determination was tested, and not found wanting, early the following morning. He rang to say that Israel had suffered its worst outrage in sixteen years, and he was going to have to return immediately to deal with it. He said that he was not going to let the process be derailed. There were people who did not want the Israelis, the Palestinians, the Jordanians and their other neighbours to live in peace. They were not going to prevail.

    And they have not prevailed. Jews and Israelis have suffered atrociously, from the attack in Buenos Aires, the attack on Moshe Raviv’s Embassy here and the bombing of Balfour House – where the Joint Israel Appeal has its British headquarters.

    We must all stand firm against such actions. The British Government intends to protect all of its citizens. The Jewish community needs to be secure and to feel secure. There can be no relaxation of vigilance and there will not be.

    And the peace process has continued to move forward. Only days after the Tel Aviv bus bomb, Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein signed the Peace Treaty between Israel and Jordan on their border in the Arava desert. A British Minister, Douglas Hogg, was there to show our support.

    And in the centre of Tel Aviv, I am told that Dizengoff Street is already back to business as usual.

    That is the way to show the men of violence that they will never win.

    Terrorism knows no national boundaries. It is a threat to the rule of law everywhere, and to the democratic forms that Britain and Israel cherish.

    But it is not only tragedies which have brought us so close together.

    Since President Herzog’s visit to London under two years ago, a whole series of events has strengthened and extended the friendship between Britain and Israel.

    The Duke of Edinburgh’s visit last month, to receive a citation in honour of his mother from Yad Vashem, was particularly poignant.

    And two of my Cabinet Ministers have just been to Israel to break new ground, and have returned full of enthusiasm.

    David Hunt went out to create new links in science and technology. And that is not the only thing he seems to have promoted. Sometimes Ministers come back from trips looking a little weary and jetlagged. But David came back in the pink, bursting with ruddy good health. Not only had he been swimming in the Dead Sea, but I gather that he also practically ran up and down Massada.

    Science is very important to both countries, and we are both extremely good at it. Indeed Israel has more scientists per head than any other country. Now we have set up a UK/Israel Science and Technology Research Fund. And it has already attracted nearly 200 first class applications from top British and Israeli researchers who want to work together.

    Already we are exploring joint projects at the leading edge of science and technology – in lasers, electro-optics, medical biotechnology, and other – ologies too numerous to mention.

    No sooner had David Hunt come back than Malcolm Rifkind went out. Malcolm was the first British Defence Secretary ever to visit Israel.

    For many years, our defence relations were constrained. When I told Yitzhak Rabin how delighted I was at the visit of the Israeli Chief of Staff, General Barak, he reminded me that he himself had paid the last visit to Britain by a Chief of Staff – and that was in 1965.

    We are now in a very different ball game. Israeli officers are attending British staff colleges. Royal Navy ships are making regular port calls to Israel. HMS Cornwall, on its way home from the Armilla patrol, has just paid the first visit by a naval ship for many years to Eilat.

    And earlier this year, responding to the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and Jericho, I removed the embargo on sales of defence equipment. The way is now open for responsible two-way trade in a sector in which both countries excel.

    The experiences of my colleagues have only whetted my appetite for the visit to Israel which I have long wanted to make.

    The prospects for British/Israeli cooperation are very great and I intend to explore them fully.

    I want to see us working ever more closely together for stability in the Middle East.

    I want Britain to continue to sponsor closer ties between Israel and the European Union – as we did during the recent renegotiation of Israel’s co-operation agreement with the EU.

    I want us to keep up our strong cultural and educational links.

    We have thriving British Council and FCO scholarship programmes, some of which are funded in partnership with Jewish philanthropists.

    The British Council is tremendously active in Israel. They are working with Professor Rubinstein’s Education Ministry to upgrade the skills of English language teachers throughout Israel.

    Though Israeli visitors should not be deterred from coming to the theatre in London, as they do in droves, I am delighted that the Royal National Theatre and British musical groups have visited Israel this year – adding to the quarter of a million British tourists and other visitors who will go there.

    Not least, I want to promote trade. Trade between Britain and Israel is soaring upwards. British exports went up by 50 per cent last year and a further 22 per cent so far this year. Israel is Britain’s third largest market in the Middle East. A British company, Isrotel, has built hotels in Eilat. Rover are starting to sell their cars with much success. New companies are coming into the market. Seventy visited Israel for the first time last year. And millions of people in Britain eat food from Israel and wear clothes made there for firms like Marks and Spencers.

    But we can do much more together. So, when I go to Israel in March, I shall be taking with me a party of senior businessmen, some of whom are here tonight. Some are already important players in the Israeli market. Some will be new to it. I want them to see, with me, the opportunities for trade and investment which undoubtedly exist.

    The Middle East

    I promised to say a few words about the politics of the Middle East.

    Many of the differences between the Arabs and the Israelis which for years seemed irreconcilable are now melting away.

    It is no longer fanciful to think of a return to the long-distant period evoked by Balfour when he opened the Hebrew University.

    He recalled:

    “That in the darkest days of the darkest ages, when Western civilisation appeared almost extinct, smothered under barbaric influences, it was the Jews and Arabs in combination, working together, who greatly aided the first sparks which illuminated that gloomy period”.

    We have seen remarkable illumination since I spoke to some of you at the dinner of the Board of Deputies in March last year.

    Then, no bilateral agreements had been reached between Palestinians and Israelis.

    Now we have seen the first birthday of the Declaration of Principles.

    We have seen the Cairo Agreement on autonomy for Gaza and Jericho.

    The Arab boycott is visibly on its way out. Israel now has diplomatic relations with 148 countries. At the Casablanca Conference earlier this month, Israeli and Arab Ministers joined Europeans and Americans to work together for a brighter economic future for the region as a whole.

    It took vision and great courage to achieve the breakthrough. The Nobel Committee will soon be honouring Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon. Perez and Yasser Arafat in Oslo. And rightly so.

    But they will need our continuing support in carrying the process forward.

    Last Friday’s disturbing events in Gaza make it all the more vital to sustain progress in the Palestinian autonomy, and to help the new authorities there. The Palestinians need to see that terrorism and violence bring no gain, but that tangible benefits will come from the peace process.

    For our part, we are accelerating Britain’s aid to them. We also hope that our Israeli friends will help to provide as much employment as possible within Israel; and will allow the import of aid-related equipment into the Palestinian areas, and the transfer of tax revenues collected on behalf of the Palestinians.

    The Palestinians themselves must streamline their administration so that they can absorb the aid which the international community is offering. And we must do all we can to encourage private sector investment there.

    The success of the peace process depends heavily on moderate Palestinian leaders, and we should all redouble our efforts to help them.

    After the Treaty between Israel and Jordan, I hope there will soon be a breakthrough on the Syrian track.

    The prize for Syria is clear: the return of the Golan.

    The prize for Israel is equally great: a binding agreement with the last immediate neighbour which could threaten her security. And that security, self-evidently, is crucial for every Israeli.

    There are of course still serious threats to the stability of the Middle East, which affect us all. We have had a very recent reminder, when Saddam Hussein chose once again to menace Kuwait. The immediate reaction from Britain, the United States and other countries, at the United Nations and in our case also deploying troops, ships and aircraft, will have left him in no doubt, I trust, of our resolve.

    When our friends in the region are threatened, we shall come to their help to the limits of our ability. Where there is aggression, we shall oppose it.

    Saddam has now recognised Kuwait’s sovereignty and the border demarcated by the United Nations. That is a step forward, and owes much to the determination and diplomacy of the coalition partners. But it is not enough. We have no basis for trusting Saddam Hussein. Iraq must comply rigorously with all the requirements of the Security Council: on weapons of mass destruction, on compensation, on prisoners of war and so on.

    The international community must accept nothing less.

    Nor can we relax our vigilance towards Iraq’s neighbour, Iran.

    Iran has sought by every means to undermine the peace process. Time and time again, Iran has been implicated in subversion and terrorism. Her record on human rights, like Iraq’s, is wholly unacceptable.

    I do not dispute Iran’s importance and potential. I have nothing but sympathy for the ordinary people of that country, as of Iraq. But the Iranian regime must draw only one conclusion. It will be judged by its actions, by the rules of the international community, and by the norms of civilised behaviour.

    Conclusion

    Let me end on a brighter note.

    For most of its history, the modern state of Israel has been under threat.

    And for many of the 77 years since the Balfour Declaration, Israel and the United Kingdom have had a schizophrenic relationship. We have been bound together by ties of blood and personal friendship; but sometimes parted by political disagreements.

    Now Israel is taking her rightful place in her own region. And she is at the same time drawing ever closer to Britain and to our partners in Europe.

    Britain’s friendship with Israel does not compete with our relations with other countries in the Middle East.

    They are complementary.

    They contribute to peace in the Middle East.

    They will contribute to the development of the region as a whole.

    And a Middle East at peace with itself – something we have not seen in living memory – will be a place we want to visit and to invest in.

    Through Jewish Continuity, you are sustaining the faith and the ideals which Churchill described as “a precious thing, a bond of union, an inspiration and a source of strength”.

    And through the Joint Israel Appeal, you are giving remarkable support – not politically, not to the State, but to ordinary people in Israel. In many cases, to people who have arrived from other countries with little or nothing, coming to a safe haven and the land of their forefathers.

    For every contributor to your appeal here this evening, there are, I know, many thousands outside.

    Thank you for your welcome and your invitation.

    Thank you, too, for your resilience in the face of difficulties and danger this year.

    I wish you all possible success in your efforts for Jewish Continuity and the Joint Israel Appeal.

  • Mr Major’s Speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews – 25 March 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews, held in London on Thursday 25th March 1993.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is not often in the life of a politician that he has such a warm welcome and it is not often in the life of a politician that he is as pleased as Norma and I are tonight to be precisely where we are tonight.

    Samuel Pepys summed up my feelings 200 years ago on dining with the Board of Deputies, a very great diarist, a man of great prescience, and he wrote as follows: “A good dinner and company that pleased me mightily, being all eminent men in their way”. Well he was an unreconstructed man of course, these days he would have reminded us that there were some eminent women here tonight as well.

    This evening, may I say to all of you that your Board has done Norma and me a very great honour. We come to you tonight as friends and as admirers of the Jewish people. And as Martin Gilbert’s Jewish History Atlas tells me, my Parliamentary constituency, Huntingdon, was the home to a Jewish community as far back as the 13th century.

    A few moments ago, Your Honour, you spoke of freedom of access to the British government and the British Prime Minister. Let me just respond to that directly and immediately. The Board of Deputies will always have free access to me for as long as I remain in Downing Street.

    And let me just pick up something else you said a moment ago for it was something that touched my instincts in the light of some events that we have seen this week. You spoke in your remarks just a few seconds ago of the victims of violence. The victims of violence are international, we had that brought home to us very vividly on the streets of Warrington just last weekend and as a result of that particular piece of evil two small boys with their whole lives ahead of them are dead. Their death was pointless and wicked. But it does I think remind us that wickedness is alive and wickedness must be confronted and that is a first duty of democratic governments in every part of the world.

    Mr President, the Board of Deputies may not be quite as old as Samuel Pepys, but it has played a unique role in this country for more than 200 years. It speaks authoritatively for the Jewish community, its officers in many ways know the ins and outs of Whitehall and Westminster almost better than the government Chief Whip. They have a two-way relationship with the government from which I personally have learned a great deal.

    I would like this evening to repay just a little of that debt by touching on subjects that I know concern you greatly. I do so tonight from the point of view of a friend of Israel, but I do so also in particular from the point of view of a candid friend, a candid friend perhaps but nonetheless a genuine friend. That is true I believe, as you yourself said, of my country and I think it is true of me as well.

    Let me first if I may this evening confront a subject which is painful for all of us and Judge Feinstine mentioned it, he mentioned racism. I have a deep and a personal loathing of racism and throughout their history since the Diaspora Jewish people have contended with racism and with anti-semitism. This century began with problems in Eastern Europe and the flight of hundreds of thousands of Jews. In mid-century Europe descended into the unfathomable horrors of the holocaust. In the Soviet Union many Jews suffered discrimination or were persecuted simply for seeking to emigrate to other parts of the world.

    It would I think have been reasonable to hope that by the 1990s more civilised standards of behaviour would have prevailed throughout Europe. So they do – at the level of state and government. But I have to say to you this evening that the problem of racism has not been eradicated in Europe. There has been a disturbing resurgence of racist and anti-semitic attacks in different countries, we have heard ugly words from factions on the fringe of politics.

    And at a time when different parts of Europe are in turbulence and transition, and in some cases in distress, we must not, dare not, allow demagogues to reignite the flames of racial hatred.

    The European Council which I had the privilege to chair in Edinburgh condemned all racism and racist attacks. But empty words are insufficient. Those words need to be matched by action and we are looking for collective action in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. From the mid-1970s the principle of the CSCE played a vital part in our joint struggle to change official attitudes in the former Soviet Union. Your Board’s Soviet Jewry section distinguished itself, distinguished itself particularly campaigning for the prisoners of Zion in all those years. And it is a remarkable testament to that noble campaign that last autumn the Board found itself entertaining the Russian Ambassador. I greatly welcome that and I hope it continues for many years in the future.

    But the CSCE needs to do more than it has done in the past. It needs now to change attitudes at the popular level. Its members should compare their different experiences. The CSCE’s international seminar on tolerance held in Warsaw last November was an encouraging step in the right direction. But we need action elsewhere, action too for example in the Council of Europe and there we propose practical measures of immediate benefit to groups at risk, for example, but one of many examples, on police training.

    But there must also be national action as well as international action. And Britain has a good record. Your President spoke a few moments ago of the relationship with governments of different political complexions and I echo what he had to say. Britain does have a good record here, we have the high levels of protection afforded by the Race Relations Act in the mid-1970s passed by a Labour government, and by the Public Order Act of the mid-1980s passed by a Conservative Government.

    But we can, in my personal judgment, never be complacent. Xenophobia and racism are repugnant, there can be no room for them in Europe, not now, not ever again, and that means eternal vigilance to make sure that they never return to our way of life.

    Mr President, let me touch also on a matter you raised yourself – the peace process in the Middle East. In a speech here in February President Herzog declared, and I quote: “central in our national purpose is the achievement of peace with our neighbours by means of the peace process.” That process, that necessary remarkable process, began at Madrid in October 1991, it is central not only of course to Israel but to all who have the best interests of the Middle East at heart.

    Each party, each party to the process has strong reasons to seek peace. In Lebanon peace is essential if the state is to be rebuilt. The Jordanians need peace because it will strengthen the political and economic climate of the region as a whole and that is vital to their own particular state. For Syria peace would help the restructuring of the economy and the improvement of relations with the West. The Palestinians want a settlement that would end life under occupation and allow them to run their own lives. And the people of Israel do not wish to live in a state of indefinite tension with their neighbours, exacerbated by the acute and unresolved problems of the occupied territories.

    So there is at stake a great deal. A peace is necessary to each and every one of those states for different reasons. What if we should fail? What if there should be no peace? Failure would carry risks and consequences which no responsible leader would wish to entertain. Failure would accentuate economic problems, it would risk greater political instability and widespread social unrest, it would provide fertile ground for fundamentalism and for extremism.

    Let me digress for a moment simply to say this. Fundamentalism is a dark cloud the world should watch very carefully indeed in the years immediately ahead.

    And we should recognise other impediments to peace as well. As well as extremist movements, certain governments not involved in the peace process would like to see that peace process fail, not everyone wishes well for the peace process. There are governments that would like to capitalise on failure in order to increase their influence in the region and I do not think in this company, on this occasion, that I have any need to name the names of those countries. But that is why I think it is so vital to sustain the momentum.

    There is a window of opportunity for peace but it is a window that may not remain open indefinitely. Over time, governments in the region will change, acts of violence could provoke a change of attitudes and we must therefore get the parties – all of the parties – back to the negotiating table and urge them to pursue agreement while the opportunity is there. So far Israel, only Israel, has responded favourably to the co-sponsors’ invitation to the further bilateral talks due to start in Washington on the 20th April.

    Clearly, the increase in tension and violence in the Occupied Territories and within Israel has seriously complicated the peace process. Murderous attacks have been carried out on Israeli civilians and soldiers and they cannot by any yardstick be condoned. The Palestinian leadership must do everything in their power to reduce the violence. Most of the attacks would appear to be the work of extremists who oppose and would like to derail the peace process that is so vital to the future for the Middle East. They must not be permitted to succeed.

    I said earlier to this company that I came here tonight as a candid friend and I must be so now. I know the sort of provocation the Israeli defence forces are under. No-one is suggesting for a second they pursue a deliberate policy of violence but I would be at fault to my friends here this evening if I did not express my deep concern about some of the actions in the Occupied Territories. The deaths of over twenty children and young people since December in shooting incidents grievously undermine the case of Israel’s friends as I know this company will recognise. That is realism, not pessimism.

    I am not pessimistic about our opportunities for peace. Like President Herzog, I believe the fact that the peace process is taking place represents a major and beneficial change in Israel’s history. He said during his visit – and I quote that remarkable man again – “Who dreamed when I entered office that we would be sitting down and negotiating in direct bilateral negotiations with a view to achieving peace with the Syrians, with the Lebanese, with the Jordanians and with the Palestinians?” Who indeed would have dreamed that was possible and it is a matter of hope today that people are now talking to each other, not past each other. They are beginning to understand the political realities and the public perceptions on the other side. We must give full credit to the United States Government for leading that peace process and it is good news that the new Administration in Washington is ready to become a full partner in the negotiations. From my own meeting with President Clinton, I can confirm to you that that is certainly the case.

    So what is there that our country, that Britain, can do to help? We of course don’t claim to be a central player. Of the countries outside the region the United States are the prime movers helped by their Russian co-sponsors. However, the parties will need help, encouragement from all quarters in taking the difficult decisions that lie ahead. With our European partners, Britain stands ready to assist that process.

    In this connection – and it is a matter I will not duck this evening – the British Government took one step earlier this month on which I know many of you have strong feelings and some reservations. I refer of course to our decision to receive at ministerial level a Palestinian delegation including two PLO representatives. I know how unpopular that was with many of our friends in Israel. Let me explain, for there is nowhere better to do it, our purpose.

    I spoke earlier of the need to maintain momentum in the talks and to encourage everyone to take part. That means if we are to have peace that the Palestinian leadership must be persuaded to return to the peace process. We – by which I mean in this instance the British Government – wish to see them return to that peace process and it is clear to us that to achieve that the PLO will influence that decision. It is hard to influence them in the right direction without talking to them.

    Our talks are a means of impressing our strong views on them, in particular our view that there must be an end to violence in the Occupied Territories. Those on all sides who genuinely desire peace must, through their own actions, help to create the right climate. That, I tell you this evening, is the motive behind the actions of the British Government.

    The value to Israel of a peace settlement could scarcely be overstated. It must of course be a settlement which offers a lasting guarantee to Israel’s security. Any friend of Israel, anyone who has studied Israel’s history, can only be keenly aware of that country’s vulnerability. No proposal which fails to take account of that has a chance of success in the peace process. The peace process itself would not be alive without the recognition that Israel’s security could be assured through a fair and a durable settlement and a settlement, were it to be achievable, were it to be achieved, would relieve the burdens that have so long hung over every family in Israel and upon the minds of every friend of Israel around the world. Let me reiterate a point I believe you all know: the Israeli Government has our wholehearted support in its pursuit for peace.

    Let me finally say a few words about the European Community and about relations between Britain and Israel. Britain has traditionally played a vigorous part in the Community’s work on the Middle East. We shall be represented in next week’s ministerial visit by the Community’s Troika to the region. The Troika’s purpose is to demonstrate the Community’s commitment to the peace process and to support the resumption of negotiations.

    On the economic front, the European Community has become Israel’s largest trading partner. Remarkably for a country of five million people, Israel is the European Community’s 17th largest export market. A peace settlement would lead in my judgement to a further increase in our economic states. It would stimulate increased investment in regional development from all the countries throughout the European Community.

    Perhaps of equal concern to you this evening is the European Community’s action over the Arab trade boycott. At the Lisbon Council last June, the Community called on the Arab League to end the boycott. It followed up by making direct approaches to Arab governments and urged them to respond positively to the moves made by Israel to curb settlements in the Occupied Territories. I cannot promise this evening in present circumstances that the Community will succeed in securing an early assurance by Arab governments that the boycott will be lifted. I can assure you this evening that we will continue to press unremittingly for this in the months and years ahead.

    And that brings me back almost to where I began. Over the years, many years, Britain’s relations with Israel have had their ups and had their downs. They are now, as your President said, very close and very warm relations. I had the honour last month of entertaining the President of Israel at Downing Street. Heini Herzog will soon be retiring after a distinguished decade in Israel’s highest office. During that period he has been a beacon of wisdom and of moderation. His personal contribution to British-Israeli friendship has been immense. He left here recently declaring that he was more than ever convinced of the profound bonds of friendship which unite our peoples for all time. I look forward to meeting his newly-elected successor, Aza Weizmann who shares a strong British connection with President Herzog. As a war-time pilot in the Royal Air Force and there can be few closer connections than that, and as one of the architects of Camp David, he seems to me to have the perfect qualifications and I have today sent him both the Government’s and my own warmest congratulations upon his new responsibilities. [Applause].

    I had the pleasure of meeting Prime Minister Rabin here only last December. Members of his Government are assiduous and very welcome visitors to this country. Indeed, over recent months there are times when I have thought of suggesting that the Israeli Cabinet might itself meet here in London [laughter]. Four Israeli Ministers have been here in the last few weeks and another arrived today. I believe, alas, we have no fresh arrivals tomorrow.

    One of my predecessors, David Lloyd George, said of the Jewish people in 1925 the following words: “You may say you have been oppressed and persecuted. That has been your power. You have been hammered into very fine steel and that is why you have never been broken.” Steel was the quality which has carried the Jewish people through their long search, a search which culminated in the establishment of the Jewish national home in 1917. I can imagine – but not with the depth of feeling and instinct that you can – quite how much that means to everyone who is Jewish.

    Let us then not in 1917 but in 1993 do everything in our power to achieve a peace settlement which will secure that home sought for so long and loved so much, to secure that for all time. That is something that we must all pray for. That is something, I assure you this evening, that the British Government will continue to work for and I express again to you tonight my thanks for the honour you gave me in inviting Norma and I to join you this evening as your guests. [Applause].