Tag: Kuwait

  • PMQT – 5 February 1991

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 5th February 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER

     

    Engagements

    Mr. Winnick : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. Winnick : Is the Prime Minister aware that, as the recession bites even deeper in all parts of the country, not least in the west midlands, the country will simply not buy the nonsense that it is all due to the Gulf war? Is he aware, further, that people recognise that the recession and the devastation that are occurring in so many parts of the country are due to the disastrous policies of a discredited Government who simply do not know from day to day where they are going?

    The Prime Minister : I certainly accept that there is a downturn in the economy and I have made that clear. But the hon. Gentleman must recognise that that downturn, in terms of investment and growth, comes from a very high level after a very lengthy period of growth. It is absolutely essential that we take the appropriate decisions now to ensure that we have a lower rate of inflation in the economy in the 1990s.

    Mr. Hayes : Is not my right hon. Friend greatly encouraged by the fact that British investment outstrips that in Germany, France and Italy? Does not he think that British industry is getting rather fed up with the Labour party continually saying that there is no end to the recession in sight and no economic good news? Does he agree that it is becoming the party of the abominable no-men?

    The Prime Minister : As my hon. Friend knows, our investment record over recent years has been extremely good–a record unmatched elsewhere in the Community.

    Mr. Kinnock : Since it is clear that before too many weeks have passed the Government will be forced to cut interest rates, why do they not do it now and save British industries and British home buyers absolutely pointless pain?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman should not be so desperate. If he panics in opposition, what might he do in government?

    Mr. Kinnock : First, all observable panic is on the right hon. Gentleman’s side of the House. Secondly, he will soon have a very good opportunity of finding out the strength of Labour in government.

    It is all very well for the Prime Minister to try to avoid the question. It is not his business which he spent a lifetime building up that is now threatened ; it is not his factory that is facing closure ; and it is not his mortgage that threatens to put him and his family out of their home. Is he not ashamed that Britain, alone of all the major industrial countries, is facing, under his Government, prolonged slump–extended slump–because of his policies?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman has clearly overlooked the fact that– [Interruption.] –I shall come directly to the question. The right hon. Gentleman has clearly overlooked the fact that there is a recession in a number of countries. The right hon. Gentleman misunderstands the importance of interest rates. Nobody wants interest rates to be unduly high, but we need to ensure that we have a low inflation economy. That is the means to ensure that we have it.

    Mrs. Peacock : I am sure that my right hon. Friend is aware of the many Gulf support groups that have been set up throughout the country to offer help and support to those families who have loved ones fighting in the Gulf. Will he join me today in sending best wishes to the two groups in my constituency, in Batley and Cleckheaton, who are doing a superb job?

    The Prime Minister : I am certainly happy to do as my hon. Friend requests. I am delighted by the number of Gulf support groups that have been set up around the country and I wish them all well.

     

    Q2. Mr. Skinner : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Skinner : Can the Prime Minister tell us how this war can have any moral or democratic purpose when British troops risk being slaughtered on the desert sands while the Kuwaiti royal family is gallivanting around the gambling dens and casinos, living it up? When the war is over and those Kuwaiti American stooges are back in power, with all their luxury, some British troops will be coming back to the dole queue, the poll tax and cardboard city. Is that the classless society that the Prime Minister talks about?

    The Prime Minister : I always thought that the hon. Gentleman was against the sort of actions that we have seen in Kuwait by the Iraqis. I am sorry that I am wrong.

     

    Q3. Dame Peggy Fenner : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Dame Peggy Fenner : During my right hon. Friend’s busy day I am sure that he will share my concern about the current proposals for reform of the common agricultural policy. Does he agree with me that we should not accept any reform that penalises the efficient British farmer, since that will not help the British consumer?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend. I share the view of the majority of hon. Members that further reform of the common agricultural policy is needed, but that must make European agriculture more, not less, open to market forces. As my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food has been making clear in Brussels, we shall very strongly resist any proposals that penalise the efficient farmer and, in so doing, place the burden upon consumers.

    Mr. Ashdown : Does the Prime Minister recall the very welcome words of the Foreign Secretary at the weekend when he said that when the fighting is over we must be prepared to use the peace wisely? May I therefore put to him this proposition : if the United Nations provides the authority for fighting the war in the Gulf, the United Nations should have the responsibility for building the peace that follows it. Does the Prime Minister agree?

    The Prime Minister : We shall certainly be discussing, both within the United Nations and beyond–with the Arab states that have the primary interest–what is necessary for the future security of the region.

     

    Q4. Mr. Nicholls : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Nicholls : Has my right hon. Friend noted that for the last four months inflation has been running at about 1.9 per cent. per annum? Does not that show that the Government’s policy of reducing inflation is working? Does not such a policy offer a far more certain way towards eventual interest rate reductions than the soft option advocated by the Leader of the Opposition by way of a devaluation?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend is right. Soft options tend to lead to hard times. Our policies are succeeding in reducing inflation. As inflation comes down there will be the opportunity for sustained interest rate reductions.

    Ms. Ruddock : Does the Prime Minister agree with me

    Mr. Dickens : I saw the hon. Lady on television.

    Mr. Speaker : So did I.

    Ms. Ruddock : Does the Prime Minister agree with me that, in keeping with the spirit and purposes of the United Nations, consent to the allied military action is limited to ending Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait, that peace and security in the region can be achieved by other means, and that those means must include the removal of nuclear and chemical weapons throughout the region?

    The Prime Minister : The present aims are set out perfectly clearly in Security Council resolutions. As to the second point in the hon. Lady’s question, I think that it is a matter that everyone will wish to address after the conclusion of the conflict.

     

    Q5. Mr. Wilshire : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Wilshire : Does my right hon. Friend agree that, whatever our party politics, we should all welcome the proposed abolition of the apartheid laws in South Africa? Does he agree also that, whatever we may think about that country’s past, the best way to support its Government now is to help them make those changes as quickly as possible and to begin the process of reintegrating South Africa into the community of nations?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend that it is necessary to support the South African Government. But perhaps even more relevant is support for the people of South Africa–all of them. President de Klerk has made a truly massive move forward and it is now for the international community to respond. I hope very much that it will do so. I have already discussed the matter with the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth and with President Bush, and my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary raised it with European Community Foreign Ministers yesterday. I spoke about it this morning with Mr. Hawke, the Australian Prime Minister. He and I agree very strongly that the time has come to begin lifting the Commonwealth measures, especially the sports sanctions, particularly in the case of those sports that are integrated in South Africa. All in all, the announcement by President de Klerk was a most welcome move forward.

     

    Q6. Mr. Norman Hogg : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the answer that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Hogg : Is the Prime Minister aware that the naval base at Rosyth in Scotland employs 5,000 naval and civilian personnel? Is he aware that we have received ministerial assurances that, in the defence review, all the options will be considered impartially? Is he aware of a secret study report showing that there is an intention to close Rosyth in the shortest possible time? Does not he agree that it is disgraceful that at a time when our naval personnel are serving in the Gulf, their home base is being threatened in this way?

    The Prime Minister : No decision has been made to close Rosyth or any other naval base. We fully recognise the implications that closure would have for employment in the area. Those implications would be fully considered and examined before any such decision was taken.

    Mr. Haselhurst : Can my right hon. Friend assure the House that if President Bush raises the question of transatlantic air routes he–the Prime Minister–will sustain the Government’s position, as outlined by the Secretary of State for Transport, in a very strong and sensible defence of British civil aviation?

    The Prime Minister : My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Transport is discussing these matters. I can assure my hon. Friend that my right hon. Friend will defend our interests very robustly.

    Mr. Eadie : How does the Prime Minister justify the salary of £225,000 per annum being paid to the new chairman of British Coal? Previous chairmen had a large industry and a comparatively small salary, whereas the present chairman is inheriting a very small industry and will have a large salary. Some of us suspect that his terms of reference are to make the industry smaller still.

    The Prime Minister : The gentleman concerned is being paid according to his ability.

     

    Q7. Mr. Moate : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Moate : Reverting to reform of the common agricultural policy, does my right hon. Friend agree that if, for social reasons, the Germans and French wish to subsidise their small farmers, they should be free to do so?

    As the British taxpayer will next year spend £4 billion on agricultural subsidies, apparently to produce inadequate incomes for farmers and excessively high prices for consumers, is not it time we considered repatriating agricultural policy so that we can decide what is best for Britain?

    The Prime Minister : The common agricultural policy is an established element of the European Community. I share my hon. Friend’s view that it is an unsatisfactory one, and for that reason we are seeking to reform it.

    Mr. Alan Williams : Is the Prime Minister aware that a measure of the underlying weakness of our economy is the fact that, excluding North sea oil, in the past three and a half years, at constant prices, we have had a trade deficit of £85 billion? Why does he believe that we can solve that problem with the same rate of exchange that caused it?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman is selective in his criticism. He wholly forgets that we had eight successive years of growth, a period in which our investment has grown faster than that of Germany, Italy, France and anyone else in the European Community and we now have a wholly different industrial position from that which we inherited in 1979.

     

    Q8. Mr. Irvine : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Irvine : Is my right hon. Friend aware of the concern of many firms operating in the financial services sector about the European Commission’s draft directive on capital adequacy? Does he agree that some of the requirements imposed on capital adequacy are excessive, and will he make vigorous representations to ensure that, where appropriate, they are reduced?

    The Prime Minister : I am aware of the concerns that my hon. Friend raises. He will know that firms that act purely as advisers are exempt from the requirements of the capital adequacy directive. We do not wish to see inappropriate or unnecessary capital requirements imposed on any United Kingdom investment firm.

     

    Q9. Mr. Barron : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Barron : Under the private Bill procedure, the Government have always accepted their neutrality to be one of support for a private Bill. Last Thursday night, the Southampton Rapid Transit Bill was defeated by the use of the payroll vote, including 10 members of the Cabinet, two of whom are members of the War Cabinet, which was suspended when that vote took place. What has changed the Government’s mind? Was it political judgment or political spite?

    The Prime Minister : The hon. Gentleman should know that that was the individual decision of Members of this House.

  • PMQT Written Answers – 4 February 1991

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 4th February 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Gulf (Financial Assistance)

    Mr. Marlow : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list all EEC countries, setting out his estimate of (a) their expenditure in direct contributions to their own participation in the Gulf conflict by the end of January, (b) their contribution to the United Kingdom and (c) the value of their contribution to the United Kingdom as a percentage of the United Kingdom’s direct expenditure as described above.

    The Prime Minister : Our EC partners are showing, both by their military and economic contributions, that they share solidarity with us in pursuing the liberation of Kuwait. But I cannot quantify this in the way requested, particularly since the position is changing all the time.

  • PMQT – 31 January 1991

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 31st January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Patchett : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others.

    Mr. Patchett : Has the Prime Minister seen reports this morning that the Italian cargo vessel the Karin B is returning to Britain with a cargo of toxic waste? In view of the grave public anxiety on the matter, will he ensure that under no circumstances will the ship be allowed into any British port with its deadly cargo?

    The Prime Minister : I can certainly assure the hon. Gentleman that waste will be allowed into this country only if it is safe to treat it. We shall certainly apply that principle to the Karin B and its cargo.

    Sir Ian Lloyd : Does my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister agree that in the nuclear weapons age the much pilloried phrase, “Careless talk costs lives” is a dramatic understatement? Does he further agree that the intolerable position in which Admiral Sir Tom Woodward was put in a public discussion on television early yesterday morning by the right hon. Member for Chesterfield (Mr. Benn) was a serious threat, especially as the right hon. Gentleman asked that the relationship between the President of the United States and British use of nuclear weapons be brought out into the open? Does my right hon. Friend agree that that shows the importance of the existing convention which applies to the matter?

    The Prime Minister : It is an important convention. However, I did not see the interview and I should prefer not to comment too directly upon it.

    Mr. Benn : Is the Prime Minister aware that Admiral Woodward was a great deal more candid than Ministers have been about the use of nuclear weapons in the Gulf? Is he also aware that there is widespread anxiety in Britain about the extension of the war aims well beyond the United Nations objectives relating to Kuwait and about the possibility of an extension of the war? Will he welcome the initiative of the French Government in going to Tehran to see whether at this late stage some progress might be made by negotiation leading to a ceasefire?

    The Prime Minister : I repeat to the right hon. Gentleman that I did not see the interview with Admiral Woodward and I have no comment on it. On the war aims, I have made it clear consistently that our aims are those set out in the United Nations Security Council resolutions. That is and remains the position.

    Mr. Colvin : Will my right hon. Friend find time today to consider the somewhat fragile political climate in South Africa, following the welcome meeting of reconciliation between Chief Buthelezi and Mr. Nelson Mandela? What action can the Government take to encourage the nations of the world to take a more positive attitude towards South Africa to encourage that country faster and further down the road to reform which we all want to see it travel?

    The Prime Minister : I very much welcome the meeting between Chief Buthelezi and Mr. Mandela. It is an extremely welcome development. As my hon. Friend will know, the European Community nations lifted the investment sanction some time ago because of the progress that has been made. If, as I hope, further progress on dismantling apartheid is made soon, I hope that we shall see a further gesture from the European Community, the United States and the Commonwealth on lifting sanctions.

     

    Q2. Sir David Steel : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the right hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Sir David Steel : After the Gulf war, bearing in mind what was done after the Falklands war, will the Prime Minister consider setting up a high-level inquiry into the acquisition by Iraq of British arms and technology, including some from private companies, quangos and Government Departments, so that lessons may be learned, and so that never again will our forces be faced with an enemy armed partly by ourselves ?

    The Prime Minister : There is a considerable degree of sensitivity about the supply of arms and equipment. As the right hon. Gentleman will know, for some considerable time we have not supplied arms to Iraq for precisely that reason. We will take great care in future to ensure that we are careful about that matter.

    Sir Jim Spicer : Does my right hon. Friend agree that the record of loyalty and service to NATO of the republic of Turkey in the last 45 years, and also to the United Nations in Korea and to United Nations endeavours in the Gulf, is worthy of great praise and should be considered carefully by other NATO members and members of the European Community?

    The Prime Minister : Turkey certainly has a distinguished record in NATO, and I am happy to acknowledge that fact.

    Mr. Kinnock : Will the Prime Minister take the opportunity to confirm that any interest rate rise in Britain in response to today’s rise in German interest rates would be disastrous for industry?

    The Prime Minister : As the right hon. Gentleman knows, we will set interest rates and reduce interest rates when we think it is appropriate. As he knows, we have made our position on the subject perfectly clear. When it is appropriate and in the interests of the economy to reduce interest rates, and when we see that the reduction will be sustained, we will take action.

    Mr. Kinnock : The Government have been telling us for years that they have been curing inflation. Is not it the case that they have always made the mistake of combating inflation only with high interest rates, with the result that they have hit investment? How does the Prime Minister expect the country to become more competitive in advance of the completion of the single market if all the time he is wearing down investment, skills, training and the other things that are essential to enable Britain to compete?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman should know that as our inflation differential with the European Community narrows, we will be in a position to reduce interest rates. The right hon. Gentleman, who invariably advocates the cutting of interest rates, may recall that he also advocated a further cut in interest rates in 1987. Had we then followed his advice, we would have faced a far greater problem today.

    Mr. Kinnock : The Prime Minister will have great difficulty in saying to anyone that he could have greater difficulties than those caused by 1,000 redundancies a day, a reduction in output, a reduction in investment and the highest interest rates in the developed world.

    The Prime Minister : If the right hon. Gentleman is serious about Britain’s success in the 1990s, he needs to bear it in mind that we must get inflation down to the rate of our competitors. We are prepared to take action to do so. I regret that the right hon. Gentleman, as ever, wants the soft option.

     

    Q3. Mr. Cran : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Cran : Does my right hon. Friend agree that the contribution made by Germany yesterday to Britain’s war expenses is extremely welcome? Can he indicate to the House whether he expects contributions from any other source?

    The Prime Minister : I certainly agree with my hon. Friend that the further contribution of £275 million from Germany is very welcome. So also is the offer to provide some military material. I spoke to Chancellor Kohl this morning and was able to thank him for the generosity of the German people.

    Mrs. Heal : Following the visit yesterday by hon. Members, all of whom happened to be women, to the wives of the service men serving in the Gulf, will the Prime Minister take the opportunity to write a letter of support to the wives, many of whom feel isolated and lonely? Will he agree to do that? Will he also agree to a delegation of the wives coming to Westminster to explain to hon. Members their difficulties and feelings while they are supporting their husbands who are serving in the Gulf ?

    The Prime Minister : I certainly agree with the hon. Lady about the remarkable contribution made by the wives of our service men. I hope shortly to have the opportunity of visiting a number of the wives in Germany and I look forward to that. I would be happy to send the letter that the hon. Lady suggests.

     

    Q4. Mr. Bowis : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Bowis : Does my right hon. Friend agree that there can be few worse examples of the inhumanity of Saddam Hussein than his cruelty to the prisoners of war and their families in refusing the International Red Cross access to them? Will he do everything in his power to ensure that that access is achieved?

    The Prime Minister : I assure my hon. Friend that we are certainly doing that. The action by the Iraqis in refusing access is intolerable and unforgivable. We are in daily touch with the Red Cross in Geneva and are doing our best to support its efforts. I shall be meeting the president of the Red Cross early next week.

     

    Q5. Mr. Lewis : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Lewis : Does the Prime Minister share my view that it is obscene that the lives of coalition forces in the Gulf are threatened by arms and weapons probably made by their own families in their own country ? Will the right hon. Gentleman give an unequivocal assurance today that he will take Britain out of the international arms trade, which includes the training of personnel from other countries and providing technical know-how?

    The Prime Minister : The obscenity lies in Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, and the sooner that the hon. Gentleman recognises that the better.

     

    Q6. Mr. Day : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Day : Does my right hon. Friend agree that Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait was an act of naked aggression, but Israel’s occupation of the west bank and Gaza was brought about by decades of Arab intolerance of the state of Israel and that, because of those two different scenarios, there should be no linkage at any future date?

    The Prime Minister : It is clear that the situation is different because in 1967 it was Israel which was attacked. But we now have to look to the future and a solution to the Arab-Israel problem based on territory for peace. Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait has made that task much more difficult, but as I have said to the House on a number of occasions in recent weeks, we shall certainly be looking to see whether we can bring that peace forward as soon as the conflict is over.

    Mr. Molyneaux : Does the Prime Minister share my admiration for the prompt response of senior members of the Commonwealth to the invasion of Kuwait? Does he share my hope that those ties with the Commonwealth will endure long after various temporary entanglements have disappeared?

    The Prime Minister : I most certainly do, without qualification.

     

    Q7. Mr. Thorne : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Thorne : As justice delayed is justice denied, will my right hon. Friend, in his usual caring fashion, be kind enough to examine the efficiency of the courts and whether it is right that people, particularly from abroad, should be obliged to wait so long for their trial? I am thinking in particular of Mrs. Dina Le Tarle, the American wife of a surgeon, aged 29, who has been prosecuted for her actions while responding to muggers on the underground. She has now been waiting three months for her trial.

    Mr. Speaker : Order. If the case is sub judice, the hon. Gentleman should bear that in mind.

    The Prime Minister : I understand the general point that my hon. Friend makes. The Government are concerned to reduce to a minimum delay in all criminal cases.

    Mr. Michael J. Martin : The Prime Minister will know that many of the soldiers who are serving well in the Gulf are in the Army because they could not get jobs in civvy street and when the Gulf war is over there will be soldiers who, unfortunately, will be unfit for Army service. Can the right hon. Gentleman guarantee them jobs in Glasgow and the north of England?

    The Prime Minister : The early part of the hon. Gentleman’s remarks will be widely resented by many of our forces in the Gulf. I heard from him no talk of employment during the 40 successive months when unemployment was falling.

     

    Q8. Mr. Page : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 31 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Page : My right hon. Friend is hearing from those who wish to see extensions to the sanction period in respect of the Gulf calls to bring about a ceasefire. For the benefit of the House, will my right hon. Friend surmise why those people are trying to put our troops in extra danger by giving Saddam Hussein the breathing space to develop a nuclear weapon?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend. He makes a valid point. We are not interested in a pause or a ceasefire, which would simply enable Iraq to regroup, resupply its forces and place our troops in greater peril. The conflict over Kuwait will be concluded only when all the provisions of Security Council resolution 678 have been met.

  • Mr Major’s Political Broadcast on the Iraq War – 17 January 1991

    Below is Mr Major’s political broadcast on the Iraq War, made on 17th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    Since before dawn today, Britain’s forces have been in action in the Gulf. Their skill and courage have already been tested. Tonight I want to explain to you why they are there, and what this conflict is about.

    Our troops are part of an international force. It is drawn from many countries. It is acting under the authority of the United Nations and its purpose is to end Saddam Hussein’s ruthless occupation of Kuwait.

    He invaded without justification. His army has conducted itself without mercy. If such brutality and aggression are rewarded with success, then we are all at risk. If you appease a bully, you pay for it later. And you often pay more dearly.

    We did not want a conflict. I need hardly tell you that. We have tried hard to avoid it. We have given Saddam Hussein every opportunity to withdraw. Time and again the United Nations has called upon him to leave Kuwait. In the patient diplomacy of the past five months, leaders from around the world have sought peace – and then sought it again.

    But, unfortunately, Saddam Hussein has chosen war. He has rejected every attempt to reach a peaceful solution. He has rebuffed even the Secretary General of the United Nations. At the United Nations, the world agreed that Iraq must withdraw, or be driven out of Kuwait. We applied sanctions to make our point clear. We refused to trade with Iraq. Those sanctions made life harsher for Saddam’s people, but he was not a man to be influenced by their suffering. Then the world set him a deadline. Free Kuwait, we said, or we will have to free it from you.

    But Saddam Hussein has rejected all appeals. He has defied the United Nations. He has increased his forces in Kuwait. He tortured and killed those who opposed him. He has tried to wipe Kuwait off the map of the Middle East.

    For our part, we – the rest of the world – have acted with enormous restraint. Time and again we warned him – and we offered him this promise. If he would withdraw his invading army from Kuwait, and return them to Iraq, he would not be attacked.

    Saddam has chosen instead to defy the world. The deadline passed, on January 15th, and still he refused to withdraw. That is why we and our partners are now facing up to our responsibility. It is to compel him to obey the United Nations.

    We could not delay any longer. Delay would have increased the risk to our troops out there in the Gulf. Delay would have made the task more difficult. And delay would have extended the terrible sufferings of the people of Kuwait.

    Our aims are clear. They have been set out, for all to see, by the United Nations Security Council. First;

    – we must get Iraq out of Kuwait – right out of Kuwait. Second;

    – we must restore Kuwait’s legitimate government. And third;

    – we must uphold the authority of the United Nations.

    We and our allies want nothing more than that. We are not seeking to dismember Iraq. We have no intention of imposing our choice of government on Iraq. We are simply doing what the United Nations said should be done. We are acting with the authority of the United Nations – and on behalf of the whole world.

    I will not offer you rash promises about how quickly this can be done. The operation on which we have embarked involves danger and sacrifice. But I am confident it will succeed. And we know it is a battle which has to be fought.

    On Tuesday, Members of Parliament gave the Government their overwhelming support. One of the biggest parliamentary majorities in recent history supported action to enforce the decisions of the United Nations. It is a just cause. And it is right that we in Britain should play our part.

    I take no pleasure in this conflict. But I do know what we are doing is right. Our nation has been through many trials in the past. But when – as now – right and justice have been on our side, we have prevailed.

    The military operation must go on until the decisions of the United Nations are enforced. Then we can start searching again, and searching hard, for lasting solutions to the problems of the area. We must try to work out security arrangements for the future, so that these terrible events are never repeated. And we shall – I promise you – bring our own forces back home just as soon as it is safe to do so.

    It is to those men, and women, serving our country in the Middle East that my thoughts go out most tonight. And to all of their families here at home. To you, I know, this is not a distant war. It is a close, and ever-present anxiety.

    I was privileged to meet many of our servicemen and women in the Gulf last week. Their professionalism is outstanding. Their confidence, impressive. And their courage – undoubted.

    You can be proud of them. Very proud. Each one of them has Britain’s wholehearted support – and the prayers of all of us for their safe return home. And our prayers are also for you, their families, who carry so much of the burden of Saddam’s war. We are no less proud of you.

    Goodnight – and God bless.

  • PMQT – 17 January 1991

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 17th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. Butler : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 17 January.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today. This evening I hope to have an audience of Her Majesty the Queen.

    Mr. Butler : Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is vital that our troops know that they have the overwhelming support of the House not only in liberating Kuwait but in realising the promise of a newly effective United Nations?

    The Prime Minister : I very much agree with my hon. Friend. I believe that his views will be echoed throughout the House. I hope that that strong support will be sustained within and beyond the House in the difficult weeks ahead.

    Mr. Kinnock : May I take this opportunity of supporting the feeling expressed by the Prime Minister earlier today that the current conflict was not wanted by those allied against Iraq and is, therefore, regretted? For the sake of our forces and their families, and for the sake of innocent civilians in Kuwait and in Iraq, people everywhere will hope that success in fulfilling the purposes of the United Nations is achieved as speedily as possible. Will the Prime Minister take this opportunity to make it clear that Saddam Hussein can quickly prevent further death and destruction by fully and immediately complying with the United Nations resolutions, by laying down all Iraqi arms and by respecting international law?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with the right hon. Gentleman and I am grateful for the way in which he expressed his view. I hope that at an early stage Saddam Hussein will do what he should have done a long time ago –make it clear that he is prepared to leave Kuwait fully, wholly and unconditionally and spare the world the conflict that is at present going on.

    Mr. Tredinnick : My right hon. Friend will be aware of the assessment by General Colin Powell of the United States joint chiefs of staff that 80 per cent. of the sorties against Iraq have been effective. Is not that a remarkable achievement and a great credit to the allied forces? Does not the pinpoint bombing that we have seen on the news illustrate that there will not be the civilian casualties in Iraq which some had feared? That is important, because our quarrel is not with the people of Iraq.

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend. Our problem is not with the people of Iraq but with the dictator of Iraq who created the invasion of Kuwait. My hon. Friend is entirely right. I echo what he said about the precision bombing that we have seen thus far. I might add that much of that precision bombing is carried out at low level precisely to avoid civilian casualties, sometimes at risk to our pilots. I think that their bravery deserves acknowledgement.

    Mr. Ashdown : We all heard the news of last night’s action with deep regret that this war had to be fought. Does the Prime Minister realise that in this House, and I believe in the nation, there is no mood of jingoism for war but a deep determination to see through a job that must be done, to support our forces and to back the United Nations?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with the right hon. Gentleman. We entered this enterprise with reluctance, but we shall pursue it with persistence until the end.

    Mr. Thornton : Will my right hon. Friend accept my warm congratulations on the way in which he made his statement this morning and particularly on the way in which he answered the questions put to him by the press? Does he agree with the commentator on Radio 4 this morning who urged that we should not attempt through the many armchair generals who will commentate on this war to second-guess what the military are doing in Iraq?

    The Prime Minister : I think that it is already clear from what we have seen today that the degree of care in the planning by the allied high command has been very successful. I believe that the conduct of those military operations is in very satisfactory military hands.

     

    Q2. Mr. Clelland : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 17 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Clelland : Does the Prime Minister recall that many of our hostages, who have now returned from Iraq, spoke of the friendliness and helpfulness of the ordinary Iraqi citizens during their period of entrapment? Will he confirm that this war is against Saddam Hussein and his henchmen, not against ordinary families in Iraq? Does he further agree that ordinary Iraqi nationals, living in this country, many of whom are refugees from the oppression of Saddam Hussein, should not be harassed or held accountable for the actions of the dictator?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for making that point. It is entirely true that there are a large number of Iraqi citizens in the United Kingdom who are here precisely because they have been persecuted by Saddam Hussein. I believe that their refuge here will be appreciated and understood by the British people.

    I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman that we have no quarrel whatsoever with ordinary Iraqi people. As I said a moment ago, it is the dictatorship of Iraq which we are opposing.

    Sir Eldon Griffiths : Since President Bush this morning said that one of his war aims was to destroy the existing chemical and potential atomic war-making capacity of Iraq, will my right hon. Friend associate the United Kingdom with that war aim? Will he also confirm that, once those installations are destroyed, no British or European company will, in future, assist in their being replaced?

    The Prime Minister : As my hon. Friend may know, those installations have been attacked, but thus far we are not entirely sure with what success. I hope that that will become apparent later. Subsequently, I certainly hope that firms will take great care in any dealings they may have with those who may recreate that sort of facility.

     

    General Colin Powell

    Q3. Mr. Dalyell : To ask the Prime Minister on how many occasions he has had a meeting with General Colin Powell of the United States joint chiefs of staff; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : I met the chairman of the United States joint chiefs of staff on 4 December. British commanders, of course, have been in regular touch with General Powell.

    Mr. Dalyell : If General Powell were to be instructed either to accept or to offer a call for a cease fire, would we have to wait until Kuwait was occupied by coalition forces? In the light of my letter of yesterday to him, could the Prime Minister clarify the differences between himself on the one hand and Secretary Cheney and General Powell on the other on the use and legal aspects of nuclear weapons?

    The Prime Minister : On the first point, the conflict can cease when it becomes clear beyond doubt that the Iraqis are moving out of Kuwait and we are certain that that is the case. That has been and will continue to be the position.

    On the use of nuclear weapons, I think that I made it clear in the debate the other day that we did not envisage the use of nuclear weapons. To the best of our knowledge Iraq does not have a nuclear capacity. Under the non-proliferation treaty, which has been signed by the United States and ourselves, we would not therefore use them.

    Mr. Aitken : Does my right hon. Friend agree that one of the vital ingredients in the success of the military operation so far was General Powell’s request, courageously supported on 9 November by President Bush and the British Cabinet, to double the number of troops and aircraft deployed to their present high levels? Will my right hon. Friend take this opportunity to congratulate all those responsible on both sides of the Atlantic, from commanders to backroom boys, on this remarkable feat of military logistics and preparedness?

    The Prime Minister : I would certainly be most happy to do that. When I was able to visit Dhahran and some of the military establishments a week or so ago, it was astonishing to see the way in which the sheer logistics of obtaining such a dramatic armada of weaponry, in terms of both land and air forces, had been achieved. It has been a remarkable logistical operation.

    Dr. Owen : Does the Prime Minister agree that one of the significant achievements of General Powell has been to ensure that this is not just an American dispute with the Iraqi Government–he has also involved the Arab Governments? Should we not all like to pay tribute to the Saudi Arabian Government and the Kuwait Government in exile for agreeing to their aircraft flying into Iraq, in marked distinction to the French?

    Hon. Members : Hear, hear.

    The Prime Minister : I certainly believe that it is entirely welcome that there has been a multinational effort in terms of today’s attack on Iraq. My understanding is that it was a four-nation attack in the first wave. But, as the right hon. Gentleman may not yet have heard, France joined in the attack at a later stage. I understand that some of her aircraft have suffered damage.

     

    Engagements

    Q4. Mr. Sayeed : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 17 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Sayeed : Although it is difficult to consider any matter other than the middle east today, will my right hon. Friend bend his mind to the conventional forces in Europe treaty that, just two months ago, seemed to offer so much hope for peace in the world? As all 22 signatories are required to ratify that treaty, does my right hon. Friend believe that that will happen, after the brutal repression in Latvia and Lithuania and the undermining of the treaty’s spirit by some elements in the Soviet military?

    The Prime Minister : I very much hope that that treaty will be signed. Clearly, there are a number of serious problems that need to be resolved, particularly the Soviet Union’s transfer of a large number of tanks from the army to the naval coastal command with the intention of bypassing the treaty–which has the absurd effect of ensuring that the Soviet navy has more tanks than the British Army.

     

    Q5. Mr. Winnick : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 17 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Winnick : Is it not the case that Saddam Hussein must be held responsible not only for the present war and tragedy, but for the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi soldiers who lost their lives during a totally useless, futile war against Iran? Who is this criminal dictator to lecture us about the loss of innocent lives?

    The Prime Minister : I am delighted to share the sentiments expressed by the hon. Gentleman.

    Sir Peter Emery : Will my right hon. Friend accept the praise of Conservative Members for the way in which he has handled the situation so far? Will he also accept that considerable congratulations should be given to the Leader of the Opposition and to the leader of the SDP both of whom have unified behind the Government? [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker : Order.

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend that those initials are very difficult to remember.

    I have been very pleased and heartened–but more importantly, our troops will have been pleased and heartened–to see the uniformity of support given to them by the House.

     

    Q6. Mr. Alton : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 17 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Alton : Following the decision of the Soviet Union earlier today to reject the call of the conference on security and co-operation in Europe for an international conference on the position in the Baltic, the first death in Latvia yesterday, the appearance of militia men with their black berets and President Gorbachev’s attempt to extinguish a free press in the Soviet Union, does the Prime Minister agree that, if we are to be even handed in our treatment of human rights abuses and the right of self-determination, it is now time to convene a meeting of the Security Council to discuss the position in the Baltic states? Does he agree with Boris Yeltsin who said that we are at the beginning of a mighty offensive against democracy?

    The Prime Minister : As I made clear to the House in Question Time earlier this week, I deeply deplore the actions in Vilnius and I very much regret the reports that a Latvian civilian has been killed by Soviet security guards. We have made our views crystal clear to the Soviet Union. The Soviets can be in no doubt about the way in which we view that and we have also made it clear that the continued health of the European Community will depend on the Soviet Union pursuing a path of reform, not of repression.

     

    Q7. Mr. Couchman : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 17 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Couchman : The thoughts and prayers of many of my constituents will be with the sappers from Medway towns serving with our troops in the Gulf. Will my right hon. Friend seek to reassure them in their anxiety that the courage and superb professionalism of all our troops will contribute to a swift and satisfactory outcome to this conflict, which many of us had hoped would never happen?

    The Prime Minister : I have no doubt that those qualities will contribute to a successful outcome. However, we should be under no illusions about the scale and potential might of the Iraqi forces and, while I am confident about the success, I cannot yet be confident about the speed of that success, and I think that we should prepare ourselves for that fact.

  • Mr Major’s Commons Statement on the Gulf War – 17 January 1991

    Below is Mr Major’s statement made in the House of Commons on 17th January 1991 regarding the Gulf War.


    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) With permission, Mr. Speaker, I shall make a statement on the start of hostilities in the Gulf in the small hours of this morning.

    Aircraft of the multinational force began attacks on military targets in Iraq from around midnight Greenwich mean time. Several hundred aircraft were involved in the action, including a substantial number of RAF aircraft. The action was taken under the authority of United Nations Security Council resolution 678 which authorises use of all necessary means, including force, after 15 January to bring about Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait.

    The action was taken after extensive consultation with the principal Governments represented in the multinational force and following direct discussions between President Bush and myself over a period of weeks. It was taken only after exhaustive diplomatic efforts through the UN, the European Community, Arab Governments and others to persuade Saddam Hussein to withdraw peacefully.

    The action is continuing. Attacks have been directed at Iraq’s military capability, in particular airfields, aircraft, missile sites, nuclear and chemical facilities and other military targets. Reports so far received suggest that they have been successful. Allied aircraft losses have been low. I regret to inform the House that one RAF Tornado from later raids is reported missing.

    The instructions issued to our pilots and those of other forces are to avoid causing civilian casualties so far as possible.

    Our aims are clear and limited. They are those set out in the United Nations Security Council resolutions: to get Iraq out of Kuwait-all of Kuwait; to restore the legitimate Government; to re-establish peace and security in the area; and to uphold the authority of the United Nations.

    As I explained in the debate in the House of Commons on Tuesday, it is only with the greatest reluctance that we have come to the point of using force as authorised by the Security Council. We did so only after all peaceful means had failed and Saddam Hussein’s intransigence left us no other course. We have no quarrel with the people of Iraq. We hope very much for a speedy end to hostilities. That will come about when Saddam Hussein withdraws totally and unconditionally from Kuwait. Our military action will continue until he comes to his senses and does so.

    Most of all, our thoughts go to the men and women of our forces and their families who wait anxiously at home. [HON. MEMBERS: “Hear, hear.”] They have our wholehearted support and our prayers for a safe return home.

    Mr. Neil Kinnock (Islwyn) I am grateful to the Prime Minister for his statement.

    As the House and the country consider the current conditions in the Gulf region, does the Prime Minister agree that it is relevant and fair to remind ourselves that the first act of warfare which caused the Gulf crisis was taken by Saddam Hussein on 2 August when he invaded Kuwait?

    For the reasons that I gave on Tuesday, I had hoped that the combined pressures of blockade, sanctions and military readiness could be employed longer to have maximum effect.

    Our forces naturally have our complete support and I join the Prime Minister in his thoughts for the families of the men and women facing danger in the Gulf and in his desire that their loved ones come back home safe.

    Will the Prime Minister confirm that the war aims of the allied forces in the Gulf are related directly to achieving the fulfilment of the United Nations purposes of upholding and implementing resolution 660 and of restoring international peace and security in the area? Will he take this opportunity to make it clear that the forces pursuing those purposes of the United Nations are guided by the dual aims of maximising the disabling of Iraqi military strength while minimising any harm to civilians?

    I recognise that the conflict is but hours old, but will the Prime Minister, even at this stage, reaffirm that, after the conclusion of the conflict, prominence must be given to proceeding as quickly as possible to international activities through the United Nations to resolve the wider problems of justice, peace and stability throughout the region?

    I welcome the fact that the Government are making provision for an early debate. Once again, just in the act of doing that we are demonstrating the superiority of democracy over any form of dictatorship.

    The Prime Minister I share the views expressed by the right hon. Gentleman.

    I entirely agree with the right hon. Gentleman’s first point. It was the invasion of Kuwait on 2 August which commenced the hostilities. As the House knows, that was conducted without cause and, after the invasion had taken place, repression was conducted without mercy. The aggression was Saddam Hussein’s, not ours.

    I share the complete support for the forces that the right hon. Gentleman expressed. I can confirm that our aims in the conflict are to uphold the United Nations resolutions – those and no others are the aims for which the British and other forces are fighting in the Gulf.

    I also confirm that the instructions that have been given to all the allied pilots are to minimise civilian casualties wherever that is possible, and the targets that they have been instructed to attack are, without exception, military targets or targets of strategic importance.

    Finally, the right hon. Gentleman asked for our aims and policy at the conclusion of the conflict. I confirm that we will wish to return, as we have in the past, to the question of a peace conference to deal with the wider problems of Arab-Israel.

    Mr. Michael Jopling (Westmorland and Lonsdale) Does the Prime Minister agree that in the days and weeks ahead, when internal communications in Iraq are likely to be seriously impaired, the work of the BBC’s world service is likely to achieve unparalleled importance? Will he check today to ensure that that service is given every opportunity to speak the truth to the people of Iraq?

    The Prime Minister That action is in hand.

    Mr. Paddy Ashdown (Yeovil) May I say how reassuring it was that the Prime Minister laid out so clearly in his statement the limited aims of the operation?

    We cannot, of course, rejoice in any loss of life on whatever side, but will the Prime Minister pass on our congratulations and admiration to our forces for their professionalism, skill and courage? The operations so far have clearly been a considerable success, but does the Prime Minister agree that we must not underestimate the scale of the task that has still to be carried out or the dangers that are still to be confronted?

    The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman is entirely right and I share his views without reservation. Iraq has a substantial number of men under arms. They have sophisticated weapons and, in many cases, they have considerable hardened military experience. There is a great deal yet to be done before the matter is resolved.

    Rev. Ian Paisley (Antrim, North) Will the Prime Minister take it from me that all right-thinking people in Northern Ireland are with him in the heavy burden that he is carrying at this particular time? Is he aware that many hundreds of Ulstermen are out in the Gulf, side by side with all the service men from the rest of the United Kingdom who are standing shoulder to shoulder to defeat the aggressor? When the right hon. Gentleman sees Her Majesty the Queen this afternoon, will he invite her to call for a national day of prayer, that we might pray that the war will be over speedily and that Kuwait will be liberated?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is right to pay tribute to the young men from Northern Ireland, the vast majority of whom are, I believe, serving with 7 Brigade, and have done so for some time with distinction. I shall be delighted to pass on the hon. Gentleman’s kind words to their commanding officer. I shall certainly bear in mind his comments about my meeting with Her Majesty the Queen later today.

    Mr. William Ross (Londonderry, East) Is the Prime Minister aware that he enjoys the total support of Unionist party Members on these Benches today for the action that has, unfortunately, had to be taken in the Gulf? Is he further aware that he also enjoys the support of the vast majority of the people of Northern Ireland, both Protestant and Roman Catholic, who are well aware that the action that we have been compelled to take in the Gulf is the lesser of the two evils that confronted us in that part of the world? Is the Prime Minister aware that we admire his statement today, because it said remarkably little, and will he follow a similar course of action when making further statements over the period of the hostilities, since least said is soonest mended, and the “need to know” should be paramount in his mind when any statement is being prepared?

    The Prime Minister In all that I say, I shall bear in mind first and foremost the need to guard the security and interests of our troops in the Gulf. That has been, and will continue to be, uppermost in my mind. As to the hon. Gentleman’s earlier remarks, he and his constituents in Northern Ireland understand the impact of terrorism better than most, and it is against a form of terrorism that our troops are fighting in the Gulf.

    Mr. Michael Grylls (Surrey, North-West) As it is likely that some British service men will be taken prisoner during the hostilities, will my right hon. Friend make it clear on behalf of Her Majesty’s Government that we expect any such prisoners to be treated according to international convention-because, in view of the Iraqi regime’s appalling record of treating its people, we may feel some nervousness about that. Will my right hon. Friend make it clear that, if the Iraqis do not treat prisoners according to international convention, their leaders will be held responsible after the hostilities?

    The Prime Minister We certainly expect any of our troops who are captured to be treated in the manner that prisoners of war should normally be treated. We made that absolutely clear to Iraq and we also held discussions with the International Red Cross about that matter.

    Mr. Merlyn Rees (Morley and Leeds, South) The Prime Minister referred to aims and said that there would be an end to military operations when Saddam Hussein withdraws from Northern Ireland-[Laughter.]

    Mr. Tony Banks (Newham, North-West) And so he should.

    Mr. Rees Whatever you say, Mr. Speaker, say nothing. I meant to say, when Saddam Hussein withdraws from Kuwait. Would the same apply if Saddam Hussein is driven out of Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman knows precisely what are our aims under the Security Council resolutions. They are to ensure that Saddam Hussein leaves Kuwait and returns to Iraq, and that a legitimate Government are returned to Kuwait. I assume that we shall conclude the existing conflict when that happens.

    Mr. Keith Speed (Ashford) Does my right hon. Friend agree that events in the Gulf and, alas, in the Soviet Union, mean that the prospects of an early and substantial peace dividend is now remote?

    The Prime Minister We very much regret what is happening in the Soviet Union and we shall have to continue examining the situation there to see what impact it has on our forces. Thus far, we have very little real information about what is happening in the Baltic states. We are seeking to obtain more, but without that information, it is difficult to make a proper judgment.

    Mr. Jack Ashley (Stoke-on-Trent, South) Despite the Prime Minister’s assertion that he does not believe that Iraq has a nuclear capability and despite the assumption made by some of us yesterday that that was so, there are persistent press reports today that Iraq does have a nuclear capacity. It would obviously be disastrous if nuclear weapons were to be used in the middle east, so will the Prime Minister state categorically that under no circumstances would we use nuclear weapons-[HON. MEMBERS: “No.”] – first, but that we will use every means in our power to deter the Iraqis from using such weapons, including the threat of retaliation?

    The Prime Minister As to whether Iraq has nuclear capacity, it is certainly the case that it is seeking to attain nuclear capacity. It is our information that it does not yet have nuclear capacity and, on that basis, the remarks that I made earlier about the non-proliferation treaty stand.

    Mr. Patrick Cormack (Staffordshire, South) Reverting to the point made by the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley), is my right hon. Friend aware that this morning the Archbishop of Canterbury gave a most wise and unequivocal message of full support for our troops? Is he further aware that your Chaplain, Mr. Speaker, has arranged for a daily service of intercession at 1 o’clock in St. Margaret’s while the crisis continues?

    The Prime Minister I certainly was aware of the remarks of the Archbishop of Canterbury and I welcome them unreservedly. Of course, as the House knows, the Archbishop has considerable military experience himself, being a holder of the military cross.

    Ms. Clare Short (Birmingham, Ladywood) Will the Prime Minister tell us, as fully and as honestly as he can, what he knows about the level of Iraqi casualties and will he promise us that, throughout this war, we shall be told honestly about the suffering and killing of Iraqi people?

    The Prime Minister I must repeat what I said earlier. The instructions that have been given to our pilots are to minimise casualties and all the preliminary evidence is that that is the case. I have no clear evidence yet, nor will I be able to get it for some time, as to the level of casualties in Iraq, but to the extent that there may be any, either now or later, there can be no doubt in the hon. Lady’s mind, in mine or in anybody else’s, where the responsibility for that must lie.

    Miss Emma Nicholson (Torridge and Devon, West) Will the Prime Minister congratulate our pilots on the enormously skilled implementation of their training in the raid last night? Will he remind those of our citizens who complain about the intrusion of forces training in their daily lives in times of peace that it is this training which gives our forces their leading edge and enables them to go in and win?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend makes a fair and valid point. It is that low flying, which is often such a frustration to people in this country, which is enabling us to minimise civilian casualties in Iraq at present.

    Mr. D. N. Campbell-Savours (Workington) May I, as someone who has regularly questioned low-flying activities in the Lake District, as have my constituents, ask the Prime Minister to relay to our pilots in the Gulf that they have the support, the hearts and the minds of people throughout the county of Cumbria, and we salute their courage and skill at this important time?

    The Prime Minister I will do so with great pleasure.

    Mr. Robert Hayward (Kingswood) Will the Prime Minister take this opportunity to welcome not only the courage displayed by the many people to whom he has already referred, but the exceptional courage which has been shown during the first few hours of this conflict by newsmen in places such as Baghdad and other parts of the middle east and by the many foreign citizens and British workers-many of whom are British Aerospace workers-who have remained in the eastern region of Saudi Arabia to provide the support facilities so badly needed by many different troops?

    The Prime Minister I think that my hon. Friend makes his own point most eloquently and I agree with it.

    Mrs. Alice Mahon (Halifax) Is the Prime Minister aware that at a news conference this morning a member of the democratic Iraqi opposition, in emotional tones, talked about the extra suffering that his people would now have to go through, and he blamed the United States for inflicting that suffering – [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker Order.

    Mrs. Mahon He also told the news conference how distressed he was that there was so little feeling for the Iraqi people, who have lived under Saddam Hussein’s cruelty for many years, and that the west had helped in that cruelty by allowing Saddam Hussein to buy his weaponry and to have export credits? Will the Prime Minister please- I repeat what my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Ladywood, (Ms. Short) said -tell the House honestly of all the civilian casualties as they happen?

    The Prime Minister I have already responded with all the information that I have about civilian casualties. I hope that the hon. Lady will accept that. As for the gentleman she mentioned, I can only say that that member of the Iraqi opposition might dwell on the matter of those other members of the Iraqi opposition who have been murdered by Saddam Hussein.

    Mr. Patrick Nicholls (Teignbridge) Has my right hon. Friend seen press reports that suggest that the BBC may have given its correspondents instructions to refer not to “our troops” but merely to “British troops”, apparently in the interests of impartiality? Does my right hon. Friend agree that, if those reports are true, it is deeply depressing that-even in a conflict of this sort-the BBC should be unable to distinguish between good and evil?

    The Prime Minister I believe that what the BBC is doing, in what has already been some remarkable reporting, is trying to keep a proper balance in that reporting-precisely because so much of the world listens to the BBC and because it is important to this country that they continue to do so and to believe what they hear.

    Dr. John Gilbert (Dudley, East) Was there anything encouraging in the reply that the Iraqi Government made to the Prime Minister’s representations about the treatment of any prisoners of war who might fall into their hands?

    The Prime Minister I regret to tell the right hon. Gentleman that we have received no positive response.

    Mr. Paul Marland (Gloucestershire, West) Will my right hon. Friend confirm that our forces have no ambition whatever to topple Saddam Hussein from his position of power in Iraq and that the aim of the conflict is simply to remove his forces from Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend will know the terms of the United Nations resolutions; I set them out earlier. Those are our aims.

    Mr. Peter Shore (Bethnal Green and Stepney) While our armed forces can be confident that they are fighting in a just and, indeed, noble cause-and while they will enjoy the overwhelming support of the British people-can the Prime Minister tell us what is being done to pierce the walls of silence that separate the Iraqi people from the truth, not only about their position but about the hideous role to which Saddam Hussein has brought them?

    The Prime Minister The right hon. Gentleman is entirely right. This is a just cause and I think that that is accepted by the overwhelming majority of people throughout the world.

    We have been trying to penetrate the fog of misunderstanding that exists in Iraq over a period of months, not least by means of broadcasts but also in other fashions. In a society dominated as Iraq has been for so long, it is terribly difficult to get that message through; I hope, however, that it will be understood very shortly and that the people of Iraq will realise that the way in which they have been led and mistreated by their own dictator in recent years is wholly unacceptable. Let us pray that he is soon gone.

    Mr. Roger Gale (Thanet, North) Let me join my right hon. Friend in congratulating those responsible for the extremely courageous reporting that is coming out of Baghdad in particular. It is of great interest and comfort to the families of our troops out there.

    As well as pledging total backing for our troops in the Gulf, will my right hon. Friend confirm that total support will be given, not only during but after the conflict, to the wives, children and families of our service men out there?

    The Prime Minister I can certainly give my hon. Friend that firm assurance.

    Mr. James Lamond (Oldham, Central and Royton) May I ask the Prime Minister not to allow the fact that the first action of a United Nations operating with the new, full-hearted support that it has found has ended in this dreadful tragedy of war to dissuade him from giving equally strong and full-hearted support to the UN’s other proposals to deal with difficulties not only in the Gulf area but elsewhere in the middle east and in the world? Can we count on that?

    The Prime Minister As the hon. Gentleman will have heard me say in my speech the other day, many people throughout the world will have been very pleased about the growing authority of the United Nations over recent years. That certainly embraces my view. As for Arab-Israel, I made it clear earlier that we would continue to pursue a peace conference once the present conflict was ended.

    Sir Geoffrey Johnson Smith (Wealden) Does not my right hon. Friend agree that, in view of the events of the past 24 hours and the past five and a half months, we should be grateful for the strength and determination of the United States in the cause of freedom?

    The Prime Minister I very strongly agree with my hon. Friend’s view. We have 35,000 troops and an enormous amount of aircraft and armour there, but the United States has a far greater amount and is paying a substantial price to ensure freedom in Kuwait.

    Mr. Jim Sillars (Glasgow, Govan) May I refer the Prime Minister to the penultimate paragraph of his statement, in which he said that military action will continue until Saddam Hussein withdraws unconditionally from Kuwait? Given that we are now at war and that casualties and disruptions are part and parcel of that, is he really saying that, if Iraq announced at any time its willingness to accept and implement the United Nations resolutions, but required a short time to gather people together to leave peacefully, that would not be acceptable?

    The Prime Minister I did not say that that would not be acceptable. I have made it clear that the war cannot end until we know that Saddam Hussein is out of Kuwait or it is clear beyond doubt that he is going to get out of Kuwait. We need to know exactly what he means if such an offer is made, but we would wish to examine it most carefully.

    Mr. Alistair Burt (Bury, North) Does my right hon. Friend agree that, in answer to those of our constituents whose sincere and genuine views lead them towards pacifism or a belief that the continuation of sanctions would be the best way to proceed, it is necessary to say simply that sometimes a better world cannot be hoped for or prayed for but has to be fought for?

    The Prime Minister I do agree with my hon. Friend about that. Many people, for religious and other reasons, have a genuine and mortal hatred of war. I understand that – none of us likes it. For some people, it is a hatred that they are unable to overcome. We must continue to explain to them, to borrow the words of the right hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Stepney (Mr. Shore), that this is a just war by any count.

    Mr. Tony Benn (Chesterfield) Did the Prime Minister notice that, in the course of the night, the Secretary-General of the United Nations said that he had not been told that the attack was about to take place? As this is supposed to be a United Nations operation, can the Prime Minister tell the House what role he sees for the Security Council in monitoring the operation? Everybody knows that, when the bloodshed ends, there will be a peace conference that will have to meet all the problems.

    On the question of casualties, the right hon. Gentleman must have stayed up through the night watching the bombing of Baghdad as the greatest aerial bombardment in the history of air warfare was launched, which we watched in person on our televisions. Did he not feel that, when the commentator said that it was like a firework display on 4 July while human beings were being killed by that bombardment, such a comment ran contrary to the spirit of what the Prime Minister said about minimising the casualties on both sides?

    The Prime Minister The attacks and military action that the right hon. Gentleman saw through the night were on military establishments for a military purpose to achieve the liberation of Kuwait. It operated under the authority of the United Nations, freely given by the United Nations, and there was no specific need to refer back to the Secretary-General.

    Mrs. Edwina Currie (Derbyshire, South) May I commend my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister for the way in which he has conducted himself and for his dignity and restraint, which reflect well on this country? Does he share my concern that most of the news coming out of the Gulf is from nearly 400 United States correspondents, while the reports from British correspondents, including the BBC, are coming from only a handful who are having to pool their reports? We need British news about British service men and women, from British correspondents. Will the Prime Minister please see what can be done about that?

    The Prime Minister We went to some trouble to ensure that there were appropriate visas so that British reporters were able to be in the Gulf area during this conflict. I must tell the House that we are concerned also about the safety of British correspondents there and we have made it perfectly clear that we do not expect them to stay in areas of great danger to themselves.

    Mr. John Fraser (Norwood) Will the Prime Minister recognise that, as well as achieving the objective of the United Nations of freeing Kuwait, it is important to preserve political stability in the area and the advance to freedom in other countries? Will he be ever mindful of the effect of an extended conflict on the stability of countries such as Jordan and other Arab countries? Will he undertake to work for a cessation of hostilities at the earliest possible moment and for the minimisation of casualties?

    The Prime Minister There is no way in which, at the conclusion of the conflict, the status quo ante will immediately reappear. One of the matters that I was able to discuss in my recent visit to the Gulf was precisely what might happen at the end of the conflict. I assure the hon. Gentleman that we are already thinking, consulting and liaising with our allies about a proper security structure to ensure that this dreadful conflict does not recur.

    Mr. Churchill (Davyhulme) Is my right hon. Friend aware that the House’s admiration of the courage and skill of our pilots knows no bounds and that our thoughts and prayers are with the families of crewmen who are missing and of those who will not return from this conflict?

    The Prime Minister I am grateful to my hon. Friend. He expresses sentiments which the whole House will share.

    Mr. Tony Banks As the Prime Minister has reminded us several times that this war is being pursued in the light of United Nations resolutions, when can we expect some briefings and statements from the United Nations rather than from General Powell and President Bush? Does he intend to ask for the reconvening of the Security Council and the Assembly so that there can be broader discussion of what is going on in the Gulf?

    The Prime Minister There is no need to reconvene the United Nations Security Council. The resolutions and the authority are clear. The United Nations is not directly involved in the conflict; its member states are, but under the authority of the United Nations.

    Mr. Spencer Batiste (Elmet) Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the ability of our forces in the Gulf to perform the tasks asked of them depends not only on their courage but on the quality of the equipment with which they are supplied? Will he confirm that the British defence industry has performed unstintingly all the tasks that have been asked of it, and more, in these difficult times? Will he ensure that in future our troops will never be asked to undertake tasks for which they are not supplied with the best equipment available? Is that the policy of his Government?

    The Prime Minister Our troops most certainly have the best equipment available. My hon. Friend would be pleased to know precisely what the troops think about the excellent way in which the Challenger tank is performing in the desert. They have excellent equipment and that equipment is in excellent hands with our troops in the Gulf.

    Mr. Robert Hughes (Aberdeen, North) On this more sombre day, when the Prime Minister has expressed his reluctance to have taken military action and his willingness to consider the possibility of Iraq deciding to withdraw from Kuwait, does he accept that it is necessary to have absolute clarity on the war aims of the United Nations coalition? Will he reflect on his answer to my right hon. Friend the Member for Morley and Leeds, South (Mr. Rees), in which he said that he assumed that, if the forces physically went into Kuwait, they would stop at the border? If we are to look for Saddam Hussein or for those of influence in Iraq who may be more peacefully minded and prepared to accept an end to the conflict by withdrawing from Kuwait, will he make it clear that it is not part of the war aims of the coalition to invade and occupy Iraq?

    The Prime Minister I have made it clear that that is not our aim. Our aim is to enforce the United Nations resolutions. That, and only that, is the aim for which the allied troops are in the Gulf.

    Mr. Robert Boscawen (Somerton and Frome) Will my right hon. Friend accept my commendation to the decision takers of the United Nations force for having taken advantage of the great benefits of the principle of surprise and attacked straight away, which will save the lives of friend and foe alike by bringing this conflict to an earlier conclusion than would otherwise be the case?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend has a distinguished war record and a distinguished military record. His commendation will mean more to the commanders than mine, and I will pass it on.

    Mrs. Maria Fyfe (Glasgow, Maryhill) Will the Prime Minister recognise that those of us who oppose going to war at this stage, who are not pacifists but who are simply saying, once again, that it is wrong to go to war until all approaches have been exhausted, are not showing any lack of support for our troops? Of course we want them to have the medical and food supplies that they require. That is not an issue in this conflict.

    Will the right hon. Gentleman recognise that the best thing that we can do for our troops is to bring a speedy end to the conflict – not just to defeat Saddam Hussein in Kuwait but to bring about peace and justice in the middle east? I am extremely disappointed that the Prime Minister’s war aims seem to be so limited. We do not think that there will be a satisfactory end to the conflict if it merely ends in the removal of Saddam Hussein from Kuwait.

    May I further ask the right hon. Gentleman – [HON. MEMBERS: “No.”] If this is a democracy, if this is part of what we are talking about, if other opinions are to be heard –

    Mr. Speaker Order. Of course this is a democracy, but the hon. Lady must take account of the other Opposition Members who wish to participate.

    Mrs. Fyfe I just want to finish on this point. Is Monday’s debate to be yet another Adjournment debate or will the Government make a clear statement of the position?

    The Prime Minister The latter point will be discussed between the usual channels in the usual way and my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House will make a statement in due course. All of us are seeking peace and justice in the middle east, in Kuwait and beyond, but I fear that, for Iraq and Kuwait, peace and justice require the action that we are taking and the defeat of Saddam Hussein.

    Mr. Bowen Wells (Hertford and Stortford) Is my right hon. Friend aware that the maintenance of the confidence and morale of our armed forces in the middle east crucially depends on this country’s calm, courageous, steadfast leadership, all characteristics which he has exemplified perfectly during the past few days and, indeed, since he took office? Will my right hon. Friend explain to Saddam Hussein that the only way in which a ceasefire can take place is if he withdraws from Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister I am grateful to my hon. Friend. He sets out the absolute precondition for a settlement and I agree with him.

    Mr. John McWilliam (Blaydon) Will the Prime Minister accept my regard for the professionalism, training and expertise of all our forces, whom I had the opportunity to meet in the Gulf just before Christmas? They have now been committed to action and I hope that they will come through safely. I shall understand if the right hon. Gentleman has difficulty in answering my next question: what is the current attitude of Jordan and Iran to what is happening?

    The Prime Minister I shall certainly pass the first half of the hon. Gentleman’s remarks on to the commander in the middle east. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will forgive me if I do not respond directly to his second question.

    Mr. John Browne (Winchester) Does my right hon. Friend accept that the action of the Governments and armed forces of our country, the United States of America and the Arab allies has been bold and effective, thus lending new and awesome consequence to the implementation of United Nations resolutions, which have been made possible by the new peace of detente between the great powers? Does my right hon. Friend agree that the success of this worthy enterprise will lead to greatly enhanced peace, freedom and stability not only in the middle east but in the world in general?

    The Prime Minister I certainly hope that the action taken on this occasion will in future deter any aggressor who may feel that he can march into a small adjacent and peaceful country. I think that we all hope that the United Nations action on this occasion will guarantee that no such future conflicts need arise.

    Mr. John Evans (St. Helens, North) As the military action launched against Iraq last night was in pursuance of United Nations resolution 678 and as the Secretary-General was not consulted before the attack, will the Prime Minister give an undertaking that the Secretary-General will be involved in determining whether the terms of that resolution have been met?

    The Prime Minister As I explained some moments ago, there was no need to consult the Secretary-General because the Security Council had given the necessary authority for the attack to take place.

    Mr. Bill Walker (Tayside, North) Does my right hon. Friend agree that one of the reasons why the aerial onslaught has been so professional thus far is that the United States, the United Kingdom and others regularly practise and work together, at all levels up to Ministers? That has made it possible for us to carry out an action that could not otherwise have been conducted. The low-flying exercises that go on throughout the United Kingdom, in which United States pilots, RAF pilots and others are involved, have brought about such an operation. We should be grateful for the good and professional way in which the pilots have conducted themselves now and in the past.

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend is entirely right. There has been such close consultation in NATO for many years.

    Mr. John P. Smith (Vale of Glamorgan) I welcome the Prime Minister’s message of support to the families of soldiers in the Gulf and the measures taken by the Minister of State for the Armed Forces in offering special facilities to obtain information about what is happening. However, will the Prime Minister take this opportunity to confirm that, when there are casualties on our side, after military considerations have been taken into mind, it is the families who are notified first, so that they do not have to hear about such casualties through the media?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman raises a most important question. It will be our invariable practice to ensure that the families are made aware of any casualties before they are made public. They should hear about them not from a third source but from the Ministry of Defence. That will be our intention.

    Mr. William Cash (Stafford) Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is not only the RAF pilots who have shown superb skill and bravery in what they have done? They in their turn owe an enormous amount to the ground crews and to the maintenance and repair people, including those from RAF Stafford, who give them such superb back-up.

    The Prime Minister I entirely agree with that. In my visit to the Gulf, I took the opportunity precisely to meet those back-up crews.

    Dr. Norman A. Godman (Greenock and Port Glasgow) If, God forbid, our forces suffer heavy casualties in this appalling war, it may mean, in terms of the counselling of the families and of the advice given to their loved ones, that the fine people employed by the Soldiers’, Sailors’ and Airmen’s Families Association may be overwhelmed by the demand.

    What contingency plans have the Government made to call on the professional services of social workers and others employed by social work departments and by social services departments? Do not the tragic events at Lockerbie show the way ahead for the application of professional counselling services for those who have suffered tragic bereavement? What are the Government doing for the provision of such counselling services?

    The Prime Minister The Ministry of Defence will be in close contact with the appropriate services. The hon. Gentleman raises an important point.

    Mr. Tim Devlin (Stockton, South) As yet, the promised strike against Israel has not taken place. Will my right hon. Friend say what the allies’ reaction would be if such an attack or any other incursion into other neighbouring territories took place?

    The Prime Minister The allies have repeatedly made it clear that they would take a very … If my hon. Friend will forgive me, I should prefer to put it a different way. I hope very much that there is no attack on Israel. There is no justification for it and, if such an attack were to occur, the allies would be absolutely justified in responding most severely and most swiftly.

    Mr. Andrew Faulds (Warley, East) Is the Prime Minister aware that in order to keep Israel out of the war, which would have broken up the Arab aspects of the alliance, the United States gave a commitment to Israel that it would not agree to a peace conference which could have discussed the Palestinian issue and others and could have avoided the war? Is it not clear -[Interruption.] History will prove me right. Is it not clear what a malign role Israel plays in the middle eastern tragedy?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is not right. He says that history will prove him right. That sort of history, as Henry Ford said, is bunk.

    Mr. Robert Adley (Christchurch) Will my right hon. Friend and the whole House spare a moment to think of the continuing plight of our three hostages being held in the Lebanon? For the avoidance of doubt, will my right hon. Friend make it clear that the Government have no territorial ambitions in the Gulf and no intention of seeking long-term military bases there?

    The Prime Minister I am certainly content to make that point clear. I would add that in no sense have our hostages in the Lebanon been forgotten. They are of great concern to us and the subject of constant interest and activity on the part of the Foreign Office, which seeks to secure their release. We very much hope that they will be home.

    Mr. Edward O’Hara (Knowsley, South) May I press the Prime Minister further on the important question whether the Secretary-General of the United Nations will have any part in determining whether the terms of United Nations resolutions 660 and 678 are fully met?

    The Prime Minister The Secretary-General is the servant of the Security Council. The Security Council has made its position clear. The allied forces are operating under the authority given to them.

    Mr. Kenneth Hind (Lancashire, West) Does my right hon. Friend agree that what happened last night was a great credit to British and allied planning? Will he confirm that the fact that Scud missiles in Iraq have been knocked out makes it unlikely that the Iraqis will be able to make an attack on Israel and that that means that Saddam Hussein will not be able to divide the allies and split off the Arabs, which is clearly his intention?

    The Prime Minister As I said a moment ago, I very much hope that no such attack takes place. If my hon. Friend will forgive me, I can make no comment on the effectiveness of the attack on the Scud missiles.

    Mr. Win Griffiths (Bridgend) Given that so much blood is now to be spilt following the actions of Saddam Hussein and over his desire to gain control of the oil reserves of Kuwait, has the Prime Minister had any discussions with President Bush or King Fahd about some control of the oil markets of the world, to prevent people from profiteering in the current crisis?

    The Prime Minister No, Sir.

    Mr. Ian Taylor (Esher) As this is a just war, being fought to carry out United Nations resolutions, does my right hon. Friend agree that it would be welcome if those nations which, for whatever reason, cannot take part in the military action themselves, would now reaffirm their support for what happened last night and give moral and, it is to be hoped, practical support in the way that they consider most appropriate-including financial support?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend’s addendum is equally important. I hope that nations that have made no material contribution may reconsider – if they have not yet done so – the possibility of making a financial contribution towards dealing with the difficulties faced not least by the front-line states in the Gulf area, which face such economic disruption as a result of the whole affair.

    Mr. George Galloway (Glasgow, Hillhead) Is the Prime Minister aware that every one of the news correspondents based in Baghdad and broadcasting throughout the night said that they did not see a single aeroplane – so high were the aeroplanes flying that were dropping the ordnance on the streets of Baghdad? Does he not realise that the concepts of pinpoint bombing, surgical strikes and quick and clean bombing actions are a fantasy of the armchair strategists in their sandpits in the television studios.

    In so far as Saddam Hussein is a brutal dictator, does it not follow that his own people are by definition his victims, just as much as the hostages and the people of Kuwait? Does it not give the Prime Minister a moment’s pause for thought that those are the very people who, as we speak, are being dragged dead and mutilated out of the rubble of the centre of Baghdad?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman may speak for himself, but he speaks for no one else.

    Several Hon. Members rose –

    Mr. Speaker Order. I notice that several hon. Members were not previously rising but now are doing so. I shall call only those who have been rising and then we must move on.

    Mr. Julian Brazier (Canterbury) Has my right hon. Friend heard that CND has set up a chatline via British Telecom? Does he agree that it would be unlikely to be allowed to do so in Baghdad? Does he further agree that, while people may be certain of their moral superiority, there is room for a certain humility if they remember that the freedoms that they so take for granted have been bought with the lives of successive generations of British and other service men?

    The Prime Minister My hon. Friend makes his own point most eloquently.

    Mr. Giles Radice (Durham, North) Does the Prime Minister accept that, although no one wants this war, now that it has come we must get it over with as speedily as possible and with the minimum loss of life? In that connection, does the Prime Minister consider that UN forces yet have command of the air?

    The Prime Minister It is far too early to make that judgment. From all that one can see and all the evidence that we have, the first 24 hours have been extremely successful from the allied point of view. I must reiterate to the House most passionately that there is a great deal yet to be done before we can be certain how the course of the conflict will be run. We cannot yet say that there is command of the air. The operation has begun remarkably well and we must hope and pray that it continues equally well.

    Mr. Ian Bruce (Dorset, South) The whole House will agree that possibly the bravest people in the conflict are the families who have to stay behind and worry about their loved ones. In areas such as mine, where we have a naval and an Army base, support groups are already being set up. May I have an assurance from my right hon. Friend that he will ensure that people who are isolated, perhaps in areas that do not normally have bases, are given full support during these difficult days? I am sure that the whole House is concerned about those people and the lonely wait they have.

    The Prime Minister As my hon. Friend says, it is often hard to wait and wonder. The units of the men involved will keep in close touch with people in those circumstances. The Ministry of Defence has made it clear that it expects that to be done on a wide basis and sensitively.

    Mr. John McAllion (Dundee, East) The Prime Minister has said that we will not use nuclear weapons. However, last night President Bush told the American people that this war would not be another Vietnam and that this time the American military would not fight with one hand tied behind its back. Is not that not a clear indication from the President that the green light has been given to the American military to use tactical nuclear weapons if necessary? As part of his extensive consultations with the President, was the Prime Minister consulted on that matter? Did he agree to give the American military a free hand to use whatever weapons it thinks necessary?

    The Prime Minister There was nothing in President Bush’s remarks that remotely approximated to the conclusions that the hon. Gentleman has drawn from them.

    Sir Alan Glyn (Windsor and Maidenhead) Does my right hon. Friend agree that a great contribution has been made by the St. John Ambulance Brigade, the Red Cross and the national health service in making provision for emergency treatment in this country?

    The Prime Minister Yes, the national health service has been remarkably co-operative and has made substantial provision. We all hope that that provision will not be necessary. As my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health made clear yesterday, to the extent that extra expenditure is required for that purpose, it will be made available.

    Mr. Bob Cryer (Bradford, South) In view of the precipitate abandonment of sanctions and the onslaught of this bloody conflict, will the Government learn some lessons? For example, the arms and ammunition used against our service men will have been sold to Iraq by western nations. Indeed, components for the manufacture of arms have been sold from this nation. Will the Government make serious efforts to develop an arms embargo to curtail the wretched trade in arms throughout the rest of the world and make sure that the opportunity for conflicts such as this is limited? Or do the Government intend to put profit before peace?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is ill informed. We have had strict control of arms sales to Iraq for a considerable number of years. As to sanctions and their abandonment, they have not been abandoned, but have been added to by the military force now operating. There was no abandonment. Even if there had been total abandonment, it would not have been precipitated; it would have been inevitable because of the way Saddam Hussein has been behaving.

    Mr. Ivor Stanbrook (Orpington) Does my right hon. Friend agree that, the battle having been started, it would be wise and desirable if public discussion on the tactical details and public comment on what is happening were kept to the minimum?

    The Prime Minister It is self-evidently in the interests of a successful outcome to the conflict that we are all responsible about what we say on tactical matters.

    Mr. Stuart Bell (Middlesbrough) Is not it noticeable by the House that the debate has revolved around the fact that we are in the Gulf to support United Nations resolution 678? Is not that resolution the 12th in a line of resolutions going back to 2 August? Therefore, it is appropriate that all the action should be under the United Nations. Can the Prime Minister reaffirm again that we have Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti airplanes in the sky and nail the lie that this is somehow a British-American operation?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is quite right, and I can certainly confirm that. I would add that we have French aircraft in the skies as well.

    Mr. Dennis Canavan: (Falkirk, West) Will the Prime Minister dissociate himself from those euphoric warmongers who naively imagine that last night’s air raids guarantee a quick and conclusive military victory? Does not the US army war college report – until recently a secret document – which concludes that air raids alone will not be able to drive the Iraqi forces out of Kuwait and goes on to predict a long and bloody ground battle, with many casualties on both sides, reinforce the case for calling a halt now to hostilities and starting genuine peace negotiations which have not even been tried yet?

    The Prime Minister I have made it clear twice already this afternoon that there is much more to be done. That must be self-evident to everyone. The whole purpose of the way in which the campaign is being conducted is to minimise civilian casualties. I have also made that clear. What will happen as the conflict continues, it is impossible yet to say. More has to be done. How it will fall out, we cannot yet know. What I am confident about is, first, that our forces will continue to operate with the professionalism that we have seen in the last 24 hours, and, secondly, that we will continue to have in the forefront of our minds the safety and security of our troops and our firm intention to minimise civilian casualties.

    Mr. Roy Beggs (Antrim, East) Will the Prime Minister accept that the Ulster Unionists and the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland respect his resolute leadership during the Gulf crisis? Will he also accept that the conflict could be helped to an early conclusion if all the nations that up to date have withheld their full support for the United Nations would now come behind it and fully support the troops in the Gulf?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman is quite right; I wholeheartedly agree with him.

    Ms. Mildred Gordon (Bow and Poplar) The Prime Minister accepted with approval the word “just” to describe the war. Will he explain where the justice is for the Kuwaiti people caught between the violence of Saddam Hussein and allied bombing, fearful that they will be ground into the earth, while the Emir and the royal family are living in safety and luxury?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Lady is mistaken. The Kuwaiti people are actually caught under the oppression of Saddam Hussein.

    Mr. Paul Flynn (Newport, West) Does the Prime Minister recall that, in 1940 and in 1967, the Soviet Union used the preoccupation of the world with events of this kind to send the Red Army into the Baltic states and into Hungary? Is not there a grave danger of history repeating itself? Will the Prime Minister take up as a matter of urgency the invitation given yesterday by Mr. Tamara Ringa of the Latvian Popular Front and the foreign secretary of the Lithuanian Parliament to send observers from Britain to the Parliaments of Tallinn, Riga and Vilnius?

    The Prime Minister As I made clear to the House earlier, we take an extremely serious view, which is well known to the Soviet Union, of the events in Vilnius. We are examining what is happening to determine what else we may be able to do.

    Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover) As this American-led war continues – [HON. MEMBERS: “UN war”] – American-led war, to protect American oil interests – and as the number of British casualties arising from it increases, will the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he has any plans to requisition private hospitals and to use the royal yacht Britannia as a hospital ship?

    The Prime Minister The hon. Gentleman’s tasteless intervention overlooks the fact that we have had an American and British-led peace in this country for 40 years – from which he has benefited.

    Mr. Ron Brown (Edinburgh, Leith) Does the Prime Minister recall that, during the recess, I wrote to him to say that the Iraqi Assembly wanted to send a peace mission to this country to brief Members of all parties? I received no acknowledgement from his office apart from a curt note from his private secretary. Why the rush to war? Why can he not reply on this basic issue? Is not peace important? Is it the case that he is really the puppet of the President of the United States?

    The Prime Minister It is justice that is important in the Gulf region. The hon. Gentleman may have his own views about the nature of the regime; I have mine. I believe that Saddam Hussein and his regime are thoroughly evil. It is entirely right for the United Nations to give the authority that it has and I am delighted that it has the overwhelming support of this country, even though I regret that it does not have the support of the hon. Gentleman as well.

    Mr. Harry Barnes (Derbyshire, North-East) Was this war really necessary in terms of United Nations resolution 678, as sanctions have not been given a full chance to operate?

    The Prime Minister Yes, it was necessary – absolutely, totally and completely necessary. If the hon. Gentleman does not think so, he is in a minority.

    Mr. Dave Nellist (Coventry, South-East) How do the Prime Minister’s instruction to British pilots, reported this afternoon, to minimise civilian casualties square with what President George Bush said at 2 am? He said that, unlike Vietnam, American forces in this war ‘would not fight with one arm tied behind their backs”.’ Since that war cost 57,000 American lives and 2 million Vietnamese lives, the right hon. Gentleman should, instead of defending cheap oil, stable monarchies and American strategic interests, call a ceasefire. Before the land war develops and tens or hundreds of thousands of young men and women lose their lives, the right hon. Gentleman should call a ceasefire and bring the troops home.

    The Prime Minister American pilots have had the same operational instructions as British pilots to minimise casualties. Those instructions come from their commander-in-chief, President Bush.

    Mr. Jeremy Corbyn (Islington, North) Is the Prime Minister aware that, throughout the United States, western Europe and the entire Arab world, millions of people are opposed to this war? They are appalled that, already, in the first 12 hours of war, more explosives have been dropped on Iraq than were dropped on Hiroshima in 1945. How many deaths do there have to be before the oil interests of the United States and western Europe are satisfied, or is the Prime Minister prepared to go back now to the United Nations to seek an early end to this war and a ceasefire, so that negotiations can take place on all the problems of the region?

    The Prime Minister How much longer would the hon. Gentleman have let the people of Kuwait suffer under the oppression that they have had? How much longer? The Security Council resolutions are entirely clear and we shall prosecute them until they are fully met.

  • Mr Major’s Commons Statement on the Gulf War – 15 January 1991

    Below is Mr Major’s statement made in the House of Commons on 15th January 1991 regarding the Gulf War.


    Mr. Speaker Before I call the Prime Minister, may I say that a very large number of right hon. and hon. Members wish to participate in this very important debate. I propose to put a limit of 10 minutes on speeches between 6 o’clock and 8 o’clock, but I ask those who are called before that, particularly if they are Privy Councillors, to bear that limit in mind.

    Mr. Bob Cryer (Bradford, South) On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Since there have been two debates on the Gulf in the past few months, may I ask whether you will give preference to hon. Members who did not speak in those debates?

    Mr. Speaker I shall seek to balance opinion in the House.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) There is overwhelming concern in Parliament and in the country about the situation in the Gulf. That concern is shared by everyone, but must self evidently be most acutely felt by the families and friends of our troops at present in the Gulf.

    The position has been brought about, first, by Iraq’s illegal invasion of Kuwait and, secondly, by its continued and blatant refusal to implement the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and to withdraw wholly and unconditionally from the country which it invaded in early August. It is now five and a half months since the first of the resolutions and the deadline for Iraq to comply runs out today. Therefore, the Government thought it entirely right for the House to debate the situation.

    Since we last discussed these matters on 11 December last year, there have been important diplomatic and military developments. In addition, my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary and I have both visited the middle east to discuss the position with the rulers and with the Governments there. I have recently met President Bush, President Mitterrand, and Secretary Baker for the same purpose and my right hon. Friend has been in constant contact with his European Community colleagues and many others. Yesterday, upon his return from Baghdad, I also spoke at length to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. I intend to cover those developments shortly, although I shall not on this occasion go into the detailed background to the present crisis, which was dealt with by my right hon. Friend the Member for Finchley (Mrs. Thatcher) with characteristic clarity last September. I shall, however, report on the various discussions that my right hon. Friend and I have had. I shall then explain why the Government regard full implementation of the United Nations resolutions as being so crucial. Finally, I shall set out to the House how we intend to act.

    Before I do so, I should like to make one general point. I hope that this debate will not in any way be seen either here or, perhaps more appropriately, beyond here as a party-political or partisan occasion. With the clear danger of hostilities looming, through no wish of anyone in this country or the House, it seems to me acutely important that our forces in the Gulf should feel that they have the united support of the vast majority of the House and of the country. It will be in that spirit in which the Government approach the debate.

    Mr. Gavin Strang (Edinburgh, East) rose –

    Mr. Dave Nellist (Coventry, South-East) rose –

    The Prime Minister I should like to make a little progress, if the hon. Gentlemen will forgive me.

    Since the invasion on 2 August the international community has collectively and repeatedly called on Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait, 12 Security Council resolutions have been passed, either unanimously or with very substantial majorities, and dozens of visits to Baghdad and appeals to Saddam Hussein have been made by international statesmen from many countries. Most recently, the United States Secretary of State, James Baker, has met Tariq Aziz in Geneva and the Secretary-General of the United Nations has met Saddam Hussein in Baghdad.

    Despite all this, Iraq is still in Kuwait and shows no imminent signs of leaving. I fear that the contrary is the case. In recent weeks Iraq has continued to increase the size of its forces in and around Kuwait. There are now nearly 600,000 troops, more than 4,000 tanks and more than 3,000 artillery pieces. Its defences are continually being strengthened. Chemical weapons, already used by Saddam Hussein against his own people, have been deployed. Contrary to international agreements, Iraq has produced and threatened to use both chemical and biological weapons, the use of which would be wholly contrary to international agreements. Iraq also continues to develop a nuclear weapon, although we do not believe thus far that she has succeeded in doing so.

    Mr. Tam Dalyell (Linlithgow) rose –

    The Prime Minister If the hon. Gentleman will let me make a little progress, I shall give way to him later.

    At the same time, Iraq has constantly and, in my view, cynically changed the pretexts given for its invasion of Kuwait. At various times we have been told that the invasion took place for different reasons: first, because Kuwait had artificially depressed the world price of oil; then because Kuwait had failed to pay compensation to Iraq for lost revenues; and then because it had occupied territory on Iraq’s border. We were then told that there had been a coup d’etat in Kuwait and a new Government established that had appealed for Iraqi support. That absurd untruth soon disappeared without trace. Then we were informed that Kuwait had been wholly absorbed into Iraq, and the Iraqi information Minister told the world ‘to forget that a place called Kuwait had ever existed.’ It was even suggested that Kuwait had been attacked because it posed a threat to Iraq’s security – a notion so absurd that the whole world dismissed it with contempt, and dismissed it immediately.

    Finally, we were told, least credibly of all, that the purpose of the invasion had been to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian question. In my discussions in the Gulf, I have found that non-Iraqi Arab leaders are particularly contemptuous of that excuse and have made that crystal clear to me and my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary. The real fact is that Iraq’s action has made a settlement of that longstanding and very real problem infinitely more difficult. Only when Iraq has withdrawn from Kuwait shall we be able to resume efforts to find a solution with any hope of success – and that, of course, we shall seek to continue to do.

    Rarely in history can there have been a more cynical catalogue of lies and deceits. The reality is clear for all to see: Iraq has used military force to wipe Kuwait off the face of the map and to plunder its resources. Nor is that all. Intimidation, torture and murder of the Kuwaiti people have continued without respite. The appalling details have been carefully and shockingly catalogued in the report by Amnesty International, which should be compulsory reading for everyone who expresses a view on this issue.

    What the report reveals is truly shocking: people executed – in my view, murdered would be a better word – for failing to display a photograph of Saddam Hussein in their homes; teenage boys murdered in the sight of their mothers and sisters, their bodies then left on the street as garbage and their families forbidden to take their corpses home to give them a decent burial. This is literally horrifying, a tale of unbelievable and sickening cruelty since last August.

    Those who caution delay because they hate war – hate the very thought of war, as all hon. Members must surely do – must ask themselves this question: how much longer should the world stand by and risk these atrocities continuing in Kuwait?

    Mr. Cryer rose –

    Mr. Strang rose –

    Mr. Nellist rose –

    The Prime Minister We are talking not only of atrocities. Hundreds of thousands of Kuwaitis have been forced to leave their country as a part of a systematic effort to change populations, to expunge records and to erase national identity itself. At the start of August, there were 700,000 Kuwaitis in Kuwait; today there are 250,000, a fall of two thirds. Organised robbery has taken place on a gigantic scale, with everything from cars and buses to medical equipment – even incubators for use in hospitals – being taken away: stolen, ransacked and taken as spoils of war to Iraq.

    What we are seeing is not just a simple dispute or everyday difference of opinion. What we are witnessing in Kuwait is an attempt to eliminate an entire state by a dictator who has shown himself to be a thorough force for evil in his actions over recent years.
    Despite all this, neither we nor our international partners have given up our efforts to find a peaceful solution on the basis of full implementation of the United Nations resolutions. The United Nations, the European Community, the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference have all separately tried to persuade Iraq to comply with the Security Council resolutions. Many individual countries and Governments have made their contribution. And yet, what happened last week when Secretary Baker met the Iraqi Foreign Minister in Geneva to try yet again to bring about a peaceful solution? Tariq Aziz refused even to mention Kuwait or to discuss withdrawal. He showed no flexibility or, shockingly, any remorse for the crimes that have been committed in Kuwait since the beginning of August. And an invitation to Tariq Aziz to meet the European Community was brusquely and immediately rejected and ignored.

    Subsequently, as the House knows, the United Nations Secretary-General travelled to Baghdad to offer his good offices. We welcomed that unreservedly. Even at that late stage we hoped that reason would prevail. Mr. Perez de Cuellar’s mission had the full support of Britain, of the United States and of the European Community and, I believe, the full support of the whole world community which holds him in such continual respect. Yet his involvement demonstrated, perhaps more clearly than anything else could, that the confrontation is not just between the United States and Iraq or the west and Iraq, but between the United Nations and an aggressor that has overrun a neighbouring small and innocent country.

    But I am sorry to report that the Secretary-General’s efforts, too, were crudely and brutally brushed aside. When I spoke to him yesterday he told me, without any doubt or hesitation, that there was nothing favourable to report from his meeting with Saddam Hussein; not the slightest sign of willingness to comply with the Security Council resolution either now or in the future.

    Mr. Alfred Morris (Manchester, Wythenshawe) In the event of an unprovoked attack on Israel in the days ahead, what would be the British Government’s response and what consultation has there been with other Governments about that possibility?

    The Prime Minister Of course that possibility is one which we have been considering, not least because Saddam Hussein has made it clear on a number of occasions that he may seek to involve a nation at present standing wholly adrift from this particular dispute in the way described. I hope very much that that will not happen and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will forgive me if I do not speculate on what would follow, but I feel sure that the international community, at present part of the allied force, would regard that as a wholly unacceptable way for Iraq to behave and would respond accordingly. I hope very much indeed that the restraint that has been shown by the state of Israel will continue in the weeks ahead. That restraint has been extremely helpful.

    In the past 24 hours the House will have seen reports of a French initiative put forward just a few hours after the European Community Foreign Ministers had concluded that the conditions for an initiative no longer existed. It would be more accurate to say that what is involved is an appeal to Saddam Hussein to reconsider and to withdraw even at this late hour, and that is something which we all wish to see. But what I believe we cannot do is to water down the existing Security Council resolutions. We have supported those for a long time. They call for total and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal. Nor can we be party to extending the United Nations deadline or in any way reward Iraq for its aggression.

    Those are the criteria on which we would judge any proposal. Saddam Hussein must be given no false expectation that peace can be had without complete and full implementation of the Security Council resolutions.

    Mr. Paddy Ashdown (Yeovil) I think that the whole House agrees with the Prime Minister that there can be no question of a watering down of existing United Nations resolutions, but, according to the report in The Independent today, the French initiative calls on the Security Council to ask Iraq ‘to announce without further delay its” – ’ Iraq’s – ‘intention to pull out of Kuwait according to a set timetable and to begin now with a rapid and large-scale withdrawal.’ Will the right hon. Gentleman explain why he regards that as being a watering down of the terms of the United Nations resolutions?

    The Prime Minister Let me reiterate the point in order to put it in its proper context. We fully subscribe to the idea of a last appeal to Saddam Hussein to obey the Security Council resolutions. We have no difficulty with that point. But we do have considerable difficulty with the French text. All along we have supported the Security Council resolutions and we must judge the French text by two criteria: whether it is wholly consistent with the United Nations Security Council resolutions and whether it is likely to lead Iraq to comply with those resolutions or simply have the effect of taking the pressure off Iraq at this very late stage. In our judgment, it fails those tests and it is for that reason that, although we are content with the idea of a last appeal, we cannot accept and cannot support the particular proposition put forward by the French.

    Mr. Tony Benn (Chesterfield) It would appear that one of the major reasons why the Government reject the French initiative, which I certainly welcome, is the matter of linkage. But is the Prime Minister aware that when the war begins a linkage denied in the conference hall may be established on the battlefield within hours and if Israel is drawn into the conflict the two issues will come together? Is he also aware that, when the war is over, the proposal made by President Mitterrand will be the basis of the peace conference? Why cannot we have the peace proposal before the bloodshed instead of afterwards?

    The Prime Minister As I indicated to the right hon. Member for Yeovil (Mr. Ashdown), I did not share the view put forward by the French that their proposal is wholly consistent with the United Nations resolutions as we have thus far known them. Perhaps I may elaborate on that point. The French text only calls on Iraq to announce its intention to withdraw according to a timetable. The Security Council has called for an immediate, total and unconditional withdrawal. There is a distinction. But equally relevant is the fact that I do not think that we would be wise to place much faith in an indication of Iraq’s intentions against the background of the lies, deceit and treachery that we have seen in the last six months. There is no basis of trust and therefore we must rely on an appeal either from the Security Council or from the Secretary-General that is wholly and completely consistent with the resolutions that we have supported for so long.

    If I add in reply to the right hon. Gentleman a word about my discussion with President Mitterrand, he may find it useful. My clear impression from my discussions with President Mitterrand yesterday is that, like all of us, he hopes and prays that hostilities can be avoided. But particularly in the wake of Iraq’s totally negative response to the United Nations Secretary-General, President Mitterrand sees no realistic prospect that Iraq can now be persuaded to take the essential step of withdrawing from Kuwait.

    No one, anywhere, can claim that the international community has not tried for peace. If it turns out that we shall have failed, we shall have failed only because Iraq has rejected every attempt to reach a diplomatic solution.

    Mr. Dalyell Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

    The Prime Minister Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will permit me to make a little more progress.

    In parallel with those diplomatic efforts, the international community has, with very few exceptions and contraventions, applied economic sanctions against Iraq. As the House knows, they are among the most sweeping sanctions ever agreed by the United Nations. They have interrupted 90 per cent. of Iraq’s foreign trade and have caused widespread dislocation of its economy.

    What is the real test of the sanctions? It is not just whether they cause economic misery in Iraq. The real test is whether they bring about Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait. So far, they have failed to achieve that. [HON. MEMBERS: “Give them time to work.”] I will deal precisely with the points that Opposition Members want to raise, if they will give me a moment. It is clear that the sanctions will not succeed by the deadline set by the United Nations for Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait, or for a very long time after that.

    There are those who argue – and I understand their concern – that we should give sanctions more time to work. But at what price should we give them more time to work? Allowing more time for sanctions to work has other implications.

    Mr. Denis Healey (Leeds, East) The Prime Minister has again referred to the tragic plight of the people of Kuwait, of whom perhaps 2,000 have already been killed since the beginning of August. What does the right hon. Gentleman think would be the effect on the people of Kuwait of a war to reconquer Kuwait? Has he read the report in today’s Financial Times in which one of the leading members of the al-Sabah family, speaking from the comfort of his luxury hotel in Dhahran, hundreds of miles from the fighting line, said that he would be quite happy to see the “flattening” of Kuwait if it meant that he got back sovereignty of the territory? Does the Prime Minister really think that that sort of war will do anything to help the people of Kuwait?

    The Prime Minister The liberation of Kuwait is an important principle. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, other important principles are at stake in this dispute and in a few moments I will deal with them at some length. If the right hon. Gentleman will permit me, I shall return to the point about the time taken for sanctions to work. [HON. MEMBERS: “Answer.”] I will return to the points raised earlier about sanctions, to which the House is entitled to a reply. The point that was concerning the House was whether we should give sanctions more time to work. I said that more time for sanctions has other implications. It also means more time for Iraq to continue to extinguish Kuwait. It means more time for Iraq to prepare its defences against allied troops and perhaps a greater subsequent cost in the lives of allied troops. It means more time during which Kuwaitis will be tortured or killed. Because sanctions are not having their intended effect, we would, in addition, in practice be extending the deadline for Iraq’s withdrawal while relaxing pressure on Iraq to comply.

    Mr. Strang rose –

    The Prime Minister If the hon. Gentleman will forgive me, I shall continue.
    To do so would destroy the credibility of the international community’s response to Iraq’s aggression and that is why I do not believe that we have the time, nor would we be wise, to let sanctions run a lengthier and fuller course. That is the situation we face.

    Several Hon. Members rose –

    The Prime Minister If hon. Members will forgive me, I shall make a little more progress.

    Mr. Speaker Order. I think that every hon. Member who is rising to intervene is anxious to take part in the debate. They will not be able to do so if there are constant interruptions.

    The Prime Minister The situation that I have just outlined is the situation we must face. Throughout recent months the Government have taken great care to consult their allies, the United States, Europe and – perhaps most important of all in many ways – the Arab world. Last week I met the Emir of Kuwait, the King of Saudi Arabia, the Sultan of Oman and President Mubarak.

    My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary has just returned from visits to other Gulf states, as well as Jordan and Turkey, on which he will report in his winding-up speech. Earlier this week I spoke to Mr. Mulroney, Secretary Baker and President Mitterrand –

    Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover) Blood on their hands.

    The Prime Minister I wish that the hon. Gentleman would show as much concern for the blood in Kuwait City in the past few months.
    Throughout my visits I found a rock-solid determination to make Saddam Hussein withdraw. Among our allies there was no talk of compromise, no talk of concessions, no suggestion that the United Nations’ deadline should be extended and no inclination whatsoever to weaken or back down in the face of Iraq’s intransigence. [Interruption.]

    Mr. David Blunkett (Sheffield, Brightside) rose –

    Mr. Speaker Has the hon. Gentleman a point of order for me?

    The Prime Minister The resolve of our Arab allies to see the United Nations resolutions implemented remains unshaken and unshakeable – [Interruption]

    Mr. Blunkett Does the Prime Minister accept that many of us agree with what he has just said about the need to stand rock solid over the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait, but we would be better able to assess for ourselves the effectiveness of sanctions if we had before us an assessment of how sanctions had worked, the loopholes that existed and what might be done to close them? Does he accept that people like myself, who are willing to agree that there should be greater caution today of all days, are also clear that, if professional troops have to be used to get Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait, we would back it if we had the information that he has to enable us to make the judgment that he is making? Will he give the elected Parliament that information so that we can make that judgment for ourselves?

    The Prime Minister I have two points to make in reply to the hon. Gentleman’s intervention. First, my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary will deal in his winding-up speech specifically with the details of the impact of sanctions. Secondly, the overall purpose of sanctions is to ensure that Iraq leaves Kuwait. So far they have failed in that respect and show no sign of imminent success.

    Mr. Nellist Will the Prime Minister give way?

    The Prime Minister If the hon. Gentleman will forgive me, I shall make some progress.

    It is to restore the independence of Kuwait, to defend Saudi Arabia and to back up these diplomatic efforts and the peaceful pressure of sanctions that more than 30 nations have contributed to the multinational effort in the Gulf. Over the past few weeks, the scale of those forces has grown steadily. They now contribute an awesome assembly of military power, on a scale not seen since the second world war.
    Britain’s contribution to that force numbers more than 35,000 service men and women. I was able to meet a number of them last week while I was in the Gulf. I can tell the House with no equivocation that their morale is high, their professionalism obvious and their confidence impressive. They have the equipment that they need and the determination that we would expect of them. They are working well with their American and other allies.

    Mr. Dalyell Will the Prime Minister give way?

    The Prime Minister No, if the hon. Gentleman will forgive me.

    I explained to those service men and women while I was there why we had to ask them to be there and what might lie ahead. I told them, too, of the great concern felt for them by everyone at home, as well as the tremendous pride here in their performance in the Gulf. I am in no doubt whatever that they understand the risks and the dangers, as professional service men. They know what they may be asked to do.

    Mr. Skinner You are not going to risk your life, are you?

    Mr. Speaker Order. The hon. Gentleman should not make accusations of that kind from a sedentary position. It does not add to a debate on such an important matter.

    Mr. Skinner Yesterday, my hon. Friends and I demanded a vote on whether we go to war – [interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker Order. The hon. Gentleman must sit down.

    The Prime Minister Let me just say to the hon. Gentleman in all sincerity that, whatever he may think, I would have been proud to be there with those young men and women. As professional service men, they know what they may be asked to do. They left me in no doubt that they are both able and ready to do it.

    Sir Eldon Griffiths (Bury St. Edmunds) As one who has a son in the Gulf, may I ask my right hon. Friend to explain the exact chain of command from the President of the United States through General Schwarzkopf to the British commanders in the field? Is he satisfied that the British Government are able to make their contribution to that chain of command?

    The Prime Minister The troops in the Gulf are under British command and under American tactical control. The degree of liaison in the relationship between both commanders and men in the Gulf was – on the evidence of my own eyes – very high and very impressive. My hon. Friend would have been perfectly satisfied with it had he been there.

    Mr. Nellist Will the Prime Minister give way?

    The Prime Minister I think that the hon. Gentleman knows that I have given way a number of times. I am conscious that a large number of right hon. and hon. Members wish to express their own views, and I want to leave them some time in which to do so.
    Peaceful means of persuading Iraq to withdraw – the diplomatic efforts, the sanctions and the allied military presence – have been tried for six months now, but without success. A line has to be drawn somewhere and it has been drawn – not hastily by us or by any one state, but deliberately and collectively by the United Nations Security Council with resolution 678.

    From tomorrow the situation changes. We continue to hope and to look for a peaceful solution, but from tomorrow we shall also be justified in using all necessary means of bringing about Iraq’s withdrawal; and that includes the use of force. That is not a pleasant prospect, but, as we face it, let us never forget that the decision to use force was first taken by Saddam Hussein entirely of his own choosing when he chose to invade Kuwait.

    The principles at stake are crucial and we must uphold them. First – I hope that this is not too simplistic, but I feel it deeply – there is a clear dividing line between what is right and what is wrong and what Saddam Hussein has done in Kuwait is, in the simplest and clearest terms, just plain wrong and unforgivable.

    Mr. Cryer rose –

    The Prime Minister I am surprised that the hon. Member for Bradford, South (Mr. Cryer) has so little interest in the principles at stake in this matter that he is unwilling to listen to them.

    Secondly –

    Mr. Andrew Faulds (Warley, East) rose –

    The Prime Minister Secondly – [Interruption.]

    Mr. Speaker Order. The hon. Member for Warley, East (Mr. Faulds) is seeking to take part in the debate. He will not be able to do so if Saddam Hussein behaves in that way.

    The Prime Minister Secondly, if Saddam Hussein were to get away with his aggression and gain from it, other small countries in the vicinity, and those elsewhere in the world with large and potentially aggressive neighbours, will all too likely face similar problems and similar dangers. That is the second reason why there can be no deals, no partial withdrawal and no artificial linkage to solutions of other problems – nothing but absolute commitment to implement the Security Council’s resolutions in full and without delay.

    Thirdly, the failure to secure Saddam Hussein’s withdrawal would have grave implications for the balance of power throughout the middle east. It would mean putting off difficulties today at the expense of greater difficulties in the not-too-distant future – greater difficulties made more intransigent as Iraq acquires even more devastating and dangerous weapons and as its appetite for success and conquest grows.
    But there is a fourth, overriding point. We have made progress, particularly over the past 12 months, towards establishing in many ways a more peaceful world in which there is greater respect for the United Nations and its resolutions. At last it has seemed that the United Nations might live up to the aspirations of its founders. All our hopes for that would fall away if we were to allow Saddam Hussein to get away with swallowing up Kuwait in the way that he proposes. It simply cannot, must not and will not be permitted. So, if we are to have that safe world, we must demonstrate conclusively that aggression cannot succeed. If we fail to do so, when nearly the whole world is united against Iraq, we will face a heavy penalty ourselves for any future aggression. Much of the responsibility would rest with us.

    For all those reasons, we have all made it clear to Saddam Hussein that he must withdraw. We have also made it clear that if he leaves Kuwait and returns within the borders of Iraq, force will not be used against him. Let me reiterate that point: if he voluntarily retreats and withdraws into Iraq, he will not be attacked there. But if he does not leave, force will be used and he will be expelled from Kuwait.

    Mr. Dalyell rose –

    The Prime Minister Will the hon. Gentleman forgive me?

    I hope that Saddam Hussein understands the sheer weight of the forces that are ranged against him and the scale of armour and equipment which the multinational alliance has at its disposal. If he realises that, he will also realise that he cannot win and that the only consequence of failing to withdraw is to bring about the destruction of his armed forces and great damage to his country.

    We do not want a conflict. We are not thirsting for war, but if it comes I believe that it would be a just war. However great the costs of such a war might be, they would be less than those that we would face if we failed to stand up for the principle of what is right, and to stand up for it now. I believe that if Iraq does not withdraw, the time has come to make a stand.

    But even now it is not too late for Saddam Hussein to relent and to pull out his forces. We have always seen the possibility that he will do that at the very last moment, but I must tell the House that we see no sign at present that that is likely. None the less, we must hope that he sees sense. We must hope that he does not force the allies to fight. But let him be under no misapprehension at all: if necessary, we will commit our forces to fight. From tomorrow, we are ready, with our allies, to do whatever is necessary to implement the resolutions of the United Nations in full to ensure that Iraqi forces leave Kuwait without condition, without delay and without reward.

    Over the months, we have worked for peace and we have hoped for peace; but we are prepared for war, and the choice must be Saddam Hussein’s.

  • Mr Major’s Statement at London Airport – 9 January 1991

    The text of Mr Major’s statement, made at London Airport on Wednesday 9th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I have only just heard the outcome of the talks today. Let me say I think it is extremely disappointing that no progress has been made in these talks in Geneva. Saddam Hussein has now had a considerable period of time – some months in fact – in order to reverse his aggression and to leave Kuwait. I think it is a very great shame indeed that he has chosen not to do so. The fact that he has not done so makes the position, I think, quite clear: it still is that the Security Council Resolutions are perfectly plain and they are still there for the international community to operate on.

    Saddam Hussein knows very clearly and has known for some time that after 15 January the military option remains to be used if necessary. It was perfectly clear to me in my talks with our Arab Allies over the past few days in the Gulf that they remain very firmly behind those particular Resolutions.

    There is, of course, still time for Saddam Hussein to rethink and to withdraw from Kuwait – I very much hope that he will be wise and that he will do so.

    Thank you very much indeed!

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION:

    Given what Saddam Hussein has said lately, Prime Minister, do you not now think that war is inevitable?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I do not think war is yet inevitable. Saddam Hussein still has time to rethink. He knows the resolution of all the Allies; he knows the force of the Security Council Resolutions; he will have heard that reinforced yet again over the last few days. I hope very much that when Tariq Aziz goes back to Baghdad and reports to Saddam Hussein, that he will realise that he cannot win a conflict and that he will withdraw. I very much hope that that is the case and I do not yet regard war as inevitable.

    QUESTION:

    Will this mark an end to diplomacy before the deadline?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We must wait and see precisely what happens. I don’t think there are negotiations to be had. That has been the position for a considerable period of time. There were no negotiations today. The position is perfectly plain and has been for a considerable period of time. Saddam Hussein has broken international law; he has invaded an innocent country; it is time for him to withdraw. The international community have set out their position perfectly clearly. I hope he will acknowledge that and I hope he will withdraw.

  • Mr Major’s Press Conference in Cairo – 9 January 1991

    The text of Mr Major’s press conference in Cairo, made on Wednesday 9th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    May I just say firstly how pleased I am to be able to be here today and how worthwhile and enjoyable I have found the discussion with President Mubarak, the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister.

    We have had the opportunity today, at a particularly important time, to review a range of matters but of course most noticeably the present crisis that exists as a result of Iraq’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait.

    I am delighted to say in our discussions that it is perfectly clear that the position of the British government and that of the Egyptian government is precisely and absolutely the same. I found an absolute determination amongst my Egyptian colleagues here that Saddam Hussein would have to withdraw from Kuwait and that the Security Council Resolutions would need to be implemented in full and speedily and there was absolutely no doubt in my mind that that is the very firm and resolute position of the Egyptian government.

    I would like to add. if I may, having spent in the last few days some time with the troops that are gathering together in Saudi Arabia at the moment, I would like to say how much the international community appreciates the very remarkable contribution that Egypt has made towards that international force, it was speedily delivered, was resolutely delivered, it is a very substantial contribution and I know on behalf of all the partners in these allied forces I would like to express my gratitude to the Egyptian government for the way and the speed in which they responded to the crisis that has arisen.

    I hope that these discussions we have had today will be a further indication on a very important day whilst discussions continue, as I understand they still are continuing, in Geneva, a further indication on a very important day that Saddam Hussein is entirely on his own in his defiance of world opinion and his continued occupation of Kuwait. I think the discussions we have today have reinforced that particular view and I am delighted that I had the opportunity of coming here to have them.

    We were also able to look at a number of bilateral matters in general terms and President Mubarak was kind and generous enough to suggest that at an appropriate time I might care again to make a further and longer visit. And the bilateral relations at the moment between Britain and Egypt are excellent, I am very keen for us to build upon those and I hope at a suitable time I will be able to take up that most generous offer.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION (Barney Mason – BBC):

    Prime Minister, you have been quoted as saying in Saudi Arabia that it would be better to deal with Saddam Hussein now rather than further down the road when he has got nuclear weapons. In view of that and in view of the dangers that have been stressed by and taken seriously by some experts recently about an ecological disaster if there is a war, I am talking about the reports of deep mining and oil wells and the consequences of that, do you think that that makes it much more difficult to go to war now, is that a constraint?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think the first thing is that I should make it absolutely clear that nobody wants to go to war now, we want the matter settled by Saddam Hussein withdrawing out of Kuwait and going back to Iraq, that is the way ideally we would have it settled and it can be settled that way providing he is prepared to do it. The impediment to peace is Saddam Hussein and not the allies who are there. Clearly if it came to a conflict there would be ecological difficulties, it is undeniable that there would be some difficulties. But I think that those assessments of them that I have thus far seen have been very dramatically over-stated indeed. I think that is undoubtedly the case.

    But nonetheless there is a difficulty, as a result of what has happened in Kuwait, that needs to be dealt with and I think that is generally understood. So although one is concerned about the environmental impact of any conflict anywhere, not just here, any conflict anywhere, it is necessary to deal with this problem and the sooner it is done the better. I hope very much that it can be done peaceably, but that alas is not in our hands.

    QUESTION (ABC News):

    Do you think a change of alliances would happen in the Middle East if Israel was involved in the Gulf crisis or any military confrontation?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not believe Israel is going to be involved in it, Israel have kept well clear of it, I think that is right, the matter is going to be dealt with by the allied forces who are here if it is not dealt with by Saddam Hussein voluntarily withdrawing. So I hope and believe the situation that you envisage will not arise.

    QUESTION (Pat Neil, CNN):

    What have you and Mr Mubarak worked out or discussed about Post-Gulf crisis arrangements for security in the Arab region?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have not worked anything out because that is a matter for discussion with a large number of Gulf rulers as well. I have had the opportunity in the last few days of discussing with a number of Gulf rulers the position that will apply at the end of this crisis, for clearly there will be difficulties however it ends, and I think there is a general understanding that the Gulf Cooperation Council will need to examine what the security needs of the area are and they will then wish to examine no doubt with other powers as well the way in which the security of the area can be guaranteed.

    But there is a great deal of discussion and consideration to be developed before we can make any positive judgment as to how the matter might be dealt with. And of course the lead in that must necessarily come from the Arab nations themselves and that is a matter I discussed this morning with President Mubarak but because of the fact that this is only very much in its preliminary stages we did not reach firm conclusions as to what the outcome will be.

    That there is a matter to be discussed we are agreed upon and think that is the view of the other Arab leaders as well and it is something that will in my judgment become a matter of increasing importance and attention as the year progresses.

    QUESTION:

    As a follow-up, what role would the United States play in the broad area?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is a matter to be determined after the Gulf Cooperation Council and others have considered the matter, it is far too early to say what anyone’s role is, either the host Arab nations or the role of any other non-Arab nation at a later stage, it is far too early to contemplate that. What it is not too early to do is to identify the problem, identify the difficulty and make sure that the work is actually put in hand and the thinking that needs to be done is under way.

    QUESTION (Arab News):

    Dr Meguid [phon], I would like to ask you, in case of war has Egypt stated its position if Israel takes part in the war, will they withdraw their forces or will they actually fight alongside the Israeli soldiers?

    DR MEGUID:

    I am sorry but I think we have agreed that this press conference is the privilege of the Prime Minister so I will not answer questions.

    QUESTION:

    May I direct it to Mr Prime Minister, have you discussed this with President Mubarak?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think as I said a few moments ago, that is not a circumstance that either we or anybody else envisage happening, I do not think the Israelis are going to become involved in this conflict, certainly not unilaterally, I hope they are not going to become involved in this conflict in any way. That has been the position thus far and we hope very much the matter is going to be settled either peaceably with Saddam Hussein withdrawing or by the allied forces.

    QUESTION:

    If I may press, Sir, have you discussed the possibility?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You may press but I have nothing further to say.

    QUESTION:

    In view of the Labour Party’s increasing emphasis on the importance of not rushing into a war, do you think that British public opinion is behind military action soon after the 15th?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think British public opinion has been very resolute so far and not only British public opinion, opinion in the House of Commons as well. It is after all only a few days ago that we had a debate in the House of Commons on the subject of the Gulf, after the Security Council Resolutions were passed, and the impact of the Security Council Resolutions were known and the majority in the House of Commons for the government’s posture was a majority of over 400, an almost unprecedented majority. So I think that not only is there a very secure majority for it in the House of Commons, I have no reason whatsoever to doubt that that very strong opinion is held in the country at large.

    QUESTION:

    For early military action?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Security Council Resolutions are quite clear, the Security Council Resolutions say there will be no action before the 15th, after that it is a matter to be considered and there is no doubt in anyone’s mind as to the resolution of the allied nations.

  • Mr Major’s Address to RAF troops at Dhahran – 8 January 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s address to the RAF troops at Dhahran, given on 8th January 1991.


    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not quite sure what to make of all the signs up there but I daresay they will run very well at home.

    Can I just say to you all that I am very pleased to have the opportunity of coming to see you here today. I am here for a variety of reasons. I wanted in particular to see for myself what it was like out here, both in the desert and here at the sharp end of whatever may happen in due course, both to see for myself so I got a clearer perspective of what was actually happening, the scale of it, and what it actually means to the people who are here. It does not really matter how much briefing you get back in London, unless you actually come and see for yourself I do not think you get a proper idea of what is happening and I must say, what I have seen in the last couple of days has made the trip very worthwhile indeed and I am extremely glad that I came.

    The second reason for coming was to satisfy myself that the equipment that was needed was either here or on its way here and to see for myself how people felt about the job that they were being asked to do. And I must say one of the overwhelming impressions I have had both in Riyadh, at headquarters, out in the desert, out at sea, and now with the people I have met here, is that morale seems to me to be pretty high and I hope we are going to keep it that way.

    Let me just tell you something about some of the things that are happening and what lays a bit behind them. You will all know at the moment that Secretary of State Baker will be meeting Tariq Aziz later on this week. Let me tell you what that is about and what it is not about.

    It is not about negotiation, it is not about compromises and it is not about shifting away from the position that we have held. What it is to do, is to make it absolutely certain, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that the Iraqis understand that the allied forces are serious, that if they do not withdraw from Kuwait and go back to Iraq that at some stage we will use the force that we have here to compel them to withdraw and go back into Iraq.

    We do not want the Iraqis to be in any doubt about the fact that we are serious and that is why the message that Mr Baker will deliver will be quite clear-cut they must get out of Kuwait and go home and that means get out of Kuwait fully and go home, not partially, and with no expectation of any gain whatsoever from what they have done. And that is the message that will be delivered later on this week in very clear and crisp terms so there is no misunderstanding.

    I guess you all know pretty well why you are here, not just to reverse what has happened in Kuwait, pretty horrible though that is, you may have seen the Amnesty Report and know exactly what is happening in Kuwait day by day. But there are other things on top of that that we regard as being very important and I might just illustrate one or two of them because you are here to do the difficult work and I think you have a right to know precisely why it is that we think it is necessary and desirable that we should ask you to do it.

    The first is what has been done in Kuwait and it is unacceptable and I need say no more about that. The second is, contemplate the proposition that the whole of the world could not have said more clearly, through the Security Council Resolutions, which side of this argument they were on. There is a dividing line between right and wrong, you are in the right and on this occasion Saddam Hussein is undoubtedly in the wrong.

    If that is the view of the whole of the world other than him – and it is – and he were to get away with it, what other small nations elsewhere, faced with large and potentially aggressive nations next door, may face the same sort of problem that Kuwait is facing at the present time? We want to make it clear to any of those potential aggressor nations that they too need not expect to get away with that sort of aggression.
    So we hope what is going to happen here and the defeat of Saddam Hussein, either with his withdrawal or ultimately by force, will send a very strong message to people who might be aggressive elsewhere.

    And perhaps the third reason that I would just set out for you, though there are far more and I could extend that list for a considerable period of time. You know what weapons Saddam Hussein has got, you have all been issued with respirators, you know about the chemical weapons he has got, the biological weapons, and the fact that at some stage in the future – not yet – but at some stage in the future that he will have nuclear weapons as well. It is better to deal with this problem now and make sure he does not get a taste for more trouble and more difficulty in the future, and that is why we are determined that one way or another he will have to come out of Kuwait and go back into Iraq.

    So it is not just the important principles of Kuwait, important though they are, there are wider principles as well which is why we have invited you and the Americans and the Saudis and the Egyptians and all our other allies in this venture to come here and deal with the problem that there is.

    Let me say categorically, our preferred outcome to this matter is for Saddam Hussein to withdraw peaceably, that is what we would like to see, we hope very much we will see that. But that is a matter for him, there is no point in him asking to extend the deadline. If he is worried about the deadline he can start withdrawing from Kuwait, he has had months to do it, he should never have been there and he now at last I think must understand the sheer weight of the forces that are ranged against him.

    One thing I am absolutely certain of in terms of what I have seen and what I have discussed and what I have been briefed with over a period: there is no conceivable way that Saddam Hussein can win this conflict, either easily or by force he is going to lose and I hope he understands that message very clearly indeed.

    The final two things I just want to say you, very briefly, is firstly, although you will see the British newspapers out here, I think you may not perhaps understand the full weight of concern and interest that people have back home in what you are doing. It is becoming a consuming and increasing interest day by day, not just amongst those who sit in the House of Commons but in each and every house up and down the land, people are very concerned about what you are doing here, the equipment you have got, what you may be called upon to do. And if I may add this point, they are immensely proud, too, of the way in which you are doing it.

    I simply therefore want to say in conclusion, thank you very much for what you have done and what you may yet have to do. From myself and I think also from all those other people back home who have wished me simply to say this, we wish you the very best of luck in the weeks ahead with whatever may come, we know whatever it is you will do it superbly well and I am most grateful to you all. Thank you very much for being so patient and listening, thank you very much indeed.

    And now we must invite the cameras to have a look over there because there are a large number of mothers who want to know what their sons are up to at this very moment – very good.