The text of the statement issued by Sir John Major on 9 September 2020.
For generations, Britain’s word – solemnly given – has been accepted by friend and foe. Our signature on any Treaty or Agreement has been sacrosanct.
Over the last century, as our military strength has dwindled, our word has retained its power. If we lose our reputation for honouring the promises we make, we will have lost something beyond price that may never be regained.
The text of the statement issued by Sir John Major on 3 August 2020, following the death of John Hume.
John Hume was an advocate for peace in Northern Ireland for the greater part of his life.
Few others invested such time and energy to this search, and few sought to change entrenched attitudes with such fierce determination.
Those whose communities have been transformed into peaceful neighbourhoods may wish to pay tribute to one of the most fervent warriors for peace.
He has earned himself an honoured place in Irish history.
London
3 August, 2020
Below is the text of the interview with Sir John Major on BBC Radio 4’s Today Programme on 27 June 2020.
MARTHA KEARNEY
There’s a focus on the terrible problems, the tragedies, caused by the pandemic. But we should also remember that there have been some positives too?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
There have been quite a few and there may be a lot still to come. Most crises throw up opportunities and I’m sure this one will. For example, they can change what was merely possible into something that becomes inevitable – because it is unavoidable.
So among the losses of the virus, there will be gains. Some are apparent already. We’ve seen one with rough sleepers. This has been a problem for 20, 30, 40 years and yet for health reasons, it has been absolutely necessary to take rough sleepers off the streets. That has happened, is very welcome, and is great progress. We now need policy to keep them from returning there. That’s one illustration, of which there will be many more.
MARTHA KEARNEY
It’s an indictment that it’s taken a pandemic to address a problem like that and to have this sort of urgent action?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
There are some things that tend to do this. It’s likely, not certain though, that the lessons of this pandemic will lead to a tipping point in our value system. The virus has showcased inequalities, and as a result of that public opinion and priorities may change.
If I can give some examples, everyone is aware of the remarkable job done by the National Health Service and the NHS is clearly going to have an even greater priority in funding, in research and in training than ever before. I think that the country as a whole will welcome that, and will want people who work in the NHS to be fairly treated.
But beyond that, we’ve learned that there are many unglamorous jobs in our economy, often lowly paid, that are crucial to our way of life. I have in my mind care workers, who are generally lamentably paid – but also cleaners, porters, the refuse collectors who protect our health by collecting our rubbish, shop assistants, a huge number of people who we depend upon in our daily life. I think that has become clearer, and will have an effect on policy. It has become evident that a lot of people have been left behind by the changing nature of modern life. That has been happening over quite a long period and it hasn’t been sudden, but the shock of the virus has made that crystal clear.
MARTHA KEARNEY
So many of those people have borne the brunt haven’t they in terms of their health and lives?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
Some have lost their lives, some have lost their health. Many of the people who have cared for the sick have themselves been living in fairly deficient accommodation. Many of those who supported them have done so too, and common decency suggests that this has to be put right. I think that the national conscience post-Covid may well demand it.
MARTHA KEARNEY
It’s not just a question of national conscience is it? It’s a question often of Government policy, such as care-workers and we’ve seen terrible situations erupting in our care-homes. Social care has been an issue that has been neglected by many Governments hasn’t it?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
I agree with that. I think that it has been under-valued, and I don’t think it’s possible to under-value it any longer – and that may be an advance. I’m very conscious that it is easy for me, who is not in Government and doesn’t have to enact policy to point these things out. These are very big issues, and they are very complex for any Government. The solutions will be expensive and some of them will have to be long-term. But some are immediate. I don’t know if I speak for others when I say this, but it seems to me that ending dependence on food banks is essential. It’s truly shocking that we have food banks in 2020.
Then there are the much bigger issues. Clean, healthy homes for example. We know that’s necessary, and steps have been made towards that by Government after Government. We don’t just need a policy for issues such as housing and those left behind by modern life. If we step back, we are still the fifth or sixth richest nation in the world and we have to acknowledge that. We need a crusade to improve the living standards of those people who have fallen behind.
If this Government, and its successor Governments (because this is a very long-term project) tackle hardship consistently and enthusiastically – a crusade for a decade as it were – then it will do a great deal to end divisions in parts of our society.
MARTHA KEARNEY
You’ve acknowledged that that crusade would be expensive and you think that there might be more of a public appetite for this, but what are you talking about? Are you talking about greater Government intervention? We were looking back at some things you’ve talked about in the past, in 2015, you said some people think the solution is easy, penalise the rich, cut defences, cut overseas aid, borrow more and spend more. You’ve said that that argument is simplistic and naive. So what should the Government be doing?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
None of this is easy for any Government of any political ideology, but it seems to me that it is going to be inevitable that the Government takes a greater role in what happens in terms of the future, in terms of social care, simply because there is nobody else who can do it. The attractions of small Government are always ideologically obvious, but the practicalities, from where we are at the moment, are that the Government is going to have to take the lead in policies that deal with many of our social problems.
I said that this is going to be extremely expensive, but there are other positives that are not as expensive. So how does the Government handle this? Let me make one point first, I think to put up taxes before the economy has recovered, which may take a while, would in my view be a mistake. Over time, there is little doubt that taxes are going to rise. For the moment, because interest rates are so low, and likely to remain so, it’s possible for borrowing to take the strain in a way it couldn’t have done a quarter of a century ago.
MARTHA KEARNEY
So even though our debt levels are now more than 100% of national income, which is eye-wateringly high in historic terms, you think there is still a case for more borrowing?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
I think it will be inevitable in the short-term. It would be politically impossible for any government not to deal with these problems. They will neither wish to, nor will be able to ignore them and I don’t think that, at this moment, they can tax. So I think there is scope in the short-term. Not forever – and there is no magic money tree, let me make that clear – but for a period, until the economy has recovered and taxes for some people can then go up.
MARTHA KEARNEY
The money would be spent on the left behind people? Continuing perhaps with the furlough scheme in some sense after it’s due to end?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
I don’t want to be prescriptive about what needs to be done. There is a whole range of options and priorities may become clearer as we move out of lockdown. But clearly the Government is going to have to borrow a great deal, and there are one or two imaginative things that previous Governments may have been against, which they may wish to look at. As an example, I think you can use borrowing as a social tool. For decades, our nation has been told to save for retirement and, over the last few decades, many people have done so in order to be secure in their retirement.
With interest rates now at their present level, which is in some ways helpful, the people who have saved and who have done what Governments have asked them to do, are now earning nothing on their savings. This is causing resentment and embarrassment.
One option might be to offer very long-term bonds, say twenty years, to UK nationals at a slightly higher rate of interest, and perhaps with the added advantage that if the investor dies during the period of the investment, then the sum they invested is excluded from inheritance tax. There are lots of variants, investment in bonds for hospital building or social housing. Of course, the Government can borrow more cheaply from the markets, but that often means a foreign commitment rather than a domestic commitment. I think there would be an appetite for domestic investment from many people in the UK.
MARTHA KEARNEY
I wanted to move onto another very important area and one which I know you care a great deal about, the future of the United Kingdom itself. We’ve seen different parts of the United Kingdom, different countries, moving in different directions and at different speeds over coronavirus measures. How do you see the future?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
The priority in the future is, in my mind, to keep the United Kingdom as a single entity. I believe every part of it is better off within the United Kingdom rather than split away, for a range of complex reasons that I and many other people have made clear in the past.
As policy develops, it would be much more difficult for the Scottish Nationalists, for example, to win a referendum in the short-term, because of the economic difficulties that they, too, will face as a result of Covid. In that period, the UK Government should work very hard to try and reconnect to a greater extent with the way the Scots think and act, and try and persuade away the arguments for breaking away from the United Kingdom.
There may be a breathing space to do that, and we should hug the regions closely and make sure they are properly consulted – as they should be. They need to be given a great deal of freedom as they are now, but we must do everything we can to keep the United Kingdom as an entity. Without it, we are all much weaker.
MARTHA KEARNEY
And finally, we’ve been talking about the kind of lessons to be learned in social terms and in economic terms? What about the way that the pandemic has been handled so far? Do you think that there’s an urgency that we look at what has been happening in recent weeks in order for us to be able to handle any potential second wave more effectively?
SIR JOHN MAJOR
In due course there will be a full-scale Inquiry, but the time for that is not yet. It might be practicable to have what you might call a “quick and dirty” look to see what lessons can be learned in case it returns in the winter, or next year. But we mustn’t overlook, and I hope we won’t, the many positives there have been across the country that have arisen solely because of the crisis that we’ve passed through.
MARTHA KEARNEY
Sir John Major, many thanks indeed for talking to us.
SIR JOHN MAJOR
Thank you.
Below is the text of the speech made by Sir John Major at the National Archives Trust in Kew, London on Tuesday 11 February 2020.
I would like to begin by thanking the Clore-Duffield Foundation for their very generous grant to the Trust. I have no doubt it will be wisely used to extend both the knowledge of – and love for – our history.
The reason for my confidence is because the Trust has an experienced and talented Board – which is Chaired by Anthony Seldon.
Anthony has not only spent a lifetime in education, but is himself a leading historian: to him, the success of the National Archives will not only be a professional responsibility, it will be a personal crusade.
The timing of this initiative is especially apt.
A few days ago we formally left the European Union; and two months ago the General Election produced a result that changed the political face of our country.
Many people have set out their explanations for these two outcomes and, in due course, the National Archive will cover them.
But, the election result – or at least the scale of it – was not remotely forecast; and leaving Europe was considered extremely unlikely. Until they both happened.
So, what made them happen?
Beyond the superficial answers about policy and personality lies a much deeper cause: national identity.
Our national identity is about who we are; what we are; and from whence we came. It’s our history, our legacy. It’s about us. We, today, are the history of tomorrow.
But yesterday’s history is about our forebears. Over recent years, researching family ancestry has become something of an industry and, to my mind, a very welcome one.
Because our history is not just Monarchs and Governments and Politicians. It’s about the lives of every single citizen. It’s about how our ancestors lived – what they thought – what they did.
Consider: who fought at Agincourt? Henry V, of course – and his senior barons. But their foot soldiers were there too – our ancestors: farmers; weavers; blacksmiths; ordinary, everyday people.
Similarly, the War of the Roses was fought largely by everyday people: retainers, supporters and tenants of the Dukes of York and Lancaster and their allies.
If all that seems long ago and far away, more recent stories tell the same tale.
The pilots who flew in the Battle of Britain were often little more than boys fresh from school or university. With precious little training, they took to the air and faced fear and mayhem that few can possibly imagine. Any one of those war heroes could have been your father or grandfather.
Many might say: “I’ll never discover anything startling about my own ancestors.” But don’t be so sure.
The history of our land is not just the story of the “great and the good”, but of all those who stood beside them in times of turbulence or tranquillity; hardship or prosperity; war or peace.
We are today – in part – what they made us. To know ourselves is to know our history.
Of course, it continues to evolve. Every generation puts its own mark on it.
Today, we are living through an accelerated period of change which, for many people, is moving too fast for comfort. But our past is stamped on our actions as surely as our features resemble the faces and forms of our ancestors.
We ignore history at our peril. We need to heed it, learn from it, and build on it.
And that takes me directly to the ambitions of the National Archives Trust, which are extensive.
Above all, it’s to open up our history to our nation. To make it accessible, understandable, and informative to all. And, yes, to make it fun too.
This ambition stretches far wider than the study of historic documents from ancient and modern times – fascinating though they are.
The Trust is planning interactive exhibitions; education programmes; theatrical performances of events relating to history. Their treasure-trove of knowledge will not be imprisoned at Kew: the Trust will tour the country; seek partnerships with local archives; and, in due course, set up National Archive Centres across the UK.
The People’s History will be taken to the people.
And it’s long overdue – for everyone, especially children – to see original documents from long ago, and sense their own place in history.
Imagine holding in your own hand a letter from Elizabeth I; or Jane Austen; or Wellington; or Nelson; or Mrs Pankhurst. In different ways, they all changed our lives. And the Trust will bring all their documents to life.
One exhibition is on view this evening: a replica of No 10’s Cabinet table and chairs.
I remember a group of visiting schoolchildren sitting around the actual Cabinet table ….. as I recall, they were far less trouble than the real Cabinet!
The Trust has big ambitions for the long-term but – even in a world that demands instant results, the best of outcomes takes time – not least since the Archive history extends to over 11 million records, covering one thousand years.
It also takes money – the root of all progress.
The National Archives Trust is a new charity set up to serve the public, whose funding will come in part from the Treasury, but also from private donations.
Based on experience – and the size of our national deficit – I have no doubt that fundraising will be a vital part of the engine for expansion.
*****
As so often before, our country is passing through a period of division and disillusion. But we will come through it, because we are a nation with a history of which – mostly – we can be proud.
By pride, I don’t mean thoughtless jingoism. That is simply an embarrassment. No-one should be proud of that.
Our pride should be about our national contribution to the rule of law; to science; to engineering; to health; to civilised behaviour; and so much more …..
As a nation, we know the difference between right and wrong, and history flags up many warnings of what can happen if any nation loses sight of that.
The natural instincts of our country are kindly, decent ones of tolerance, compassion and co-operation. I know of no other country in which so many of its citizens work voluntarily for – or donate to – charitable causes. That is decency in action.
It is now a quarter of a century since I first met Anthony Seldon. Soon afterwards, his two young daughters – then very young – joined me for tea at No 10 and, as if to prove their lineage, asked far more probing questions than I ever got in Parliament.
Those two young girls did not become historians like their father …. they became civil servants, and are now, themselves, contributing to the National Archives of the future.
I hope they – and millions of others – will embrace the important work of this Trust; it may be about our past, but that past is the essential building block to our present and our future.
So do visit the Archives and learn from them: you will all be very welcome.
And – enjoy it: after all, it is our story.
Below is the text of Sir John Major’s speech at the British Gymnastics National Awards, held in Telford on Saturday 25 January 2020.
I’d like first to add my own welcome to everyone here tonight:
– to the gymnasts who give us so much pleasure;
– to the coaches for their skill and guidance;
– to the families, without whose enthusiasm our sport would be so much weaker; and
– to the administrators who work so hard for our sport.
And, tonight, to one administrator in particular – our Chief Executive Jane Allen, who was awarded an MBE in the New Year’s Honours List.
It was richly deserved – and Jane, many congratulations from us all.
* * * * *
As this is “Awards Night” let me start with our gymnasts. As someone with a damaged leg – but who, even before that, was never particularly graceful – I am full of admiration for our gymnasts.
Admiration for their skills; for their grace; for their courage; for their perseverance; for their commitment; and for their successes.
It is easy to forget how many forms of gymnastics there are.
We have been blessed with world medallists in:
– artistic gymnastics;
– trampoline gymnastics;
– tumbling;
– double-mini trampoline and acrobatic gymnastics;
– and, of course, in all the classic gymnastic disciplines.
Gymnastics is an art as well as a sport.
And every single one of our successes is the reward of dedication and high quality coaching.
We have won twelve medals in the last three Olympic Games; and four medals in the most recent World Championships.
When you watch our elite gymnasts – Max Whitlock, or before him Beth Tweddle – you are watching the result not only of extraordinary talent, but also sheer hard work.
I am not surprised that, when Max won his second Gold Medal in Rio, the BBC audience was over 10 million.
But, of course, we’re greedy. We seek ever greater success … ever more medals … and many more people – the young and the not-so-young – committed to our sport.
And, although our elite gymnasts are vital to popularising the sport, our ambition goes much wider. We want to see gymnastics continue to grow in popularity.
To do that, we must expand grassroots facilities to encourage more and more young people to join our clubs and become part of our sport.
So we are investing for the future. We are not a rich sport but, even so, will be investing £7.5 million in new and improved facilities over the next six years.
Today, over one million people take part in gymnastics every week. We are working hard to increase that number.
Some may become the gymnastic icons of the future, others may simply enjoy the fun of competing at local level.
But all will be fitter, and more healthy – both physically and mentally – as a result, and provide a fan base for the future.
We always need to remember that, although elite competition can be fierce, gymnastics is – above all – fun, and has been since the ancient Greeks first popularised it.
What else must we do to help our sport grow?
We must promote elite gymnasts. Their success generates publicity through increased television coverage; brings spectators to competitions; encourages others to take up the sport; and helps deliver sponsorship and other financial support – all of which creates a positive virtual cycle.
We also need the hidden heroes of gymnastics: the coaches, the administrators, the many men and women – including, especially, former gymnasts who give up their time (mostly voluntarily) – to help build up the sport.
And – of course – the veritable array of parents, families and friends who ferry young gymnasts up and down the country, encouraging them and – sometimes – having to console them too.
Of all the sports I know, gymnastics is the most family-orientated, and that is a great strength for our future.
But not the only one.
As well as investing more towards improving and enlarging facilities, British Gymnastics will be hosting a range of international events – for all aspects of the sport – as well as holding a World Cup each year.
And, in a little over two years, the Commonwealth Games will be held in Birmingham.
So, there is a lot happening – all of which will help boost the profile of our sport, and encourage our future growth.
But, tonight, we are here to celebrate the best of the best of our recent past.
I warmly congratulate all our Award winners tonight, and commiserate with those who might not have won, but who have nonetheless done so much to enhance our sport during the past twelve months.
Everyone present this evening – in one way or another – has contributed to the growing success of gymnastics.
So – I would like to thank you all for all you have done in the past, and all you will continue to do in the future which – for gymnastics – looks very promising indeed.
Below is the text of Sir John Major’s message to the ‘Vote for Final Say’ rally held in London on 6 December 2019.
I’m sorry not to be with you in person this evening, but grateful to have this opportunity to speak to you.
In a few days’ time, we will be choosing our next Government and our next Parliament. The choice of Members of Parliament that we all make will make a big difference.
At elections, political tribes join together to promote their own policies, and criticise those of their opponents. That’s the nature of elections.
But there are always individuals who enhance Parliament.
And there are always policies upon which every Party can agree.
One is democracy, and the right of every adult to vote.
At every election the future of our country is at stake.
But on this occasion even more than usual.
When the nation voted on Brexit they did so on a diet of fiction and undeliverable promises.
As the facts become known, it’s extraordinary that a new vote is denied: extraordinary, and frankly undemocratic.
People have strong views on Brexit. Mine are very clear.
I believe that leaving the European Union is the worst foreign policy decision in my lifetime.
It will affect nearly every aspect of our lives for many decades to come and it will make our country poorer and weaker, and the individuals within it.
It will hurt most those who have least.
Never have the stakes been higher, especially for the young.
Brexit may even break up our historic United Kingdom.
Within a few years, Scotland may leave the Union. Northern Ireland may unite with the South.
Both may do so in order to remain within the European Union.
Your young generation has already recognised this – by registering to vote in record numbers.
And your vote is absolutely crucial – for you have the longest lease on our country’s future, and our place in the wider world.
So my message to you this evening is very clear: don’t allow your future to be shaped by others, with no input from yourselves.
You – every single one of you – can make a difference to the election result.
So don’t hang back. Don’t wait until Friday, 13 December and then regret that you didn’t make a choice.
To vote means to choose.
So choose the future that you believe in – for your own generation and the next….
Vote for the candidate who you believe will best represent your own views and your own aspirations in the next Parliament.
I was in politics for many years, and – believe me – no single Party has a monopoly on wisdom.
I am a Conservative, but there have always been policies of other Parties with which I agreed.
That is politics as it truly is – not politics as tribal politicians pretend it to be.
Tribal loyalty has its place. It can be good and honourable.
But sometimes you need to vote with your head as well as your heart.
To vote for your country and your future.
This is such a time.
But, whatever you do, don’t let your vote be wasted. Never has it been as important as it is now.
* * * * *
Now, I am simply the warm-up act this evening ….. but I’d like to say a few words about those who will be joining you shortly:
First, Michael Heseltine.
Michael is a giant of the Conservative Party, a giant of successive Conservative Governments – including my own when he was Deputy Prime Minister.
He has always been fearless in protecting the best long-term interests of the United Kingdom.
Michael is, truly, one of a kind – and a very wise one of a kind.
Secondly, you will hear from David Gauke.
He, Dominic Grieve, and Anne Milton – all of them principled, decent, talented human beings – were forced out of the Conservative Party, and are now fighting this election as Independent candidates.
But let me make one thing crystal clear: none of them left the Conservative Party, the Conservative Party left them.
Without such talent on its benches, Parliament will be the poorer, which is why – were I resident in any of their constituencies – they would have my vote in this election.
And now to my third guest….
Politics throws up some strange alliances – and never more so than in this debate over Brexit….
The third guest may once have been my political opponent – but even as I say that let me add we were never personal enemies.
And on the perils of Brexit – and our joint fervent hope that the younger generation will engage in politics, and exercise its vote next week – upon that we are absolutely at one.
It seems ironic to me that, due to scheduling difficulties, I am forced to speak to you on screen – since he was always so much better at doing that than I was.
I daresay he still is.
So, with four words that – once upon a time – would never easily have passed my lips, tonight I can say with great pleasure: “Tony, over to you……”
Below is the text of the speech made by Sir John Major at the Consortium for Street Children dinner held in London on 14 November 2019.
The Consortium for Street Children is not a big Charity, but it has a heart as big as the planet. And it needs it, because Street Children can be found on every Continent.
We don’t know how many there are, but around 150 million – nearly three times the population of the UK – seems a reasonable estimate.
Many of them have been stripped of every natural need that we – around this table – take for granted.
They are homeless; barely clothed; often unfed and scrambling for food; often cold, unloved, alone – and treated as criminals …. or worse. If you think I exaggerate, I can assure you I do not.
In Uganda, one very young girl was sold to child traffickers for the equivalent of £11. 11 pounds. As a Member of the Ugandan Parliament put it: “Even a goat would fetch more than that”.
I first learned about Street Children when I attended the Earth Summit in Brazil in 1992. In Rio, the sight of these children – in large numbers – was truly heart-breaking.
The Consortium was founded the following year, and I have been a supporter from its early days.
I hosted its official launch in Downing Street to bring a number of charities together to call for help and action.
It is now 30 years since the UN adopted the “Committee on the Rights of a Child” – the most ratified Treaty in history, but not the one most honoured by its signatories.
For Street Children still exist in large numbers, living in a dark and forbidding world, with no light or laughter.
As I get older, I often remember small vignettes from long ago ….
When I was five years old, my parents were elderly and frail. I used to walk to school on my own and once, bravely trying a new route, got lost. I retraced my steps, but became even more lost.
No-one passed by. No-one noticed. No-one helped. I sat down alone and waited, and waited ….
I still remember how terrified I was. Would I ever get home? Would I ever see my parents again? Would I ever be safe again?
All silly fears – to an adult. But I was five. So I sat there with tears streaming down my cheeks – until a lady with a kind face came along, took me by the hand, and took me home. My nightmare was over.
But what if I’d been a Street Child in Rio, or Johannesburg or Borneo – or anywhere? Then, it would not be a nightmare – it would be real.
And, instead of taking me safely home, the lady with a kind face could be taking me to a much darker place.
That is why I care so passionately about the Consortium and its work, and the children that need help.
The lottery of life is unkind in many ways, and those of us who are the winners in that lottery – well fed, well clothed, and with a conscience – have a duty, a responsibility, to help wherever we can.
I know there are many good causes – too many, sadly – but surely vulnerable children must be at, or near, the top of that list.
We can move the hearts of the authorities – and we are making progress – but it is frustratingly slow.
In 2011, the Consortium launched the International Day for Street Children. That same year, the UN Human Rights Council agreed that Street Children were a global phenomenon that should not be ignored.
On Street Children’s Day we asked the children what they wanted to say. One replied a while ago in words that should hang in the forefront of the conscience of governments around the world:
“We should not have to beg. All children are human beings and have the right to be happy. Working on the streets is not good as there are many bad people that can hurt you. They can force you to do things you know are wrong.”
She added: “Please, please listen to me. Please make this world more liveable. Don’t treat me like this – I only do this to survive.”
“I only do this to survive.” We need not go into what “this” is: but no child should ever be in such a situation. We are a richer world than ever in history – it is time to act to end the obscenity of children living in this fashion.
So what can we do? What do we wish to achieve? The list is long.
Children need to be protected. To be safe. To go to school to learn and play – to prepare for adult life. They need healthcare – as we all do – and access to treatment.
They need legal documents ensuring access to their basic rights. And they need affection – to be cared about, to be nurtured, and to be loved.
And, as they grow, they need to be assimilated into society – not treated as outcasts, without papers, without schooling, without a future.
This litany of concerns raises questions:
– Why do we not know how many Street Children there are?
– Why – in developed countries – do they slip through society’s safety nets?
– Why do they seem invisible to so many policy makers?
– Why are they not treated with the humanity, dignity and respect that every human being deserves?
And how and when can we put all this right?
There is good news. We are making progress. And – with your help – we will go on doing so until these children are protected.
Two years ago, the UN confirmed authoritative legal guidance that the rights in the UN Convention applied to all children, and directed governments specifically on how to help Street Children.
Some are now taking action, but many more need to do so. The Consortium needs to be “an advocate for the children” and “a conscience for their governments”. And I promise we will continue to be so. But, with your help, we could achieve so much more.
I speak to you tonight, but the real work is, of course, done by volunteers – not by me. I am full of admiration for their commitment, their consistency, and their sheer refusal to give up until progress is made.
As I grow older, there is much in the world that makes one despair at the folly of man, but the selfless work of these men and women who donate much of their lives to helping others encourages me to believe that our better instincts will prevail.
Since that inaugural reception at No 10 over a quarter of a century ago, the Consortium has brought together many other organisations around the world. This network now extends to 135 countries – itself indicating the scale of the problem.
The value our own charity brings is experience, expertise, evidence to support our case, and the clout to change and shape minds.
It would be wonderful if you felt able to help us in our endeavour.
You may never know the children you help, and they may never know you, their benefactor. But every child’s life transformed by your kindness will be a life that has been saved.
Let me close by letting the children speak for themselves:
From a child in Mexico: “There are street children who die, while others survive, because they don’t have the money to pay for a hospital”.
And, finally, from a child in Brazil: “I would like for people who have never lived on the streets to see us as human beings.”
So, I believe, would we all.
And, with your help and generosity of spirit, we can show them that we do.
Below is the text of the statement issued by Sir John Major following the death of the Rt. Hon. the Lord Mawhinney on 10 November 2019.
Brian Mawhinney, my Parliamentary neighbour, was brave, principled, and the very best of colleagues – whatever the political weather.
He could be combative, but he was always caring – and never once failed to observe the decencies of politics.
Brian had been unwell for some time, but Betty and their family were a constant source of strength to him, and remained devotedly so until the very end. All my thoughts are with them now.
Below are the comments made by Sir John Major in an interview with Alastair Campbell in preparation for a video shown at the People’s Vote rally. The comments were published by the New European on 26 October 2019.
When I became prime minister, the people of Northern Ireland found themselves living with bombings, shootings, murders, beatings, kneecappings, month after month. It was a way of life that would have been utterly intolerable in any other part of the United Kingdom. Murder was so routine that it was no longer headline news.
Violence also came to the British mainland. In London, the City, Oxford Street, Knightsbridge were bombed. So was the House of Commons, and 10 Downing Street. Bombings in Manchester, Birmingham, Guildford and Warrington, where two little boys were murdered while buying cards for Mothering Sunday. For those who never lived through those times, it must be almost impossible to imagine. For those of us who did, it’s still difficult to comprehend.
Irish Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and I both shared a view that it was intolerable, that the 30 years of violence that killed 3,000 people simply could not be permitted to continue. We decided to look for common ground. We were working against a backdrop of tremendous support against the men and women of violence from whichever community they came. There was a genuine sense of people power and it grew.
Bit by bit, culminating in the Good Friday Agreement, the peace process transformed the lives of all those on the island of Ireland, north and south. Violence ended, friendships were nurture, old hatreds faded. The relationship between London, Belfast and Dublin became better than at any time in history. A key part of this transformation was our mutual membership of the European Union. It broke down borders across Ireland. It increased and simplified trade. It brought north and south closer together. And London and Dublin became close allies, not least around the European table. Brexit will significantly weaken those links and damage the economies of both our countries.
But the Good Friday agreement was about far more than trade or jobs or profits. It replaced violence with peace. That peace is still fragile. It cannot and must not be a mere afterthought. My fear and that of many others is that Brexit may put that peace at risk. Having been so hard won, and it is to Tony Blair’s eternal credit that it was, it must surely never be allowed to be lost. It is worth remembering that no one under the age of 20 would have any memory of the violence and deaths that once engulfed their neighbourhoods. I hope and pray they never do. It would be the most recklessly irresponsible act to risk losing what took so long to achieve. And a gamble that no British government should ever take, whatever political policy they wish to pursue.
I totally supported Tony Blair in what he did and for the referendum we liaised. A fool could have seen the difficulties there was going to be with a border between the European Union and the United Kingdom, which would be on the southern end of Northern Ireland. We remembered that when the violence began. It began with the murder of customs officers at a customs border. We went to Ireland together to warn of the difficulties there would be. And I’m sad to say that many of the people in Northern Ireland just shrugged their shoulders and said, what did they know of Ireland? And that, I’m afraid, was also true of the of the then British cabinet. I was disappointed that people could not see the dangers that would be likely to arise.
I am unsurprised at the end that the Democratic Unionists appear not to be able to support the agreement that has been reached. It was rejected by precisely the people who are now promoting this particular agreement. But I do think there is going to be a real difficulty in Northern Ireland being treated differently. I think there are many reasons for a confirmatory referendum and making sure that you have the support of the people in Northern Ireland is certainly one of them.
A border down the Irish Sea splits Northern Ireland from the rest of the United Kingdom. And that, of course, always plays on the inherent fears of Northern Ireland, that they’re being ignored, that they’re being maltreated. And those fears are very real. There is now not a shred of doubt in my mind that the integrity of the United Kingdom, both in terms of Scotland and in terms of Northern Ireland, is at greater threat. Leaving Europe, carrying Brexit through, will raise strains we know of and strains we haven’t yet thought of. That may well end up with dividing a United Kingdom that has been together for a very long time. It is a thoroughly bad idea.
Below is the text of the comments made by Sir John Major which were shown at the March Together for the Final Say in London on 19 October 2019.
Leaving Europe, carrying Brexit through, will raise strains we know of and strains we haven’t yet thought of. That may well end up with dividing a United Kingdom that has been together for a very long time. It is a thoroughly bad idea.
I find it very difficult to understand, as a former leader of the Conservative Party, why it is the Conservative and Unionist Party taking action that may lead to the breaking up of the United Kingdom. This seems quite extraordinary. I cannot imagine any previous generation of Conservatives putting our Union at risk.
On Northern Ireland, Sir John says:
There’s a whole generation of people in Northern Ireland who have no memory of what life was like before the Good Friday agreement. No one under the age of 20 would have any memory of the violence and death that once engulfed their neighbourhoods. I hope and pray they never do.
To risk losing what took so long to achieve is a gamble that no British government should ever take – whatever their political policy might be.
I am not surprised this has come down to the issue of the Irish border, nor that the Democratic Unionists say they will not be supporting the Prime Minister’s deal.
The Government have refused to publish their economic risk assessments but – according to independent analysts – the agreement Parliament will be debating will be far more economically damaging to the UK than the agreement reached by Theresa May, and rejected by precisely those who are now persuading others to vote for this particular agreement. It is an utterly baffling act of national self-harm.
A border down the Irish Sea also has many difficulties. It splits Northern Ireland from the rest of the United Kingdom. And that, of course, always plays on the inherent fears of Northern Ireland that they’re being ignored. Those fears are very real. And they need to be addressed and assuaged.