The Rt. Hon. Sir John Major KG CH

Tag: Republic of Ireland

  • Text of the Downing Street Declaration – 15 December 1993

    Below is the text of the Downing Street Declaration (the Joint Declaration) by Mr Albert Reynolds and Mr John Major, issued on 15th December 1993.

    JOINT DECLARATION

    1. The Taoiseach, Mr. Albert Reynolds, TD, and the Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. John Major, MP, acknowledge that the most urgent and important issue facing the people of Ireland, North and South, and the British and Irish Governments together, is to remove the causes of conflict, to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the divisions which have resulted, recognising that the absence of a lasting and satisfactory settlement of relationships between the peoples of both islands has contributed to continuing tragedy and suffering. They believe that the development of an agreed framework for peace, which has been discussed between them since early last year, and which is based on a number of key principles articulated by the two Governments over the past 20 years, together with the adaptation of other widely accepted principles, provides the starting point of a peace process designed to culminate in a political settlement.
    2. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister are convinced of the inestimable value to both their peoples, and particularly for the next generation, of healing divisions in Ireland and of ending a conflict which has been so manifestly to the detriment of all. Both recognise that the ending of divisions can come about only through the agreement and co-operation of the people, North and South, representing both traditions in Ireland. They therefore make a solemn commitment to promote co-operation at all levels on the basis of the fundamental principles, undertakings, obligations under international agreements, to which they have jointly committed themselves, and the guarantees which each Government has given and now reaffirms, including Northern Ireland’s statutory constitutional guarantee. It is their aim to foster agreement and reconciliation, leading to a new political framework founded on consent and encompassing arrangements within Northern Ireland, for the whole island, and between these islands.
    3. They also consider that the development of Europe will, of itself, require new approaches to serve interests common to both parts of the island of Ireland, and to Ireland and the United Kingdom as partners in the European Union.
    4. The Prime Minister, on behalf of the British Government, reaffirms that they will uphold the democratic wish of a greater number of the people of Northern Ireland on the issue of whether they prefer to support the Union or a sovereign united Ireland. On this basis, he reiterates, on behalf of the British Government, that they have no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland. Their primary interest is to see peace, stability and reconciliation established by agreement among all the people who inhabit the island, and they will work together with the Irish Government to achieve such an agreement, which will embrace the totality of relationships. The role of the British Government will be to encourage, facilitate and enable the achievement of such agreement over a period through a process of dialogue and co-operation based on full respect for the rights and identities of both traditions in Ireland. They accept that such agreement may, as of right, take the form of agreed structures for the island as a whole, including a united Ireland achieved by peaceful means on the following basis. The British Government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish. They reaffirm as a binding obligation that they will, for their part, introduce the necessary legislation to give effect to this, or equally to any measure of agreement on future relationships in Ireland which the people living in Ireland may themselves freely so determine without external impediment. They believe that the people of Britain would wish, in friendship to all sides, to enable the people of Ireland to reach agreement on how they may live together in harmony and in partnership, with respect for their diverse traditions, and with full recognition of the special links and the unique relationship which exist between the peoples of Britain and Ireland.
    5. The Taoiseach, on behalf of the Irish Government, considers that the lessons of Irish history, and especially of Northern Ireland, show that stability and well-being will not be found under any political system which is refused allegiance or rejected on grounds of identity by a significant minority of those governed by it. For this reason, it would be wrong to attempt to impose a united Ireland, in the absence of the freely given consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. He accepts, on behalf of the Irish Government, that the democratic right of self-determination by the people of Ireland as a whole must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland and must, consistent with justice and equity, respect the democratic dignity and the civil rights and religious liberties of both communities, including:

    – the right of free political thought;

    – the right of freedom and expression of religion;

    – the right to pursue democratically national and political aspirations;

    – the right to seek constitutional change by peaceful and legitimate means;

    – the right to live wherever one chooses without hindrance;

    – the right to equal opportunity in all social and economic activity, regardless of class, creed, sex or colour.

    These would be reflected in any future political and constitutional arrangements emerging from a new and more broadly based agreement.

    1. The Taoiseach however recognises the genuine difficulties and barriers to building relationships of trust either within or beyond Northern Ireland, from which both traditions suffer. He will work to create a new era of trust, in which suspicion of the motives or actions of others is removed on the part of either community. He considers that the future of the island depends on the nature of the relationship between the two main traditions that inhabit it. Every effort must be made to build a new sense of trust between those communities. In recognition of the fears of the Unionist community and as a token of his willingness to make a personal contribution to the building up of that necessary trust, the Taoiseach will examine with his colleagues any elements in the democratic life and organisation of the Irish State that can be represented to the Irish Government in the course of political dialogue as a real and substantial threat to their way of life and ethos, or that can be represented as not being fully consistent with a modern democratic and pluralist society, and undertakes to examine any possible ways of removing such obstacles. Such an examination would of course have due regard to the desire to preserve those inherited values that are largely shared throughout the island or that belong to the cultural and historical roots of the people of this island in all their diversity. The Taoiseach hopes that over time a meeting of hearts and minds will develop, which will bring all the people of Ireland together, and will work towards that objective, but he pledges in the meantime that as a result of the efforts that will be made to build mutual confidence no Northern Unionist should ever have to fear in future that this ideal will be pursued either by threat or coercion.
    2. Both Governments accept that Irish unity would he achieved only by those who favour this outcome persuading those who do not, peacefully and without coercion or violence, and that, if in the future a majority of the people of Northern Ireland are so persuaded, both Governments will support and give legislative effect to their wish. But, notwithstanding the solemn affirmation by both Governments in the Anglo-Irish Agreement that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, the Taoiseach also recognises the continuing uncertainties and misgivings which dominate so much of Northern Unionist attitudes towards the rest of Ireland. He believes that we stand at a stage of our history when the genuine feelings of all traditions in the North must be recognised and acknowledged. He appeals to both traditions at this time to grasp the opportunity for a fresh start and a new beginning, which could hold such promise for all our lives and the generations to come. He asks the people of Northern Ireland to look on the people of the Republic as friends, who share their grief and shame over all the suffering of the last quarter of a century, and who want to develop the best possible relationship with them, a relationship in which trust and new understanding can flourish and grow. The Taoiseach also acknowledges the presence in the Constitution of the Republic of elements which are deeply resented by Northern Unionists, but which at the same time reflect hopes and ideals which lie deep in the hearts of many Irish men and women North and South. But as we move towards a new era of understanding in which new relationships of trust may grow and bring peace to the island of Ireland, the Taoiseach believes that the time has come to consider together how best the hopes and identities of all can be expressed in more balanced ways, which no longer engender division and the lack of trust to which he has referred. He confirms that, in the event of an overall settlement, the Irish Government will, as part of a balanced constitutional accommodation, put forward and support proposals for change in the Irish Constitution which would fully reflect the principle of consent in Northern Ireland.
    3. The Taoiseach recognises the need to engage in dialogue which would address with honesty and integrity the fears of all traditions. But that dialogue, both within the North and between the people and their representatives of both parts of Ireland, must be entered into with an acknowledgement that the future security and welfare of the people of the island will depend on an open, frank and balanced approach to all the problems which for too long have caused division.
    4. The British and Irish Governments will seek, along with the Northern Ireland constitutional parties through a process of political dialogue, to create institutions and structures which, while respecting the diversity of the people of Ireland, would enable them to work together in all areas of common interest. This will help over a period to build the trust necessary to end past divisions, leading to an agreed and peaceful future. Such structures would, of course, include institutional recognition of the special links that exist between the peoples of Britain and Ireland as part of the totality of relationships, while taking account of newly forged links with the rest of Europe.
    5. The British and Irish Governments reiterate that the achievement of peace must involve a permanent end to the use of, or support for, paramilitary violence. They confirm that, in these circumstances, democratically mandated parties which establish a commitment to exclusively peaceful methods and which have shown that they abide by the democratic process, are free to participate fully in democratic politics and to join in dialogue in due course between the Governments and the political parties on the way ahead.
    6. The Irish Government would make their own arrangements within their jurisdiction to enable democratic parties to consult together and share in dialogue about the political future. The Taoiseach’s intention is that these arrangements could include the establishment, in consultation with other parties, of a Forum for Peace and Reconciliation to make recommendations on ways in which agreement and trust between both traditions in Ireland can be promoted and established.
    7. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister are determined to build on the fervent wish of both their peoples to see old fears and animosities replaced by a climate of peace. They believe the framework they have set out offers the people of Ireland, North and South, whatever their tradition, the basis to agree that from now on their differences can be negotiated and resolved exclusively by peaceful political means. They appeal to all concerned to grasp the opportunity for a new departure. That step would compromise no position or principle, nor prejudice the future for either community. On the contrary, it would be an incomparable gain for all. It would break decisively the cycle of violence and the intolerable suffering it entails for the people of these islands, particularly for both communities in Northern Ireland. It would allow the process of economic and social co-operation on the island to realise its full potential for prosperity and mutual understanding. It would transform the prospects for building on the progress already made in the Talks process, involving the two Governments and the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister believe that these arrangements offer an opportunity to lay the foundations for a more peaceful and harmonious future, devoid of the violence and bitter divisions which have scarred the past generation. They commit themselves and their Governments to continue to work together, unremittingly, towards that objective.

     

  • PMQT Written Answers – 5 July 1993

    Below is the text of the written answers relating to Prime Minister’s Question Time from 5th July 1993.

    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    No. 10 Downing Street

    Mr. Austin Mitchell : To ask the Prime Minister what charges are made for the use of 10 Downing Street for charitable or other fund-raising events; and what use is made of the catering and other facilities of 10 Downing Street at such events.

    The Prime Minister : Where charitable or other non-official events are held at No. 10 Downing Street, the organisers are responsible for all catering and staff costs, as well as other miscellaneous direct costs. Organisers may use the kitchens or other facilities at No. 10 Downing Street.

    Mr. Tony Banks : To ask the Prime Minister (1) what are the rules governing the use of No. 10 Downing Street for non-official purposes;

    (2) if he will give details of the rules governing the use of 10 Downing Street for the purposes of fund raising for political parties.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 22 June 1993] : Ministers under this and previous administrations have been allowed–at their own or party expense–to host non-official or party receptions or functions in Downing street. All catering, staff and other direct expenses must be met by the organisers of the event. Appropriate arrangements are required for security clearance.

    Mr. Tony Banks : To ask the Prime Minister how many functions to raise money for political parties have been held at No. 10 Downing Street since 1980.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 22 June 1993] : Under this and previous Administrations, a variety of functions have been held at No. 10 Downing Street where the costs have been met by political parties. The purpose of such functions is not a matter for the Government, but I can confirm that since November 1990, there have been no functions at 10 Downing Street at which funds have been raised for political parties, or for which tickets have been sold for the benefit of political parties.

    Mr. Tony Banks : To ask the Prime Minister what charities benefited from functions organised in No. 10 Downing Street in each year since 1984.

    The Prime Minister [holding answers 22 and 23 June 1993] : Since November 1990, there have been a total of 25 receptions, dinners or other functions at No. 10 Downing Street for charities or voluntary bodies. The organisations concerned have been :

    NSPCC

    Surrey County Cricket Club Youth Trust

    Lords Taverners

    MENCAP

    Age Concern

    EUREKA

    Wordsworth Trust

    Huntington’s Disease Association

    Action Research

    Anthony Nolan Bone Marrow Trust

    National Council of Hospice and Specialist Palliative Care Crossroads Care

    Animal Health Trust

    ORT

    Youth Clubs (UK)

    ChildLine

    Silver Trust

    Marie Curie Cancer Care

    Excalibur Scheme

    Motability

    Westminster Foundation for Democracy

    London Community Cricket Association

    International Spinal Research Trust

    Cambridge Arts Theatre Trust – two functions

     

    Mr. Asil Nadir

    Mr. Tony Banks : To ask the Prime Minister if he will give details of the functions attended by Mr. Asil Nadir in No. 10 Downing Street since 1984.

    Mr. George Robertson : To ask the Prime Minister how many times in the last 10 years Mr. Asil Nadir has attended functions in No. 10 Downing Street.

    The Prime Minister [holding answer 22 June 1993] : I understand that Mr. Nadir attended six functions in No. 10 Downing Street between 1984 and 1989. These were a dinner and a reception for the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children; a reception for the Harold Macmillan Trust; a lunch for the President of Turkey; and two lunches for industrialists.

     

    Vietnam

    Mr. Alton : To ask the Prime Minister if he will raise the issues of the extent of religious freedom in Vietnam, and the continued imprisonment of persons in that country for their faith, with the Prime Minister of Vietnam during his forthcoming visit.

    The Prime Minister : I intend to raise our concerns about human rights in Vietnam with the Vietnamese Prime Minister, Mr. Vo Van Kiet, during his forthcoming visit to the United Kingdom.

     

    Plaques

    Mr. William Ross : To ask the Prime Minister if inscriptions on plaques which are unveiled in the course of visits by foreign Heads of State are viewed in advance by representatives of Her Majesty’s Government.

    The Prime Minister : We would agree in advance any inscriptions on plaques unveiled at official engagements. We would not expect to be consulted about private engagements.

     

    Republic of Ireland President

    Mr. William Ross : To ask the Prime Minister if proposals by the person holding the position of President of the Irish Republic to visit the United Kingdom are communicated to Her Majesty’s Government by the office of the President of the Irish Republic.

    The Prime Minister : Proposals for visits to the United Kingdom by the President of the Irish Republic are communicated to Her Majesty’s Government by the Government of the Irish Republic.

    Mr. William Ross : To ask the Prime Minister what information he receives from the office of the President of the Irish Republic on thanks received in respect of visits by the person holding the position of President of the Irish Republic.

    The Prime Minister : None.

     

    Heads of State

    Mr. William Ross : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list the private visits to Northern Ireland by foreign Heads of State in each of the last three years.

    The Prime Minister : The information is as follows :

    16 December 1990 –President Robinson

    4 February 1992 –President Robinson

    22 May 1992 –President Robinson

    6-7 September 1992 –President Robinson

    18-19 June 1993 –President Robinson

    Mr. William Ross : To ask the Prime Minister what criteria are used to distinguish between private and official visits to the United Kingdom by foreign Heads of State.

    The Prime Minister : Official visits are those undertaken at the invitation of the British Government.

    Mr. William Ross : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list the public engagements which have been fulfilled by Heads of State during private visits to Northern Ireland in each of the last three years.

    The Prime Minister : The information is as follows :

    16 December 1990 – President Robinson attended the Installation of Archbishop Daly at Armagh and visited the Armagh Observatory.

    4 February 1992 – President Robinson met women’s groups at the EOC Offices in Belfast; had lunch with the Law Society; met voluntary groups and cultural traditions groups in the Linenhall library; and attended a reception in Stormont castle.

    22 May 1992 – President Robinson, as part of “Impact 92” in Londonderry, lunched with Church leaders, visited Foyle day care centre, opened “The Craft Village”, visited community groups, and attended a civic reception and pageant.

    6-7 September 1992 – President Robinson attended the “Beyond Hate Conference” in Londonderry; opened Belcoo enterprise unit; lunched with Enniskillen Rotary; and met community groups in Enniskillen library.

    18-19 June 1993 – President Robinson visited the Northern Ireland Voluntary Trust, Down museum, and West Belfast community groups; attended the Solicitors’ Association annual dinner; and visited Coalisland enterprise centre and Ballance house, Glenavy.

    All the above visits were private. President Robinson attended each engagement at the invitation of the organisers.

     

    Yugoslavia

    Mr. Elletson : To ask the Prime Minister which of the undertakings given by the Federal Yugoslav Government at the London conference on 26 and 27 August 1992 have been fulfilled; what assessment he has made of changes in their policy and actions towards the crisis in the former Yugoslavia; what changes he considers to be still required; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : The London conference established principles and a negotiating structure as the basis for a settlement of the problems of the former Yugoslavia and set out specific steps to secure an effective and durable cessation of hostilities. The Yugoslav authorities have failed to co-operate satisfactorily with the efforts of the international community to achieve peace in Bosnia and to resolve the problems of minorities in Croatia and Serbia. The international community is committed to the rigorous enforcement of United Nations sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro until the conditions for their lifting have been met.

    Mr. Elletson : To ask the Prime Minister when the question of sanctions against the Republic of Croatia was last considered by Her Majesty’s Government; and what plans he has to raise this matter again with the international community in the future.

    The Prime Minister : Policy towards Croatia is regularly reviewed in the light of Croatian Government co-operation with the efforts of the international community both to ensure a peaceful resolution of the problems in the Krajinas and to achieve a lasting and equitable peace in Bosnia. Croatia was put on notice by the 8 June meeting of EC Foreign Ministers that restrictive measures would be initiated against Croatia if the situation so requires.

    Mr. Elletson : To ask the Prime Minister to what extent the Croatian Government have complied with its obligations, as outlined in the London conference; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : The London conference established principles and a negotiating structure as the basis for a settlement of the problems of the former Yugoslavia and set out specific steps to secure an effective and durable cessation of hostilities. The Croatian Government are expected to do more to co-operate with efforts to achieve peace in Bosnia. Croatia was put on notice by the 8 June meeting of EC Foreign Ministers that restrictive measures would be initiated against Croatia if the situation so requires.

    Mr. Elletson : To ask the Prime Minister which of the undertakings made by the Serbian Government at the London conference on 26 and 27 August 1992 have been fulfilled; to what extent there have been changes in their policy and actions towards the crisis in the former Yugoslavia; if he will list the changes still required; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : The London conference established principles and a negotiating structure as the basis for a settlement of the problems of the former Yugoslavia and set out specific steps to secure an effective and durable cessation of hostilities. The Belgrade leadership has failed to co-operate satisfactorily with the efforts of the international community to achieve peace in Bosnia and to resolve the problems of minorities in Croatia and Serbia. The international community is committed to the rigorous enforcement of United Nations sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro until the conditions for their lifting have been met.

     

    Unemployment, Liverpool

    Mr. Parry : To ask the Prime Minister if he will make a statement on his recent meeting with the hon. Member for Liverpool, Riverside and the deputation representing the unemployed in Liverpool.

    The Prime Minister : I met the hon. Member for Liverpool, Riverside with a number of other people from the area on 16 June. I will be writing to him shortly about points raised at the meeting.

     

    Mr. Shabir Shan and Mr. Yasin Malik

    Mr. Madden : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer of 27 May, Official Report, column 663, what further information he has received about the detention in India of Mr. Shabir Shah and Mr. Yasin Malik; and if he will make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : Our high commission in New Delhi is in regular touch with the Indian Ministries concerned, but have received no further information on the cases of Shabir Shah and Yasin Malik since receiving the aide memoire from the Indian Home Ministry which my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs forwarded to the hon. Gentleman under cover of his letter of 30 June.

     

    Mr. Gazanfer Ali

    Mr. Madden : To ask the Prime Minister, pursuant to his answer of 8 June, Official Report, column 226, what further information he has received about court proceedings in Pakistan relating to Mr. Gazanfer Ali; and if he make a statement.

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs wrote to the hon. Member for Bradford, West on 24 June with information on the two cases involving murder charges against Mr. Gazanfer Ali. Both cases have been further adjourned.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Press Conference with Albert Reynolds – 16 June 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with the Irish Prime Minister, Albert Reynolds, held in London on Wednesday 16th June 1993.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Good Afternoon. I will invite the Taoiseach to say a word or two in a moment just by way of introduction, and then we will take a few questions from you.

    I think, as you know, we agreed sometime ago to have twice annual summits. On this occasion we have met here in London, we agreed today that we would meet towards the back end of the year in Dublin and I very much look forward to that.

    We have had the opportunity today of discussing firstly bilateral matters, those discussions will continue over dinner, we have not yet discussed detailed matters relating to Northern Ireland and security, those discussions will occur over dinner in a few moments. We have had the opportunity of an in-depth discussion on the European Community summit and a range of matters beyond that.

    I think there are no substantive differences between the Taoiseach and I on the agenda for the European summit, we expect we are going to deal with employment prospects across Europe, we look forward to discussions about subsidiarity, about a number of foreign policy matters, Bosnia of course and possibly even Somalia and Sudan which may well be the subject of discussion at the European summit, we certainly expect to deal with enlargement and the agenda that I think is fairly well laid out before us and has been for some time.

    I am not expecting any substantive surprises at the summit over the next few days and neither is the Taoiseach. The discussions that we will have on the future of employment prospects in the Community will not be discussions that we anticipate will lead to immediate decisions in the Community, I think there are to pick six people’s minds on the importance of Europe becoming competitive not just within Europe but competitive as Europe with the United States, with the Pacific Basin and with Japan and we spent some time discussing those particular matters. Rather than go into the details of the whole range of matters we discussed, leave it to you ask questions if you wish to later, after the Taoiseach has made a few remarks.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    Thank you very much, Prime Minister. I think you have adequately covered the extent of the discussions which have taken place already and of course we look forward to the resumption of talks over dinner tonight, especially in relation to Northern Ireland. In relation to the up-coming summit, I agree with the Prime Minister that we do not expect any areas to develop that will cause either of us any great problems, I think we see the major issues to be discussed and hopefully point to the future direction of policy and how to tackle the very serious unemployment situation throughout Europe. It is now a problem for every member state. As you know, we have very serious unemployment problems in Ireland but then indeed so has every other member state, so I think it is time that we came to grips and point in the future policy directions as to how to tackle that particular problem.

    I think the decisions of Europe will be looking towards Copenhagen for that type of discussion, the type of discussion of issues that affect ordinary citizens’ lives and of course now that we have the Maastricht Treaty almost completed I think what they will be looking forward to is for the Community to settle down and to implement what we have agreed in the Maastricht Treaty.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Just let me add one thing. We have not discussed the substance of security and related matters in Northern Ireland but we did have a very preliminary discussion and I should perhaps make it clear that we would both like the talks process to continue and to deepen, we think that is the right way ahead in the future, we do continue to believe that its objectives are achievable. The next phase of course will involve further bilateral contacts to try and identify as much common ground as possible between the participants to the talks and I hope I need not say that the British and the Irish governments will work closely on the substance, in particular of Strand 3. I say that simply to set out the fact that those general parameters have been discussed prior to more detailed discussions over dinner.

    QUESTION:

    You talk about the objectives of the talks being achievable, what are the objectives of the talks?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We want to make sure that we can actually reaffirm in Northern Ireland the sort of democratic structure that most people would wish to enjoy, those are the early objectives of the talks. There is a great deal of talent in Northern Ireland that is not actually exercising itself in terms of local government in any way at all, now we need to examine that, that is the first ground clearing exercise, we have to build from the ground upwards, that is the purpose of the three-stranded approach and of course Strand 3 is a bilateral approach between the governments.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    I just want to add that both governments are committed to finding the ways and means of resumption of talks, we are fully committed to the three strand process, we believe that it is the way forward in relation to it and we want to resume the talks on the basis that we had them on 1 March 1991 where nothing is agreed until everything is agreed and of course in particular the third strand between the two governments, we will be looking at ways and means between ourselves as to how we can make our contribution towards a resumption of those talks, to which we are both fully committed.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The most obvious point of course is the shared wish to see an end to the violence. Now that is a shared wish not just between the Taoiseach and with me, that is a shared wish I think amongst the overwhelming majority of people in both parts of the island of Ireland. So if one wanted to have an objective, that of course is the most immediate objective in everyone’s mind.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    It is the first objective indeed that I set myself out when I took over the job of Taoiseach, that there were two objectives I had and one was to find a formula for peace in Northern Ireland which will create the environment for talks to take place on the future and how people can learn to live together and work together for the betterment of all.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Smith has said that Mr Paisley should not be allowed to hold a veto on the resumption of the talks, if all the other parties agreed to go ahead, he said, they should go ahead without Mr Paisley, do you agree with this?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am in the business of getting all the parties together for talks, I do not think it is of help in bringing the parties together to get those talks started for me to indulge in public exchanges about what one participant of the talks should do. The substantive matter is that I want the talks to continue, I want everybody to take part in the talks and I am not going to engage in public badinage that might make that more difficult.

    QUESTION:

    Was the [Indistinct] Commission discussed?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have not discussed it yet, it may turn up later.

    QUESTION:

    What is the current assessment of when it may be possible to resume the talks on Northern Ireland?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I could not give you a date at the moment, I would like the talks, and I think the Taoiseach would share this view, though he will speak for himself in a minute, I would like the talks to resume as speedily as possible. I think perhaps more important than the fact that I would like the talks to resume as speedily as possible, I think all the people who live in Northern Ireland, whichever community they come from, would like to see the politicians talking again so that they can begin to seek to resolve these problems. I hope that will prove to be possible, we will certainly do all we can to ensure it is.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    I believe the political leaders on all sides are looking to the politicians to make whatever contribution is necessary to re-start the talks process and I look forward to hearing from Sir Patrick tonight on the results of his meetings with political leaders so far and to then make an assessment, an evaluation of how both governments can contribute to the resumption of the talks process.

    QUESTION:

    There seems to be a certain impatience in Northern Ireland among people who think that devolution should be re-established first and should be built from the bottom up and that tying it to strands 2 and 3 is delaying a return to democracy of which the Prime Minister spoke.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    If you had lived through the last 20 years in Northern Ireland – forgive me, you may have done, I do not know – but anyone who has lived through the last 20 years in Northern Ireland has a right to be impatient. But I think what we have to build is a structure that is going to last. We are approaching that in the way we think is most likely to achieve that end, that is why we believe we need to go through the stranded approach to talks so that we can carry consent. Above all, what we need in Northern Ireland is an end to the violence and consent for the developments that have been made, and it is upon that basis that we have approached the talks in this particular way. But as to people feeling impatient, I fully understand and sympathise with that.

    QUESTION:

    But is there a blueprint being prepared by Sir Patrick?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It depends what you mean by a blueprint. Of course the Secretary of State is examining how we take the matter forward and how we encourage the talks to go forward, but I do not know quite whether one would call that a blueprint.

    QUESTION:

    [Indistinct] for the British and Irish government to lean on the local politicians to get them to accept not only to come to the talks but to accept a settlement?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    One man’s leaning is another man’s persuasion. We are seeking to persuade all the participants to return to the talks, that is the way to reach a lasting settlement in our view.

    QUESTION:

    Are you taking Mr [indistinct] advice in asking the Taoiseach to do something about removing Articles 2 and 3 of the Republic’s constitution?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I am not going into my private discussions with the Taoiseach, I am keen to make sure that we look at all the elements of getting a proper settlement and that is the Taoiseach’s view too, but I am not discussing that in public.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    I think there should be an appreciation, there are many hundreds of thousands of people out there who live normal lives, who want to continue to live normal lives, there is quite extensive bridge-building between the two communities, we want to encourage economic cooperation between the north and south and this is a way to demonstrate to people how they can live better together, how they can work together to improve the lot of both communities in the North of Ireland and I think that has its own contribution to make. In relation to the overall talks process, we are quite clear that we do not want to condemn the future generation in the North of Ireland to another 23 – 25 years of violence which they have suffered up to now, we think there is marvellous resilience in the community up there to continue to live ordinary lives and we want to use the opportunity, and any opportunity we can get, to try and first of all find a formula for peace up there and then hopefully to get people to talk together.

    QUESTION:

    Do you see a difference in principle of the union between England and Scotland and England and Northern Ireland?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is the principle of consent. We have always made it clear in terms of Northern Ireland that no changes in the position of Northern Ireland could be obtained without the consent of the people of Northern Ireland. And as I have said in speeches in Scotland up to and during the general election, you need to retain the consent of people in Scotland for the union, so that is I think a similar position.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think your meeting today would raise hopes in Northern Ireland of an improvement in the security situation because surely that is uppermost in the minds of most people?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Taoiseach and I have known one another over many years, both as Ministers before he became Taoiseach and I became Prime Minister, we are used to doing business together, we have done business together in more than one capacity over a number of years. These meetings are regular meetings, they are not emergency meetings, they are not crisis meetings, it is one of a whole series of regular meetings that have gone on for a while, I instituted them a couple of years or so ago, they are going to go on continuing. I think the community of interest that exists both in the European Community, beyond the European Community and in terms of Irish matters make it absolutely right that we should have these twice yearly summits.

    I do not want people under any of these summits to suddenly develop unrealistic expectations, if we have learned anything about the history of Ireland as a whole it is that patience is a virtue and patience is a necessity. So nobody should reach unrealistic expectations. Of course we will discuss security matters, we always discuss security matters and we rarely talk about security matters beyond our private discussions, I am sure that we will discuss them later tonight.

    QUESTION:

    Can I ask you both how you expect the European Community to respond to the renewed impatience from President Clinton and his avowed support for arming the [indistinct] and indeed air strikes?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think there is nothing fresh to say, you know the British government’s position about that, it is as it was. I am sure the European Community summit will spend some time discussing Bosnia in all its aspects.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    I think we are all horrified by what we see on our screens every day of the week in relation to Bosnia and I think everybody knows that the view of the Irish government, the view of the British government, in relation to it and undoubtedly it will be discussed at the summit and hopefully we will be able to contribute to some way forward in the whole sad tragic situation of Bosnia.

    QUESTION:

    Was the question of a visit by The Queen raised or discussed?

    MR REYNOLDS:

    No.

    QUESTION:

    Have you had a chance to read Sir Edward Heath’s comments on the security situation where he said that you needed to lift the issue of terrorism higher on the political agenda, appoint a senior Cabinet Minister as a terrorism supremo and introduce a centralised counter-terrorist agency?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I share with Ted Heath the importance of the issue, I do not share with him the way in which we should deal with the issue. It is very high on the agenda, it could scarcely be higher on the agenda and it will remain there.

    QUESTION:

    You talk about the need to get the parties around the table again, Sir Patrick Mayhew is talking to them to try and do that, how do you yourself think that they can be persuaded to get back into negotiations?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You might have asked me that question before they began negotiations and you would be right to, you would say how are you ever going to get these people to sit round the table together, they never have done in the past? But we have crossed that Rubicon, they have sat round the table, they have made progress, they have made far more progress sitting around the table in discussion, parties that had never previously done that, than anybody realistically expected. The advent of the local elections in Northern Ireland and other matters have broken that continuous discussion for a while. I think it is a matter of persuasion and patience and I think we will get them back round the table. You ask me precisely how, if I knew precisely how, I would have done it last week, but that can be done I have no doubt.

    QUESTION:

    Is it conceivable that new devolutionary arrangements for Northern Ireland will provide a role for Dublin or Brussels?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    For Brussels, no I do not think so. We have got to continue, we have a process, I do not think it is at all helpful to start inventing fresh processes when we have a process in being, it undercuts the work that is being done and there is work being done, we have got a process, the Taoiseach and I would like to see that process reactivated. Both of us are entirely clear that that is the right way for us to proceed. So no I do not think an intermediary from any external source is likely to be helpful.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Yes, the people in Northern Ireland, go and talk to the people in Northern Ireland, not just the politicians, go and actually talk to the people in Northern Ireland, it does not matter whether you talk to the Protestants or whether you talk to the Catholics, go and ask them whether they want another 20 years like the last 20 years and they will tell you ‘No’. Go and ask them whether they would like the politicians to be talking and they will tell you ‘Yes’. Ask them whether they want to actually see the end of violence from whatever source it comes and they will say ‘Yes’. We all have to try and deal with that cry from the heart and I think that is a good reason for optimism.

    MR REYNOLDS:

    That is exactly the message that I get from my own contacts on both sides in both communities in the North of Ireland, they want to see all the political leaders, both north and south and the British government and the Irish government all involved in the talks process. They recognise that the road to violence is a cruel one, it is the road to nowhere and that there are so many families up there, they have been hooked by this, they do not want to inflict that on their children. Remember now at this stage that we have young people in the North of Ireland, 21 years of age, they were born into violence, they have not known anything else.

    We certainly have a responsibility and both of us recognise that to try in every way we can not to inflict that type of lifestyle on the next generation and for the next 25 years we do not want to see that type of violence extend into the families of people in Northern Ireland and we are going to use every initiative that we can think of to try and change that situation and get people talking which is what people in Northern Ireland want them to do.

  • Mr Major’s Press Conference with Charles Haughey – 4 December 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with the Irish Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, held in Dublin on 4th December 1991.

    MR HAUGHEY:

    It is my pleasure to introduce to you the British Prime Minister and the first thing I want to say is that this is his first visit to Dublin and for that reason he is particularly welcome. We have just had a very useful, constructive, discussion about matters of mutual interest, bilateral, European and international. And it is now my pleasure to introduce John Major, the British Prime Minister, to you.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Taoiseach, thank you very much indeed. Can I just echo what has been said a moment or so ago. We have I think this morning and over luncheon had a very valuable discussion following on the discussion we had at Downing Street earlier in the summer. It has given us a very useful opportunity to exchange views on current developments in the European Community, on other international issues, and of course on a range of bilateral matters including specifically the Anglo-Irish relationship.

    In my view in the past the meetings between the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister perhaps have taken place too rarely. And one matter we have decided upon this morning is that in future we will meet twice a year, alternating those meetings between London and Dublin. And in those meetings we will cover the whole range of issues, bilateral matters, international matters, Community matters and any other events that it seems necessary for us to discuss and I think those will prove to be most useful meetings in the future.

    I believe it is pretty hard to see how we can make progress on the difficult issues before us without more regular contact. And if today’s meeting is anything to go by, I have no doubt that a continuing dialogue will bear fruit in time.

    We both are of the opinion that we need to set an example in this respect, we need to show everyone that democracy is strengthened and not weakened by dialogue and the sooner everyone commits themselves to dialogue rather than violence the sooner we will begin to solve the problems in front of us.

    In our discussions this morning on the Community, the Taoiseach and I have discussed the position on a number of matters likely to arise at the European Council next week, which both of us of course will be attending. We share many similar views on these issues – common foreign and security policy, defence, the social area and powers for the European Parliament are areas where there is a substantial similarity of view between the two governments, not on every dot and comma of the discussions but a broad and welcome similarity.

    Some very useful progress has been made at the meetings in Brussels on Monday and Tuesday, but I do not think anybody attending the meeting next week has any doubt that a number of very important issues still remain to be sorted out. We will be doing our best in Maastricht to reach an agreement on Monday and Tuesday of next week.

    We also had a very useful exchange on the Uruguay Round and I emphasised in particular the importance of reaching agreement on that round before the end of this year. This will require flexibility on all sides, by the United States, by the Community, by the Cairns Group, but the prize of being able to liberalise world trade is a very valuable prize for every country in the world.

    The Taoiseach and I also had the opportunity of discussing important aspects of the unique relationship between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, and following on from our meetings in London and in Luxembourg in the summer, and those other occasions we have been able to meet, on occasions when we have been together at European meetings, we have again stressed today the very great value of close cooperation across a whole range of issues between our two countries. We both welcome that .

    We also in our discussion this morning affirmed yet again our joint unreserved condemnation of terrorist violence, including the tit for tat killings by both Republican and by Loyalist terrorists. And I think the joint message of our discussion this morning is quite simple, quite unequivocal, their campaigns are futile and we are determined that those who commit terrorist crimes should be brought to justice.

    We have agreed this morning to keep under review a whole range of measures on cross-border security cooperation, we have reiterated the importance we attach to the arrangements for ensuring that fugitives are brought to justice, we welcome the very valuable and constructive political talks which took place in Northern Ireland earlier this year and we have reaffirmed the commitment of both governments to do all we can to help with the early launch of fresh talks.

    I believe it has been a very refreshing and a very worthwhile exchange of views. And it is for that reason that I look forward very much to continuing this dialogue both informally and in the formal bilateral contact that I announced a few moments ago. I am sure that is in the interests of both our countries and I know the Taoiseach and I both look forward to it. I think if I may I will leave opening remarks at that.

     

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS:

    QUESTION:

    In relation to Northern Ireland the communique does speak of the need to get fresh talks under way, but it seems to be weak on what you as the heads of two sovereign governments can do in relation to encouraging the parties in the North to get together round the table and indulge in dialogue. What initiative do you propose to take to encourage them to do that?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    That is primarily a matter for Secretary Brooke and Minister Gerry Collins and as you know Secretary Brooke in particular has been making very dedicated efforts to get the process restarted. He has had discussions, particularly with the representative of the Unionists and with the other parties in Northern Ireland and he is personally committed to resuming the process and will make every effort he can. So far as the Prime Minister and myself are concerned, what we can do is lend the weight of our respective authorities to the process and we do in the communique urge everybody concerned to make an effort to get the process under way again and indeed to promote harmony and agreement, not just through the process of the talks but in every other way possible.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think there is no need to add anything to that, I agree with it, I think that says it all.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, how are you hoping to get this dialogue going again before the British general election?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Irrespective of the British General Election, the need for political progress in Northern Ireland remains. We think there is still an opportunity for talks before the election if the basis of them can be agreed. And that, as the Taoiseach has just said, is what Peter Brooke is working for and I hope it will be possible to bring that about. We certainly see no reason for an interregnum between now and the other side of the election, that is just time wasted. The sooner they can start the better.

    QUESTION:

    It seems that other European countries would like you to give something in return for the federal phraseology coming out, do you think you should give something in return and if so what?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have given a great deal, we have given a great deal in the discussions and we put a great deal into the discussions, and a good deal, as you will see when the latest draft of the Treaty is produced, actually incorporates British suggestions. So I think the suggestion that because on a particular issue there has been movement that there needs to be reciprocal horse-trading of that rather blunt kind is not something I accept.

    There are a whole range of issues that need to be determined by agreement, the political union treaty goes ahead by the agreement of all Twelve, and we have to reach agreement and respect the areas of particular concern to individual countries. A number of countries have reservations about different aspects of the treaty. The Community, to be successful, will have to respect those and reach an agreed position wherever that is possible.

    I have made it clear from the beginning of these negotiations I want an agreement in Europe, but I cannot have any agreement, it has got to be an agreement that I think is in the interests both of the United Kingdom and of Europe and if I can get an agreement on that I will be very pleased and I will come back, I will place that agreement before Parliament and I will fight very hard for it. But that does mean that there will need to be movement from the situation as it has been over the last few days.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not take at all lightly the views of people who have to face terrorist activities from whatever community they come from and whether they are in Northern Ireland or whether they are in the United Kingdom itself, in the mainland of the United Kingdom, it is very serious. It is because of the concern that we have about security matters that we have taken so much action over recent years to try and end it, it is for that reason that Peter Brooke is engaged perpetually in trying to bring talks about and political development about. It is for that reason that he and Gerry Collins meet regularly and the inter-governmental conference meets every six weeks. It is for that reason the Taoiseach and I have begun a series of dialogues.

    What we are concerned about is to stop the circumstances in which some people think they have a right for an aggrievance they feel to murder other people and to blow them to pieces, that is not acceptable. That is what we are here talking about to stop and will go on talking about it and seeing what we can do stop it. And when we catch the people who do that they must face the requisite punishment.

    So I feel very strongly about it and I want to see that violence brought to an end. That is the Taoiseach’s view too, that is why we are talking.

    QUESTION:

    Do you recall a similar commitment back in 1980, it did not happen, can I ask both of you why you think it is actually going to become a reality now, eleven years later?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I left office shortly after that, but I am back in office now.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    And I am not proposing to leave office.

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I think you can take it we are both firmly committed to this, it make common sense. No two countries in Europe have more interests in common today, we have a shared history, not all of which is to our mutual benefit, but certainly today we are partners in the Anglo-Irish Agreement, we are members of the European Community together, and the two countries have at personal, social, economic level enormous ties. So it makes sense that we should meet regularly and discuss matters of mutual bilateral interest, but also matters of European interest and international matters.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Haughey, the Irish Times says you have a new initiative on Northern Ireland, can you tell us what it is?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I am not responsible for what the Irish Times publishes.

    QUESTION:

    Do you have a new initiative on Northern Ireland?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    We have agreed, the Prime Minister and myself, to meet regularly to discuss all aspects of Anglo-Irish relations, including political progress in Northern Ireland.

    QUESTION:

    Do you regard the Anglo-Irish Agreement as merely a foundation which should be built upon?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    Yes, certainly.

    QUESTION:

    In what way would you like it built upon?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I would like to see, and the British Prime Minister agrees with this, that we should extend it to have other Ministers present, and as your communique in front of you says, we would see the advent of the Single Market next year as offering a wide range of opportunities for greater north-south cooperation in areas like energy, agriculture, tourism and so on. So the inter-governmental conference could play a part in encouraging that sort of cooperation.

    QUESTION:

    Could I ask you a little bit more about your hopes for the Maastricht summit, where do you stand now, is the issue of federalism off the table, do you think you have achieved something on that and at what cost?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    As far as I was concerned the issue of federalism was never on the table, a federal destiny is not our view of the European Community, we have made that perfectly clear right from the start. As to where I stand across the whole range of issues, I invite you, Neil, to read the speech I made in the House of Commons last week, very comprehensive, very clear and has not changed.

    QUESTION:

    You say that you are rejecting any kind of horse-trading; you also say you want to see further movement before the treaty is acceptable to you. Does that mean that you are now less optimistic of a settlement?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It was always going to be the case from the very beginning that many of the things that I hope will form part of the final settlement at Maastricht would not be agreed until the Heads of Government got round the table. Until everything is agreed, a great deal will not be agreed. That has always been the position.

    What I said a moment ago about horse-trading is that it is a very simplistic way to conduct negotiations to say: “If you happen to make a concession here, there must be a corresponding concession there!” That is not the way to conduct extremely complex negotiations of this sort where national interests are at stake across a whole range of issues.

    We must take the negotiations in the round. We must look at them and then we must make a decision when the negotiations are completed as to whether the whole package collectively is in the interests of Europe and in the interests of the United Kingdom.

    Let me make one further point: there is no single country in the European Community who at the end of Tuesday if we reach an agreement will be absolutely satisfied with every aspect of that agreement. All of them will not be. All of them will have something in that agreement that they for preference would not have had and we will all have to make adjustments: is the balance of the package right and is it a package that we can go back and present to our individual domestic parliaments as a package we should sign up to? That is what we have to consider, looking at the whole thing collectively.

    QUESTION:

    Are you more or less optimistic that that can be achieved?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I don’t know yet whether it can be achieved. I have set out what I believe needs to be done in the House of Commons. As to whether it can be achieved, I will know that when we have the discussions at Maastricht – I can’t make judgements of that in advance.

    What I have said consistently is that it is in the interests of Europe to get an agreement. That is not just my view; that is the view of every Minister who will actually be at the Maastricht Summit. With that collective will, I would hope we can reach agreement.

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I can confirm that the Prime Minister in my conversation with him is quite clear that he wants an agreement in Maastricht and so do I – there is no doubt about that.

    QUESTION:

    Could I ask you a question based on the communique? Since believing things to be full of sweetness and light, what did you disagree about?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is a new definition of optimism!

    MR HAUGHEY:

    Unfortunately, Prime Minister, this man was here with us in Dublin for a long time and then he went over to London and he learned these bad habits.

    We don’t agree on everything. We have different priorities going to Maastricht naturally. We in Ireland, a small peripheral country, have our own priorities and the things that we will be looking for but, as the Prime Minister pointed out, when agreement is reached, as we hope it will be, there will be things that we will not be all that enamoured about but by and large we hope that the overall balance of the agreement will be to everybody’s advantage.

    QUESTION:

    Do you agree on defence and the social charter?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    Not fully, not totally.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    There are very substantial areas of agreement in both those areas but I don’t think when one runs down the Community that you find any two countries who would wholly and absolutely agree on each part of every aspect of that. There is a broad measure of agreement and of objective in many of those areas but it would be very difficult to say one agreed with every dot and comma and think that is true even of those countries who traditionally have been closer together on individual issues.

    QUESTION:

    Mr. Haughey, did you get a legal binding commitment by the richer countries to increase the structural funds for poorer countries from Mr. Major?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It is not in my gift.

    MR HAUGHEY:

    It is not in his gift.

    QUESTION:

    [Indistinct] the richer countries are opposed to binding legal agreements to increase structural funds [Indistinct] you are all in favour of political statements [Indistinct].

    MR HAUGHEY:

    The shorthand we use there is “economic and social cohesion” and so far we have been able to have inserted in the treaty language a number of important principles which acknowledge the importance of economic and social cohesion and that certain steps must be taken in regard to it.

    In the Maastricht discussions and negotiations, we will be looking for firmer guarantees as to the future of the implementation of the principles of economic and social cohesion but just as everything else, there is still a great deal of negotiation to take place.

    QUESTION:

    What was Mr. Major’s view on the commitment to binding [Inaudible].

    MR HAUGHEY:

    Well I will answer for him on that one.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I might say a word myself too!

    MR HAUGHEY:

    Because he knows that this is a matter of great importance and significance to Ireland, he will be as favourably disposed as possible! [Laughter]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Perhaps I might add a word to that [Laughter]. We need to examine the details of what it means, how it would work and what can be done. I am perfectly content for us to look at the general principle of cohesion – I think it is quite wise for us to do so – and I am perfectly content for us to agree at the Summit the areas that we should actually look at but these are decisions that will affect not just beneficiary countries, not just the relatively rich countries, but all the countries of the Community.

    We do actually need some solid facts, some solid research, some solid background. We need to know what it affects and how it affects and in what time-scale and to what degree. None of that is yet clear and it is for that reason that you can’t make binding agreements.

    What I am perfectly prepared to say is that I understand the concern that is felt in Ireland about that. I understand that very clearly and other countries have the same feeling and I think it is right for us to examine the matter and make it clear that we will examine it but we cannot reach conclusions on it until that examination is over, not in advance of that examination.

    If one wants to get the wrong answer not just for one country but for every country, then you start making commitments without having examined what those commitments might mean and for that reason I think we have to take this measure in detail when we have that information before us and when we have to discuss all the financial perspectives.

    QUESTION:

    Can I ask you please for your comments on the latest French proposal on this that if there isn’t agreement by 1996, then the whole thing will go to majority voting by 1998?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I haven’t seen the text of anything the French may have produced. A new proposal on one or other aspect of the treaty emerges out of every 15 seconds at the moment from somewhere or other. I haven’t seen it.

    But nothing can change the position that I have set out before on economic and monetary union and that is the position that the British Government and the British Parliament will want to decide upon at the time Stage 3 looms and be able to decide on that without commitment at that time. That means we need to know not just when but whether we go into Stage 3 at that stage. No new commitments can change that.

    At first blush, the French proposal is not attractive; I have not myself examined it, but in any event, even if people decided they would go forward by qualified majority vote, no qualified majority vote could take the British Parliament and the British Government into economic and monetary union unless the British Government and the British Parliament wished to go into it.

    MR HAUGHEY:

    Our position is that we are different from Great Britain in that regard and again, that is because as a small peripheral country we have a different set of priorities. We are wholeheartedly in favour of economic and monetary union because we believe that it is in this way that we can best secure our economic future.

    We have been negotiating for 12 months on the details of economic and monetary union and so far we don’t feel that at the end of the day we will have any particular difficulty with what will emerge.

    QUESTION:

    In view of the recent [Indistinct] in London, will you use that time [Indistinct] to assess the success or otherwise of Mr. Brooke’s initiative and decide on whether or not [Indistinct].

    MR HAUGHEY:

    The Brooke initiative or the Brooke talks are ongoing and of course there will be intergovernmental conferences to assess progress in that regard. Our bilateral, twice-annual meetings will be of a much wider scope; they will naturally review progress made in regard to Secretary Brooke’s initiative or any other matters in Northern Ireland but they will also range over the totality of relationships between the two countries.

    QUESTION:

    Will you have to [Indistinct] from both governments working to prepare for that first bilateral meeting?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    That is the normal process, yes.

    QUESTION:

    Can the European Community tackle the problem of Northern Ireland? Does it have the scope for that? Recently, the European Office in Brussels referred to [Inaudible].

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I wouldn’t see the Community becoming involved in anything purely political but I do see the whole evolution of the Community as having an enormous impact on the affairs of Northern Ireland and indeed the whole island of Ireland. In particular, the advent of the single market, for instance, is bound to have major beneficial repercussions on the possibilities for economic cooperation between the two parts of Ireland and I also believe that as Europe moves closer to real union – to economic, monetary and political union – that that general movement will have a beneficial effect on the community relationships in Northern Ireland. If all the people in Europe, particularly the nations of Europe who in the past have been enemies and gone to war with each other, can now sink their differences in a new exciting and forward-looking European union, surely that must have a message for all the people in Ireland and particularly in Northern Ireland?

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No.

    QUESTION:

    Taoiseach, one question. How is it compatible that you are asking in Maastricht for more political union but you are not prepared to accept that the EC be involved in political involvement in the case of Northern Ireland?

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I was asked about the European Community getting involved politically in Northern Ireland. I don’t think there is any possibility of that no more than the Community will be involved in political affairs in Dublin.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Common foreign policy is for the Community to collectively use its weight externally – that is what it does very successfully.

    MR HAUGHEY:

    I don’t see what the contradiction is.

    QUESTION:

    You stressed the importance of dialogue and [Indistinct] in Northern Ireland. Is it in any way a message also [Indistinct].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The prospect of getting together and talking about the difficulties that people face seems to me the only rational way to move towards areas of agreement. I believe in that prospect and want to reach agreement and I think a proper dialogue which enables a better understanding of the positions of people who may be quite sharply opposed on some things is the only credible and rational way to proceed so I do want to see such a dialogue.

    I have watched with admiration the way in which Peter Brooke has brought together parties to talk – I think it it wholly admirable – and I think that principle is one that bears very wide application.

    QUESTION:

    The Deputy of the [Indistinct] Peter Robinson said recently that the Union no longer existed in any recognisable form and that Britain was in fact slowly pushing Northern Ireland out of the Union. Would the Prime Minister like to comment on that?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I didn’t see the comment and I didn’t see the context in which the comment was made but the British position has been perfectly clear for many years and it hasn’t changed.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, can I ask you a question about security? The communique talks about the two governments building on a high level of security cooperation. One of your MPs, Ken Hinds, in Dublin with the British-Irish Parliamentary Group, did express reservations about cross-border security and suggested that failures on the southern side were costing lives in the north.

    What have you got to say about that?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    There is good cooperation between the security forces and I welcome that but we do know that the terrorists do try and exploit the border – we have seen that over many years – and what we want to see is whether more can be done to deny them that resource but I do not believe that elaborating upon that would be at all useful.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Major, the Unionists argue that you will have to restart these talks from scratch. Do you think that you should go back to the drawing board? What is your attitude to it?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    My attitude is that I wish to see the talks restarted. I want to see Strand 1 restarted. That is what we are working for. The sooner we can get that done the better and I think often it is better to stick to those propositions and make sure we get the talks started. That is the most important thing for us – by “us” I mean the British Government, the Irish Government – and for all the communities in Northern Ireland and that is the direction in which we are working.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible but would Mr. Major consider personally asking the political parties in Northern Ireland to come and see him if there were a breakdown of the talks so that they could be restarted]

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think everybody knows – and if they didn’t know they have certainly known from what we have put in the communique and what I have said today – that we actually want those talks to recommence. That is a general message.

  • Mr Major’s Doorstep Interview at Stormont Castle – 22 February 1991

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s doorstep interview at Stormont Castle on 22nd February 1991.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Good morning, it’s very nice to be here in Northern Ireland. I had hoped that I was going to be here for the whole day, but I’m afraid with events elsewhere, as I think you know, it will be a slightly curtailed trip, and I’ll be here for the morning, but not, alas, this afternoon.

    QUESTION:

    Mr Major, do you feel in any sense boxed in as a result of the Gorbachev plan, the peace plan right now?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I don’t feel boxed in at all. There are some new proposals about that are being introduced; we are analysing those; we’re examining them. They are in advance on what we had before. They are still some way short of the UN resolution. They do seem to have significant deficiencies in them and as of the moment we don’t know whether the Iraqis are prepared to accept them. Now, what we will do this morning is analyse those, examine them and I will go back to London around about lunchtime. I will have some meetings with colleagues; I will liaise with the other allies and we will then make some judgements, but it’s too early to make those yet.

    QUESTION:

    Is the land war on hold as a result though?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, the conflict is continuing at the moment, there is no reason for it not to continue until an agreement is made that it won’t continue and that depends on meeting the Security Council resolutions. They haven’t yet been met.

    QUESTION:

    Can you outline the two deficiencies?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We’ll do that later on today. We’ll analyse them fully first. All I can say at the moment is they’re better than we had before, but at the moment they don’t look good enough. We’ll examine them later on today.

    QUESTION:

    Can I ask you a question on Northern Ireland, what your view at present is on the initiative which Mr Brooke is trying to push?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think it’s a very worthwhile initiative; I think Peter Brooke has pushed it with great skill, and great patience and is continuing to do so; I hope very much it will be successful; it will be a substantial advantage if it is.

    QUESTION:

    Are you optimistic about it?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I’m always optimistic. Commonsense suggests it should win.

    QUESTION:

    Could I ask you also about the attack on you and Downing Street by the IRA and also the bombing of the Victoria Station? What is your attitude to the IRA after that attack and is your visit in anyway connected with that?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, my visit is not connected with it and my attitude to the IRA has not changed as a result of those attacks. That attack on Downing Street occurred ten days or so ago and then of course there was an attack at Paddington and Victoria, but in Northern Ireland you’ve had to live with attacks like that for a very considerable period of time, and my feeling about those attacks is just as strong as my feeling about the attacks in London, so my attitude hasn’t changed. I thought the IRA were contemptible before and I still do.

    QUESTION:

    The IRA and Sinn Fein say that you will have to talk to them at some stage. What’s your response to that?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    They know our position on that; they have been trying for a very great deal of time to bully us and push us around with terrorist acts and outrage. They really ought to have learned; they’re very slow learners; they really ought to know after all these years that we aren’t going to be pushed around by terrorist acts. This Government isn’t; its predecessors weren’t and we aren’t going to be pushed around in that way in the future.

    QUESTION:

    What are the conditions on the Brooke initiative talks at the moment?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think we are pursuing those; the Secretary of State is pursuing patient diplomacy and other ways at the moment and that is the way we will continue.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, does it alarm you that tactics used in Ulster by the IRA are now being repeated on the mainland?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Terrorist attacks anywhere, whether they are on the mainland or whether they’re in Northern Ireland are disturbing, but they are also counter-productive; they’re not going to gain anything for the IRA, absolutely nothing whatsoever; they will gain them no public support and they will gain them no political advance; they really should learn that.

    QUESTION:

    Are you happy, Prime Minister, with the co-operation given to the British Government by the Irish Government on security and particularly to the Anglo-Irish Agreement?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    There’s a substantial improvement and co-operation between the British and the Irish Governments and the relationship has been very good, but there’s always room for improvement.

  • Mr Major’s Written Question on the Republic of Ireland – 2 February 1981

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s Parliamentary written question on the Republic of Ireland, published on 2nd February 1981.

    Mr. Michael Brown Asked the Lord Privy Seal if he will make a statement about the progress of the intergovernmental studies being carried out in conjunction with the Republic of Ireland.

    Mr. Major Asked the Lord Privy Seal what progress has been made on the joint Anglo-Irish studies which were envisaged in the communique issued following the meeting in Dublin on 8 December 1980.

    Mr. Stephen Ross Asked the Lord Privy Seal what progress has been made with the joint studies agreed upon at the Dublin meeting between Mr. Haughey and the Prime Minister last December.

    Sir Ian Gilmour I refer my hon. Friends and the hon. Member to the reply given today by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister to the hon. Member for Belfast, East (Mr. Robinson).