The Rt. Hon. Sir John Major KG CH

Tag: United States

  • Mr Major’s Joint Press Conference with Bill Clinton – 24 February 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with Bill Clinton, held in Washington on Wednesday 24th February 1993.

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    I want to formally welcome Prime Minister Major to the White House of the United States, we are delighted to have him here. As I am sure you know, he has already met earlier today with people on the Hill and with members of my Cabinet. We have just finished the first of two meetings, we talked for about an hour and then this evening we will have a working dinner.

    About the conversations we have had so far, I would just like to make two points: first we covered a wide range of topics, we talked about Bosnia, as you might imagine we would, we talked about the Middle East. And then the rest of our time was spent virtually exclusively talking about economic matters, about the upcoming meeting of the G7, about the importance of trying to get an agreement under GATT and my commitment to that, about the absolute necessity of the United States, Europe and Japan working together during this difficult time to try and prevent a contraction of the global economy and instead hopefully to promote growth not only here at home but throughout the world. And we talked about that in some considerable detail.

    The Prime Minister, as you know, has been in office a lot longer than I have and I asked him for his advice about a number of things and his opinion about others and we had a very very good meeting and I am looking forward to our dinner tonight.

    The second point I would like to make is to reaffirm something that some of you asked me during the photo op, and that is whether the United States will continue to have a very special relationship with Great Britain. The answer to that, from my point of view, is an unqualified ‘Yes’. I think that only two Presidents ever lived in England, I think I am one of only two, there may have been more somewhere in past centuries, but it is a very important relationship to me and I think it is off to a very good start. And I would like to say again how much I appreciate the candour with which the Prime Minister has approached the issues on which we discussed our mutual interests.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Mr President, firstly thank you for your welcome today and I have found out meeting extremely useful and I look forward to continuing this evening. And I certainly had some very useful meetings this morning on the Hill and with other members of your Cabinet earlier this morning, with Lloyd Bentsen and of course over lunch as well with some of your colleagues. It is nice, having had a number of telephone conversations over the last few months, to actually see a face across the table rather than just hear a voice across the ‘phone and I look forward to continuing that dialogue this evening.

    You set out some of the things that we were able to discuss over the last hour or so. I was particularly pleased we were able to reach such a meeting of minds on the importance of reaching an agreement to the Uruguay Round as speedily as possible. I think we share the view that for a raft of reasons it is important to get a satisfactory and fair agreement to the GATT Round, not just because of the impetus that will give to trade growth and hopefully to prosperity and job growth as well, but also because of the very remarkable advantage that will give not just to the industrialised but to the non-industrialised world with the many difficulties that are faced economically at the moment. So I was particularly pleased at our meeting of minds on that particular subject.

    We found also a complete agreement about the need for the Security Council resolutions that have been imposed in respect of Iraq to be fully met and to be fully honoured in the future. I had the pleasure of being able to welcome the President’s initiative in humanitarian air drops in Bosnia. The United Kingdom have got a number of thousands of troops actually delivering humanitarian aid in central Bosnia, they have been doing that for some time. I think as a result of their activities many people who otherwise might not have lived through this winter have done and I think this new initiative by the President is thoroughly welcome.

    So it has been a very worthwhile and a very enjoyable meeting thus far and I look forward to continuing it this evening.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    Let me answer that first question. If the United States can in some way make a constructive contribution to a political settlement, of course we would be interested in doing that, but that is not a subject we have discussed in any way so far and I think I would rather wait to make further comments until after we have had a chance to discuss it.

    As far as the campaign is concerned, the campaign is over, you are a good one to answer that question since you know that compared to previous campaigns I have been in this was just sort of another day at the office and once you achieve the responsibilities of office, this is what you have to do. I told the Prime Minister today that I was just grateful that I got through this whole campaign with most of my time in England still classified.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    Let me deal with the air drops first. General Powell came over here last weekend and we talked for a very extended period of time about this operation and about how we can maximise the safety to United States’ pilots and other personnel on the planes who would be involved in this and to minimise the prospect that any humanitarian relief operation could be drawn into the politics and the military operations of this area. We know that if we are high enough to virtually assure the complete safety of the people who will participate in the airlift that a percentage of the packages we drop will be outside the more or less half mile circle that we will be trying to hit. We also know that if we leaflet the area in advance, if we notify the people about what we are dropping and how to use the medicine and what kind of food will be there, to whatever extent the people need it they will be on the look-out for it and if they have to walk a mile instead of half a mile for it, we think they will. So we believe that (a) there is a need in some of the remote areas and (b) we can do this with quite an effective but safe mission.

    Insofar as other actions, I think there are a number of things that we are looking at. I am encouraged by the United Nations’ interest in the war crimes issue, I am encouraged by the conversation the Prime Minister and I had about the importance of trying to make the sanctions that are now in force actively be more effective. But I would remind you that our policy is that we want to try and have a good faith in negotiations with all the parties there, we are committed to doing what we can to encourage the Bosnians to engage in negotiations within the Vance/Owen framework and President Yeltsin has been very forthcoming on his part in trying to help get the negotiations back on track too.

    So I think we should look at it just from that point of view. It would be a great mistake to read this humanitarian relief operation as some initial foray towards a wider military role.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Can I just add something to that, as you requested? We are able at the moment to deliver a substantial amount of aid in central Bosnia by land but the natural terrain of Bosnia as a whole means that is not practicable for a raft of reasons, not least geographical reasons, at the moment in all parts of Bosnia. I think therefore you do have to look at imaginative ways of actually getting food aid and medicine aid through and I think the prospect that the President is exploring is an imaginative one and I hope it will prove successful. On sanctions, one of the things we have been discussing in the last half an hour or so is the prospects of enhanced sanctions and I think there clearly are opportunities there that we will need to examine. I think we can improve the sanctions over the Danube, for example, I do not think they are being enforced very effectively.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not think President Yeltsin is weakened by his present conflict to the extent that he is not going to continue, clearly there are difficulties in the disputes he has had with Congress and in particular the Speaker, but I expect President Yeltsin to be there and to continue, I think he is the best hope for the Russians and I think the policies and the movements towards reform that he has in mind and continues to have in mind are the right ways forward. I think there are two things we can do to help Russia in general and President Yeltsin, one is the economic assistance that has been provided, and there is a great deal of discussion to be had about whether we are directing that in the right way and in the right volume, and secondly I think also there are the political messages of support to the reformers and to the reform policies, personified at the moment in the person of President Yeltsin but the underlying purpose of the assistance is to assist the reformers and to assist the reform policies in Russia. I think we ought to give them political support as well as the practical and economic support that we have been giving them.

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    I believe that President Yeltsin has not been paralysed by what has happened, I support him and his role and he is trying to do. I have not established a definite date for a meeting with him yet but I do hope to meet with him soon, personally. I know he is having some trouble with his Congress but that is part of being in a democratic society with an elected President [indistinct] what it is like in our system. I do not want to minimise that but I think it is a grave error to assume that he cannot continue and do well, I believe he can. And I think that in terms of what we ought to be doing about it, I think the Prime Minister has pretty well laid out the kind of political and economic support we ought to be giving but let me say that as all of you know, I have placed a great priority on this. The State Department will now have an Ambassador at large whose job it is to coordinate a response not only to Russia but to all the republics of the former Soviet Union and we have a very distinguished American, Thomas Pickering, nominated to be our Ambassador. We have put in a lot of effort into trying to support democracy and trying to support economic recovery there.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    We are going to ask for an extension of fast track authority and we are going to put a real effort into a successful conclusion of the Round. I advocated that in 1991 at the beginning of my race for President and I still feel very strongly that it is important.

    The press response around the world to the economic plan I presented to Congress has been very positive because our trading partners have been asking us for years to make a real effort to reduce the debt and so we are doing that. I think that sparks hope not only here at home but around the world and I think if we were to successfully conclude the Uruguay Round that would also spark hope that we will be expanding trade on terms that are fair to everyone so I am very hopeful that we can get a trade agreement.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    We haven’t discussed Northern Ireland at all and after we do I’ll be happy to answers your questions.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    All I can tell you is General Powell has been asked to design the mission in such a way that we would minimise risk to our folks and we have obviously engaged in an extensive consultation, which is not over, [inaudible] has been asking me every day when I was going to make this announcement. The consultations aren’t over and one of the things that we want everybody to know is that this is a humanitarian mission and we are prepared to help anybody who needs the food and medicine and we want the broadest possible support for this and we want all the people on the ground and the various factions to know that this is not a political issue with us.

    We are very encouraged by the responses we have gotten so far from all the elements with whom we have discussed this plan. That is all I can tell you.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I don’t think there is a great deal to add. As I indicated earlier, there is a twin-track approach. We are providing aid by land, the President has in mind aid delivered by air to areas we can’t reach by land. I have no reason to suppose that that is going to put at risk the lives of the British soldiers in Central Bosnia.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible, but regarding fighter capability].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    You asked the question. I have given the judgement I make.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    We talked about the importance of adhering to the United Nations Resolution as they apply to Iraq in the aftermath of the Gulf War and about our general support for the peace process continuing. We didn’t deal with that issue and I think I ought to wait until the Secretary of State returns from his mission before I discuss it further.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible, but regarding consultations on Bosnia and any other countries becoming involved other than the US].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    Yes, we might have some other countries involved. The Prime Minister has made his statement. I think he has done his part. His troops are on the ground there but I think there is a chance that we will have support from other nations.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    No.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    That is a matter that has to be negotiated between the parties and I don’t think I’m going to express a view on whether that is the right map. I think the process of seeking a negotiated settlement and trying to reach by agreement between the three parties an agreement on the map that will enable a political settlement to be reached is the right way but I don’t think it is for me to judge whether the map is right. Clearly, the view of the participants at the moment is that the map isn’t right but that is the purpose of negotiations; that is why I was delighted to hear this morning that Karadzic and Izetbegovic will be joining talks again with Boban so that they can actually talk to Cy Vance and David Owen and see if they can reach an agreement.

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    The only thing I would say just to add to that is that I agree with what the Prime Minister has said. As you know, the United States feels very strongly that this agreement must be just that – an agreement; it must not be shoved down the throat of the Bosnians or anyone else if it is going to work.

    We also feel strongly that all the parties should negotiate in good faith and therefore I agree with what he said about the map but I would make this further point: the United States has made clear in our statement of policy that if an agreement is reached in good faith we would be prepared to be part of a NATO or a United Nations effort to monitor or support the agreement and that map would be difficult to support I think but before we make any final judgements we need to give the parties a chance to reach their accord.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    What I said was that I have invited the members of the Congress to present them to me and instructed our people to continue to look for them and I presume as we define things that we are willing to put on the table we will continue to do it. We don’t have any orchestrated theory about how to do that now but I’d be surprised if there aren’t some more comments.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    This is an agreement over the degree of subsidies for projects like Airbus and that agreement continues until July and I think there is no proposition in what the President said to change that particular agreement.

    QUESTION:

    Mr. President, you said you may discuss Northern Ireland this evening. Would you expect to discuss both the peace envoy issue and the human rights issue and do you share the view expressed by some members of Congress that Senator [indistinct] suggested that there are abuses of human rights in Northern Ireland that need to be addressed and perhaps the Prime Minister would like to [indistinct].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I will address that point first. The real abuse of human rights in Northern Ireland is the abuse of human rights of people who find bombs in shopping malls when they are going about their ordinary everyday business. I think that is the abuse of human rights that is overwhelmingly the concern of everybody in Northern Ireland on both sides of the sectarian divide.

    Over the past two or three years, the British Government with the Taoiseach and the political parties in Northern Ireland have been engaged in talks to try and find a political settlement to a problem that has existed in Northern Ireland for generations. We are seeking that agreement. Those talks I believe it is fair to say have made more progress than most people believed was possible. The talks came to a halt with the general election in the Republic of Ireland and the forthcoming local elections in Northern Ireland but it is the policy of my Government to resume those talks with all the parties in Northern Ireland to try and reach a satisfactory political settlement and remove many of the disputes and hatreds that have existed for generations. Those disputes and hatreds are worsened by violence, whether it is the IRA violence or whether it is the response to IRA violence which has also been prevalent over the last year or so. I condemn both unreservedly and without any distinction.

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    I believe that obviously there has to be a political solution there or there will be no solution at all and that the human rights issues will have to be addressed in that context. Whether the United States can play any sort of constructive role is something that we want to discuss later this evening.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    I think you have to expect that there would be some trouble and the Senate Minority Leader can say that but he was here during the last twelve years when other Presidents and the Congress quadrupled the national debt. I am trying to do something about it, turn it around and go in the opposite direction. The survey showed that a big majority of the American people support my initiative. The response from people in governments around the world has been almost uniformly positive that American is trying to change the nature of its economic policy, reduce its debt, increase investment in high-growth items and I never expected this to be easy. This is a fundamental change; I don’t expect it to be easy but I hope that I will be working with Senator Dole and with others to bring it to a successful conclusion.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRESIDENT CLINTON:

    Yes, I spoke to the Prime Minister of Canada. We had a very nice conversation which was mostly personal and I thanked him for his kindness to me and he assured me that his country would continue to work with me and that he would personally until his tenure in office was over. I wish him well. He seemed to be a person who had worked through this and was very much at peace with himself today.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Can I just answer that point as well. I regard Brian as an old friend and a good friend. I shall miss him. He has been a very good friend of the United Kingdom and a very good friend of the Commonwealth so I am sad to hear of his decision today but it must be his decision. I wish him well in the future and I look forward to seeing him in the United Kingdom in a few weeks time.

    QUESTION:

    [Inaudible].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think from time to time distinguished visitors from the United States in Northern Ireland have come back to the United States and they have actually explained the remarkable changes that have taken place in Belfast. There was a delegation that was there recently and the reality is that anyone who knew the place ten years ago and knows the place today will see there is an absolute and total sea change and I think there is a greater knowledge about the will for peace amongst people in Northern Ireland, especially the ordinary people of Northern Ireland on both sides of the sectarian divide. The more that is understood the better and what is actually needed in Northern Ireland to help speed that is more understanding of the process, more support for the talks, more investment for job creation and less money to fund terrorism and the more people know about that, the nearer we come to a solution.

  • Mr Major’s Pool Interview with the Media – 23 February 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s pool interview with the media, en route to Washington on Tuesday 23rd February 1993.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, I get the sense that on this trip you have got more to talk about and you are going to have a more crowded agenda than for very many meetings between President and Prime Minister for some time past?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think that is probably right, it is certainly going to be a very crowded agenda. It falls, I think, into two quite clear cut parts, firstly economic/trade matters, the need to get the GATT Round settled, and political matters, the problems in Russia, Yugoslavia, Iraq. There will certainly be plenty to talk about.

    QUESTION:

    But I also sense that there are real differences between you which could cause trouble. Just take two: the whole business over Airbus, Ireland for example, little things which may be a real irritant between the two of you?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not think there are going to be matters that we cannot solve readily. There are certainly a whole range of things that we will want to discuss but the predominant matters are of course the trade matters, I think that will be in the centre of our minds.

    QUESTION:

    But have you not got more work to do with an incoming President like this, some of whose views do not seem to be quite what yours are?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I think you make a misjudgement when you say that. There is one thing that is absolutely clear, both the United States and the United Kingdom have a common outlook on a vast range of international problems. Most centrally of course we are both anxious to get the world economies moving again, we both know that that needs a satisfactory GATT agreement. We are both determined in international affairs, for example, to do what we can to contribute to helping Russia deal with its enormous problems, vital for the whole of Europe and the rest of the world that we do so. We are both keen to see a solution to the problems in Yugoslavia. We are both absolutely determined to make sure that Iraq obeys the Security Council resolutions. So the points that we have to discuss that you say are points of difference are tiny compared to the points where we wish to move the agenda forward from a mutual area of agreement.

    QUESTION:

    I know it is a hackneyed phrase – the special relationship – but I do get the sense that there needs to be a bit of rebuilding of that special relationship at the moment?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The special relationship is not a term, frankly, that I use. There are huge areas of common interest between the United States and the United Kingdom, that has been so for many years and will continue to be so in the future. It is partly the instinct of a long-standing blood relationship but more important it is the fact that we have the common outlook on how to deal with many of the problems that exist, that has been so with administrations over many years, it is so now, and in my judgement it will remain so in the future.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think it is important that you are the first European leader to go to see him?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have spoken on the telephone on a number of occasions already so we have a pretty clear idea of what our views are on a whole range of subjects. I am looking forward to seeing him, I very much hope that the other European leaders will see him very shortly.

  • PMQT – 21 January 1993

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 21st January 1993.

    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Mr. McAllion : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Mr. McAllion : Is the Prime Minister aware that the murderous attacks on Iraq, which he supported, have killed at least 45 Iraqis–who were themselves innocent of any violation of international law–have made international lepers of Britain and the United States and have, in the eyes of the democratic opposition in Iraq, served only to strengthen the position of the tyrant Saddam? Does he understand that the crimes that he has committed against innocent Iraqi people may have been undertaken in his name, but were not in my name or in the name, I believe, of the vast majority of the British people?

    The Prime Minister : I do not agree with the hon. Gentleman. From the expressions on the faces of most of his right hon. and hon. Friends, neither do they.

    Mr. Faber : Given that yesterday was the inauguration of President Clinton, will my right hon. Friend confirm that the United States remain our strongest ally, as indeed we do theirs? Will he take this opportunity to reaffirm that the special relationship is greatly valued by Britain, as President Clinton has already done?

    The Prime Minister : Yes, I can certainly confirm that to my hon. Friend. There has been a very close relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States for many years. It is a practical relationship, quite apart from the political and military relationship. For example, the United Kingdom is the world’s largest overseas investor in the United States and our exports to the United States last year were some £12 billion. I know that President Clinton will have the good wishes of the entire House and I know that he knows that he can look to this country and this Government as firm friends of the United States.

    Mr. John Smith : In view of the horrendous rise in unemployment announced today–almost 61,000 in one month–when will the right hon. Gentleman recognise that his economic policies have failed the nation and are now blighting the lives of millions of British families?

    The Prime Minister : Today’s figures on unemployment are clearly deeply disappointing. They reflect the job losses in the pipeline that were announced last autumn and have now come through. I do not doubt the concern about unemployment that the right hon. and learned Gentleman voices, for I share that concern ; so does everyone on this side of the House. We wish to see unemployment falling and people getting back into secure and lasting jobs. That is my objective, just as much as it is the right hon. and learned Gentleman’s. But there must be a dual strategy for long-lasting solutions to unemployment. First, there must be solid foundations for economic recovery–low inflation predominantly among them–and secondly, wide-ranging help for the unemployed. That is in place.

    Mr. John Smith : The Prime Minister expresses concern for the unemployed, but is he not the same right hon. Gentleman who told us that if it is not hurting it is not working? Is he not the Prime Minister whose first reaction to the announcement of the pit closures was that they had to be closed “cleanly and quickly”, and whose Chancellor believes that unemployment is a “price well worth paying”? How can we believe that his expressions of concern are genuine when we take all those factors into account?

    The Prime Minister : One of the principal causes of unemployment in countries around the world as well as here is the difficulty faced with inflation. It is this Government who have had the courage to stick with policies to get inflation down, and the reality is, despite all his rhetoric neither the right hon. and learned Gentleman nor his hon. Friends have set out a coherent policy for dealing with unemployment. When they produced their phoney budget, they knew that it was a budget that would increase taxes and put up jobs. The right hon. and learned Gentleman still has not responded to the question that he could not answer on Tuesday. How much money would his new tax on windfall profits raise? If he cannot tell us, how can he make the claims for it that he does? Can he guarantee that it will last only a year? No, he cannot. The fact of the matter is that he has no policies other than to complain about the Government, and no idea how to deal with the economy or unemployment.

    Mr. John Smith : Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise that the nation is tired of feeble and lame excuses? It is also tired of the right hon. Gentleman blaming everyone in the world but himself. When, at long last, will he give the attack on unemployment the priority that the nation demands?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. and learned Gentleman has to accept economic reality. He should recognise that economic reality requires that you get inflation down and competitiveness up and those are the policies that we are pursuing. He should recognise also the effect of his policies : crushing profits does not create jobs ; tax structures that drive away inward investment do not create jobs ; piling burdens on business does not create jobs ; the social chapter will not create jobs. Those are the policies of the Labour party ; they are policies which would deliberately drive up unemployment and not create the conditions for lasting employment.

    Mr. Peter Ainsworth : Further to what my right hon. Friend said, does he agree that one of the best ways of helping British industry would be to cut the red tape bureaucracy and regulation with which it has been overburdened for far too long? Does he agree that a new deregulation drive would help industry to create new jobs?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend is entirely right about the consistent need persistently to bring down the level of regulation and red tape. The more we can rid business of red tape and regulation, the more British business can get on with creating wealth and generating new jobs. As my hon. Friend will have heard last week in the House, I propose to hold a seminar at the beginning of February– [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker : Order. The House must come to order. The Prime Minister must be heard. We cannot– [Interruption.] We cannot make progress– [Interruption.] I like good humour, but there are times when we have to keep quiet and listen. The Prime Minister.

    The Prime Minister : –at which every Department in Whitehall would come along with regulations that Opposition Members would support and which we propose to remove from business to increase competitiveness.

     

    Q2. Mr. Gapes : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Gapes : In the light of today’s report by the Employment Select Committee, will the Prime Minister apologise to the House, to the British people and to the miners for saying on 16 October that it was better to sack 30,000 mine workers “quickly and cleanly” than to institute a full review of the pit closure programme?

    The Prime Minister : I think that the way in which the hon. Gentleman phrases his question tells us a great deal about him. What we are seeking to do is to create a viable coal industry with a fitter future. The hon. Gentleman might recall how many mining jobs were lost under Labour Governments, for there were more lost than there ever have been under Conservative Governments– [Interruption.]

    Madam Speaker : Order. Having asked his question, the hon. Gentleman should not bawl and shout from a sedentary position.

     

    Q3. Mr. Pawsey : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Pawsey : Is my right hon. Friend aware that 642 schools have already applied and balloted for grant-maintained status? Does he agree that that is a formidable expression of public and parental opinion? What advice does he give to Opposition Members who persist in their ill- conceived hostility to grant-maintained schools?

    The Prime Minister : In fact, as at the end of last afternoon there were 648–another six have decided to become grant maintained. That is because parents are increasingly seeing the benefit of independence from local authority control. They are voting for grant-maintained schools in increasing numbers and the reason for that is entirely clear. Since opting out they have discovered that they can employ more staff, take on more pupils, enhance special needs provision and provide more books, because they have the freedom to put the money in the classroom where it belongs, and are not subjected to unnecessary control from county hall.

     

    Q4. Mr. David Marshall : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Marshall : Does not the Prime Minister realise the catastrophic consequences for unemployment if either Devonport or Rosyth dockyards closes? As well as the folly to the nation of concentrating defence work on one site, does he accept that 18,000 jobs are at risk in Rosyth, and that there is a solution that will keep both dockyards open? Does he agree that that solution is to give Devonport the surface ship work that it does best and to give Rosyth the submarine work that it does best? Will he support that solution? If not, why not?

    The Prime Minister : The hon. Gentleman belongs to a party, many of whom would abolish nuclear weapons, and nearly all of whom would dramatically reduce defence expenditure. I think that the hon. Gentleman should bear that in mind before he criticises this Government for their defence policies.

     

    Q5. Mr. Mans : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Mans : Will my right hon. Friend assure the House that his Chancellor of the Exchequer has no intention in his Budget of introducing a windfall tax on the privatised utilities, as that would deal a body blow to the 10 million people in this country who have invested in those utilities and would discourage the wider share ownership that we all want in the future ?

    The Prime Minister : I can certainly offer that assurance to my hon. Friend. As he rightly says, there are 10 million shareholders, many with very limited shareholdings, with a stake in the utility industries in this country. We understand that it is investment which ultimately creates jobs and that taxation on investment destroys jobs.

     

    Q7. Dr. Berry : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Dr. Berry : May I draw the Prime Minister’s attention to early-day motion 330, which calls for the early introduction of a Civil Rights (Disabled Persons) Bill? Is the Prime Minister aware that this early-day motion has substantial cross-party support–in fact, the greatest volume of support of any early-day motion submitted this Session? Does he accept that disabled people want action–very speedy action–and can he confirm that he will respond positively to the early-day motion?

    The Prime Minister : For a year I was, of course, the Minister of State responsible for disability, and I am well aware of the Government’s excellent record in increasing the benefits for disabled people and providing a much wider range of facilities for them. That is a record unmatched by any other party in the House.

     

    Q8. Mr. French : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 21 January.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. French : Is my right hon. Friend aware that this country’s privatisation programme has been widely applauded and copied in many parts of the world? Can he confirm that, notwithstanding the current criticisms of the British Rail proposals, he will forge ahead with the privatisation programme and will bring forward other candidates, including the Post Office, at an early date?

    The Prime Minister : We propose to proceed not only with the programme of privatisation but with programmes of more contracting out and more market testing. In the current year Government work worth about £1.5 billion will be market tested and, where appropriate, put out to the private sector if that sector can deal with it more efficiently.

  • Mr Major’s Doorstep Interview in London – 20 January 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s doorstep interview in London, held on Wednesday 20th January 1993.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, what is your message to President Clinton as he takes office today?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I send him my very best wishes on his inauguration today and for his term of office. His success as President of the United States is important not just for the United States but for everyone in Europe and beyond. I think there is absolutely no doubt about that. So I wish him the warmest best wishes, he is taking on a remarkable task, I am sure he is well equipped to do it and I look forward to working with him.

    QUESTION:

    Are you going to be able to establish a close working relationship?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I see no reason why not, we have had a number of telephone conversations so far, we have touched on a wide range of issues, some of them detailed, some of them generalist. We expect to have a meeting pretty soon and I have no doubt we will be able to work together very satisfactorily.

    QUESTION:

    You discussed Iraq with President Clinton on the phone last night, are you and he prepared to step up the level of hostilities against Saddam Hussein if he fails to live up to his new promises?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It has always been the position of the United States and the United Kingdom that the Iraqis must keep to the Security Council resolutions. President-elect Clinton has made it clear that will be his position in future too.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think you might be tempted to take up on Mr Clinton’s domestic policies to get the economy going here?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have set out our domestic policies for getting the economy going and the Chancellor no doubt will address all these matters in his budget in due course, beyond that I am not being drawn.

    QUESTION:

    Will you be taking seriously Saddam Hussein’s offer of a ceasefire?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We will have to wait and see what actually he means by it, we have seen offers from him before, we have also seen the outcome of it before, let us see whether there is any practical action, in particular let us see whether he is going to obey the Security Council resolutions with let, without hindrance and without frustrations, that would be a great move forward if he would do that.

    QUESTION:

    The French government has criticised the bombing raid on the Baghdad nuclear plant as a step too far, do you share that concern?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I do not share that concern at all, this was a raid made by the United States rather than the allies because they had the equipment in site to do it, but there was discussion between the allies, including the French, the legal position is quite clear, this was within international law and I think the United States were wholly justified. I have no reservations about it.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Statement with President George Bush – 20 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint statement with President George Bush on the situation in the former Yugoslavia, issued on 20th December 1992.

    STATEMENT BY PRIME MINISTER JOHN MAJOR AND PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH:

    The President of the United States and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom have agreed as follows.

    The objectives of our policy are:

    (a) to work for a peaceful and just settlement in the former Yugoslavia;
    (b) to prevent the spread of the fighting in particular to Kosovo and Macedonia;
    (c) to maintain the humanitarian aid effort which includes over 2,000 British troops and without which many more lives will be lost this winter.

    The President and Prime Minister paid tribute to the work of the United Nations in the former Yugoslavia and to the courage and dedication of the troops who are ensuring that convoys get through. They welcomed the success of the UN and its agencies, despite all the odds, in delivering large quantities of aid to those in need. They agreed on the importance of enabling that effort to go ahead.

    The United States and the United Kingdom have agreed to cooperate on a Resolution in the United Nations to enforce compliance with the ‘no-fly’ zone for Bosnia should violation of the existing ban continue. The aim of the resolution would be to prevent flights taking place other than those specifically authorized by the United Nations.

    The President and the Prime Minister:

    (a) agreed that steps need to be taken to prevent the spread of fighting into Kosovo and Macedonia;
    (b) welcomed the decision to deploy UN troops in Macedonia and hoped that this UN presence would be stepped up over the coming weeks;
    (c) agreed also to press for the very early increase in the numbers of observers in Kosovo;
    (d) agreed that our attitude to sanctions would depend on a rapid and radical change of policy by Serbia;
    (e) confirmed that they would be ready, depending on Serbia’s response, to impose new sanctions. They could initially include cutting postal and telecommunication links and could lead to closing the borders and complete diplomatic isolation for years to come.

    The President and the Prime Minister paid tribute to the work of Cy Vance and David Owen in trying to negotiate a peaceful settlement in the former Yugoslavia. Both Governments will continue to give the negotiators their full support.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Press Conference with President Bush – 20 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint press conference with President George Bush, held in Washington on Sunday 20th December 1992.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    Let me just say that once again we have had a very good meeting with the Prime Minister up at Camp David, I expect this will be my last such meeting but I will tell you that it was fruitful and I feel as strongly as I ever have about the strength of the UK/US relationship, it is vital to our own interest, I know the Prime Minister feels that way and the talks just could not have gone better. We covered a wide array of subjects, almost every area of the globe, we did it in a relaxed atmosphere, it was a special joy to have Mrs Major with us at this Christmas season, we inundated them with Christmas carols and I think as far as I am concerned it was a very wonderful visit with a distinguished world leader.

    We did spend a lot of time talking about the former Yugoslavia and we spelt out some objectives for our policy, nothing particularly new in it, but we agreed that working for a peaceful and just settlement in the former Yugoslavia is essential. We agreed that there is a risk and we must prevent the spread of fighting, in particular in Kosovo and Macedonia.

    Then I saluted the British leadership role in the humanitarian side of things, they have forces on the ground in harm’s way and those forces are doing the Lord’s work in terms of bringing relief, so we talked about maintaining the humanitarian aid effort which includes the British troops and without which clearly many more lives would be lost in the winter.

    So we spelt these objectives out and Prime Minister I enjoyed the visit, I do not want to monopolise it, maybe you would care to add something, Sir?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Mr President, thank you very much. Can I just echo what the President had to say about the discussions we have had over the weekend. But further than that, as the President said, this may be the last meeting we have of this kind and I have found the last two years especially fruitful in those discussions, there has been a lot happening in the last two years, I think it has been remarkably good not just for the United Kingdom but for Europe to know we have had such a good friend here in the White House and I think there are many people across the world who will have good cause to say thanks for the work that President Bush has done in the last four years. And I believe I speak not just for myself but for many millions when we wish him the best of futures after he leaves the White House in a few days time.

    We had not only a very enjoyable weekend, I think we had a very productive weekend. The President has set out the objectives that we discussed as far as Yugoslavia is concerned, we looked at some of the details to underpin those objectives as well, we did agree to cooperate in a resolution at the United Nations to enforce compliance with the No Fly Zone. The aim of the resolution will be to make sure we enforce the resolution previously agreed and to prevent flights taking place other than those that have been specifically authorised to do so.

    We looked also at the possible need for measures to prevent the spread of fighting into Kosovo and into Macedonia and that clearly is a matter of immense importance in the future. With that in mind we both agreed that it would be wise to press for an early increase in the number of observers in Kosovo and we also looked at the question of present and future sanctions and the present and future relationship with Serbia, we agreed that our attitude to sanctions would depend on rapid and radical change of policy by Serbia and concern that we would be ready, depending on Serbia’s response, to impose new sanctions on Serbia. The sort of things we had in mind of course were initially cutting postal and telecommunication links, but going on of course to the closing of borders if necessary, and if it proves necessary complete and total diplomatic isolation not just in the short term but making it clear to them that that would apply for a very long time indeed.

    Both of us wished to see a political settlement, the President was very sensitive to the work done by the British troops and by the UN agencies there and I am most grateful for his kind words about that this morning.

    Amongst a number of other issues we also looked at the problems that have arisen in Iraq in the last few days in the delivery of humanitarian aid by the United Nations to the Kurds in Northern Iraq. That has come to a halt temporarily as a result of the Iraqis placing bombs in a number of the trucks that were delivering that aid and we agreed that we were determined to ensure that that aid does get through to Northern Iraq and that is a matter that will have to be developed over the course of the next few days.

    So those were some, not an exclusive list, but some of the issues that we discussed this morning and I would just like to end by yet again thanking the President for the nature of these discussions and for the relationship between our two countries.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION:

    Mr. President, would US planes be used to enforce the No Fly Zone?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    This is a little ahead of where we are going and we do not discuss how we are going to do things, especially before we have decided what they are going to be, so I would just have to duck that one right now.

    QUESTION:

    Is there a 15 day deadline?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I saw those stories in the press this morning about a 15 day deadline, certainly that was nothing we discussed this morning, nothing we discussed over the weekend, that is a matter that is not just for the President and for I, not just for the United States and for the United Kingdom, that is something that would have to be agreed in the Security Council resolution so I do not know where these 15 day stories come from but they have no credibility at the moment.

    QUESTION:

    Would you be prepared to see British involvement if necessary in enforcing the deadline?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have got a lot of discussing to do before we determine how the deadline is going to be enforced. We have agreed that it is necessary to enforce the No Fly Zone, there is more than one way of doing that but we have to discuss that with a lot of other interested parties as well before we can agree the Security Council Resolution.

    QUESTION:

    What steps would be taken to protect the forces already on the ground protecting the humanitarian effort if there were to be retaliation as a result of the enforcement of the No Fly Zone?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have always made it clear, right from the start, that we were concerned about maintaining the humanitarian assistance that is going to Sarajevo and other centres, that clearly is of critical humanitarian importance and so is the paramount importance of preserving the security of the United Nations agencies and the British and other troops that are assisting in the delivery of that humanitarian aid. So clearly that has to underpin any resolution and any progress we make and these are the matters that will be discussed further over the next few days with our colleagues and allies.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    May I simply add to that that on behalf of the United States we are very sensitive to the fact that the sons and daughters from other countries are serving on the ground in Sarajevo and trying to facilitate the relief in the former Yugoslavia. The United States has done a fair amount, a good amount I would say, in getting relief supplies in but when it comes to taking decisions that affect the lives of troops, I would view British soldiers the same as I would if these were United States soldiers here, we must do that, we owe them prudence in making these decisions and the fact that these are Brits serving there in no way lessens the feeling I have that we must be very careful we do not needlessly put young men and women who are there in harm’s way more than they are. And I just want to say that particularly to the parents of the young people that are wearing British uniforms in the former Yugoslavia today, they must know that that is the way the United States views these things.

    QUESTION:

    Do you anticipate any problems from Russia in terms of getting an enforcement resolution?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    No we do not anticipate any, as a matter of fact they have not raised it, I talked to Boris Yeltsin for 35 minutes this morning on other matters and had that been on his mind I expect he would have raised it, he is a very frank interlocutor, as the Prime Minister knows, and so I do not anticipate difficulty. But the way we avoid that is to do exactly what we are doing, the ultimate in consultations at the United Nations.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I have nothing to add on that.

    QUESTION:

    Are you ready to sign the START treaty?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    We discussed that and I can tell you it is not agreed totally, we have made some real progress.

    QUESTION:

    Do you have a figure of some sort for these other sanctions that you have mentioned down the line, is there something that the Serbs would do to make these happen or is it just the passage of time?

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    The answer to your question is no, we do not have a trigger time.

    QUESTION:

    Do you want the UN resolution to stipulate that planes which violate the No Fly Zone will be shot down?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    No, I do not think that the UN resolution will stipulate anything of that sort, not in those terms. But the UN resolution is not yet decided, there is a lot of discussion, we need to get the agreement of the Security Council and others, there is some way to go before we get the resolution.

    QUESTION:

    Do you feel there is pressure to get it through quickly?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I do not think I want to put a timescale but I doubt it will be too long.

    QUESTION:

    If Mr Milosevic is elected how would that affect things?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think commenting on elections is a dangerous hazardous business, especially on the day of the election.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    So do I, that is a good way to end this I think, thank you all very much.

  • Mr Major’s Doorstep Interview in Washington – 18 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s doorstep interview in Washington, held on Friday 18th December 1992.

    QUESTION:

    Prime Minister, what did you manage to achieve in the talks with President Bush this morning?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think they were extremely productive talks, I think the most immediate outcome of them is I believe we have put the GATT talks in Geneva back on track, there was an agreement between President Bush, President Delors and myself that we should instruct the negotiators to go back to the talks, beginning again in early January, and seek to reach a substantive conclusion by mid-January, if that can be achieved it is very good news.

    QUESTION:

    President Delors was leaving no doubt that he thinks it is the Americans who should make concessions now in services in the non-agricultural area, is that your view too?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    When you are in negotiations everyone makes concessions, that is the way one reaches agreement, I do not think one can be certain that it is the Europeans, the Cairns Group, the Americans, we are now into multilateral negotiations, not bilateral, and I think there may need to be movement on many sides. But the important thing is the sheer political will to make sure we reach a settlement, very important for the world economy, that political will has been put there today.

    QUESTION:

    How do you feel about the state of the special relationship after your telephone call with President-elect Clinton?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The special relationship, as you call it, is a very close relationship built on shared interests and it has been there for very many years, I do not have a shred of doubt that it will continue, not a shred of doubt.

    QUESTION:

    Do you think that things will change in American foreign policy?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I think one must let President-elect Clinton get his feet under the table but I think the preliminary judgment that one makes is that foreign policy will be remarkably similar in the future, there may be changes in domestic policy, I cannot speak for that, but as far as foreign policy objectives are concerned I think they will be strikingly similar.

    QUESTION:

    What about the UN Assembly decision today to step up the pressure on Yugoslavia, does that suggest that we are moving now towards tougher action?

    PRIME MINISTER:

    I hope to have the opportunity of discussing that further over the weekend. I think many people will regard as unspeakable many of the things that have happened in Yugoslavia but what we must do is temper that instinctive reaction with practical measures that will assist and not damage the development of policy in Yugoslavia. I shall be discussing that over the weekend.

  • Mr Major’s Trans-Atlantic Policy Network – 16 December 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech given to launch the Transatlantic Policy Network. The speech was given in Strasbourg on Wednesday 16th December 1992.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Fitting that I should today be launching an organisation aimed at strengthening transatlantic links. For tomorrow I cross the Atlantic to represent the European Community with President Delors in Summit meetings with Canada and the US.

    The meeting is taking place under the framework of the November 1990 EC declarations with Canada and the US. These encapsulate the vital importance to them of the transatlantic relationship, importance in the political field, in trade, in security and other areas of cooperation.

    What is the message that the President of the Commission and I will be able to take to North America? I think the message we can give to President Bush and Prime Minister Mulroney is of a Europe which has recovered its self-confidence and is emerging from a period of turbulence and uncertainty. The Edinburgh summit did successfully tackle the main questions on the Community agenda, there are others to be dealt with, there is no immediate easy time ahead when problems will fall away, as the Community develops there will always be difficulties for us to confront.

    But we have now confronted those that were most immediate and most pressing. We have a way forward on the Danish question, the Danish Prime Minister is as determined as I am, as the President of the Commission is, to see that matter put to the Danish electorate, the referendum won and the Community go forward as twelve. Edinburgh has dealt with other matters of immediate importance like future financing and enlargement and all those matters we have had the opportunity of discussing this morning.

    All this I think provides a very good backdrop for our talks across the Atlantic this week. But perhaps the most single important feature has been the recent deal between the Community and the United States on agriculture, important of course for its own right for it was hard fought, difficult to obtain and I believe the Community negotiators did an excellent job on behalf of all the Twelve. But above that the importance of that agreement is that it has without doubt brought an overall Uruguay Agreement closer than it would otherwise be and that overall GATT agreement is vital if we are to have growth and prosperity. The best estimates we can provide show that it would boost trade between the Community and the United States, already running at 190 billion dollars a year and experts estimate that the overall boost to the world economy will eventually be worth as much as 200 billion dollars a year, not just to the developed world but also of interest to many people here today, to the developing world as well who desperately need that agreement and markets opening for their produce.

    So as well as those trade issues there will be other issues to discuss. Talks in Ottawa and Washington must focus on the main political challenges the West faces, the crisis in Yugoslavia, the mounting problems, apparently worsening even in the last few days, faced in Russia by President Yeltsin. The solution to those problems are vital for Yugoslavia of course, vital for Russia, but they are equally vital for those of us in Western Europe as well to make sure there is a satisfactory conclusion to them.

    I do not have any doubt in my mind that those people who see Europe developing and the relationship with America and Canada falling away are wrong, as Europe goes forward the transatlantic link will remain strong because it is in both our interests to ensure that it remains strong, the democracies in North America and the democracies in Europe have a joint task in a difficult and turbulent world and they will work better together than apart and I think that is wholly understood by politicians on both sides of the Atlantic.

    The relationship I think is bigger than just politics, the depth of it is shown in a variety of other ways, between academics, between businessmen, between private individuals, those are the links that are often intangible but are indissoluble as well and they are of vital importance to our joint future.

    So I congratulate James and his colleagues, I think that the Transatlantic Policy initiative will fulfil an important role in encouraging, enhancing those links and making sure that they endure. So with that in mind I am delighted to be asked to be one of its honorary chairmen and I wish the link every conceivable success for the future.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the Bio-Diversity Agreement – 7 June 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the bio-diversity agreement, made in the United States on 7th June 1992.

    [The Prime Minister was asked whether he has persuaded President Bush to sign the Bio-Diversity Agreement on behalf of the United States of America].

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have problems with the bio-diversity convention as well as the United States. We have problems with some of the financial proposals and some of the other allied projects as well.

    I think we will probably be able to solve them, but the difficulties that we instinctively see with them are a great deal less than those the United States sees.

  • Mr Bush’s Welcome Statement to John Major – 6 June 1992

    Below is the text of Mr Bush’s welcome statement to John Major, held at Camp David on 6th June 1992.

    PRESIDENT BUSH:

    Forty-eight years ago today, Ike and Monty, Churchill and FDR, Allied soldiers, sailors, marines, and airmen, heroes all, forged the greatest armada in the history of man, the D-day invasion. Our goal was a legacy of peace. And to achieve it, we first had to win a war. June 6th, 1944, told the world that aggression will not stand. So it’s fitting that the Prime Minister and I meet on this historic anniversary of a new beginning in Europe to talk about our countries’ enduring special relationship and the future challenges that we face in this promising new world.

    Already we’ve responded to each other not with just the formal handshake of two allies but with the embrace of two friends. And we meet as leaders of nations joined by a common culture and civilization, recalling how Dwight Eisenhower, beloved in Britain and America, once said of freedom, “To preserve it, the Londoner will fight, and so will the citizen of Abilene.”

    Over more than four decades of the cold war, we reaffirmed our relationship. Then came the Persian Gulf where, again, we stood fast so that liberty could prevail. Years from now, people will still marvel at British and American heroism in Operation Desert Storm. People will also note how the last year reaffirmed the strength of our alliance, the value of the rule of law, and that England will always be our friend.

    Our nation sprang from England’s belief in the sanctity of the individual. Today, that belief has never been stronger, our alliance never firmer, our desire never deeper to build a free and peaceful world.

    So Mr. Prime Minister, let me thank you, sir, for your determination and Britain’s example to the world. Welcome back to the U.S.A., and I look forward to discussing a wide array of subjects with you in the couple of days ahead.

    Thank you very much for coming our way again.