The Rt. Hon. Sir John Major KG CH

Tag: Northern Ireland

  • Mr Major’s Speech to the Institute of Directors in Belfast – 30 March 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s speech, made to the Institute of Directors at Culloden Hotel, Hollywood, County Down on Wednesday 30th March 1994.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. It is just possible that some of you reading the newspapers may be surprised to see me here tonight. You really should not be. I have made many visits to Northern Ireland in the past, I intend to go on coming in the future and whenever possible I look forward to bringing Norma with me as well.

    And I will tell you why, because you touched on it just briefly a moment or so ago. Northern Ireland is in the centre of my political interest and I promise you tonight that is precisely where I intend that it will stay in the future. In those visits I have made here to the Province I have seen a great deal of what happens in this particular part of the world. I have seen aircraft made at Shorts in Belfast; tee-shirts by the million at the Fruit of the Loom in Londonderry, indeed my son stole mine before I had been home for 5 seconds; I have shopped in Coleraine and in Larne; I have sung carols in St George’s Church, Belfast; last summer I had the pleasure, as your guest, Mr Chairman, of visiting the Castleward Opera. And on those visits and on many other occasions in London I have met your church leaders, your political leaders, many leaders of community groups, and as I am doing this evening, leading businessmen and their wives and families.

    And above all, of course, I have had on these opportunities the good fortune to meet thousands of Northern Irish people from all walks of life. And on these occasions there have been two things that have particularly struck me: the first is the extraordinary warmth of Northern Ireland, in my experience, in their welcome and in their generosity, the people of Northern Ireland are second to none; and second, I have been invariably struck by how much is changing here and by how fast that change is occurring. The Northern Ireland of today is far removed from the images formed at a distance by many people, not just elsewhere in the United Kingdom, perhaps in many countries around the world. I would like to see far more people coming here to Northern Ireland to see precisely for themselves what is happening, to see the changes and to judge the opportunities that I believe are increasingly becoming apparent for the future.

    I wish to turn in a moment to economic matters and then perhaps a little to security matters. But I want first, with your indulgence, to say a word or two about a topic of the moment, to say a word or two about Europe.

    Throughout my time as Prime Minister the government has been taking a determined, a collective and a positive approach to Europe with clearly defined objectives. We intend to go on doing precisely that and if anyone is in any doubt of our course, I invite them to read again, if they have read it before, and for the first time if they have not, the article I wrote on holiday in Portugal last year that the Economist were kind enough to publish last September. That sets out our course.

    Much of the comment I hear these days about Europe is, to be frank, a crude parody of the real debate we should be having. Much of it is Euro-nonsense, the simplicities of Europhobia and Euro-enthusiasm frankly short change the public on a debate that is vital to our future. I am neither phobe nor enthusiast but I am a Euro-realist seeking to secure our success across the European continent. Neither am I prepared to bend policy either to appease the phobe or to appease the enthusiast. I will seek the policy that I believe to be right and they may follow me or not, as they choose. I wish to see Europe succeed and I wish that to happen because it is vital to the interests of the United Kingdom that it does, because for us there is no alternative to playing a strong part in Europe and there is no future in petty insularity.

    In an ideal world European problems would be decided through quiet, reasoned discussion. But that is not the way that Europe works and sadly at the moment it is not the way our domestic debate upon Europe is being conducted either. If you are to make progress in the European debate you must be prepared to fight very hard, you must fight for the best deal available to your interests and for your country. And of course in Europe we from the United Kingdom are just one of Twelve, we will not always get all that we want but we must carry on and step by step secure the changes that are of importance to us.

    And that is what in recent days we have been doing over Europe’s voting system, despite the grotesque misrepresentation of events that many people will have read and seen. I learned long ago that the world outside Westminster is very different from the rather feverish atmosphere within. But even so you may be understandably confused to find the arcane question of qualified majority voting causing such banner headlines.

    Let me say to you tonight, if we had decided, if the British government had decided to accept 27 as the blocking minority, there would have been outrage among many people and we would have been accused of not fighting for Britain’s interest. If we had blocked enlargement because we could not obtain 23 of the blocking minority, we would have thrown away a prime British foreign policy objective. And as it was, after tough negotiations, we secured enlargement and safeguards for Britain’s position. It was a fierce argument but at the end of that we did win agreement that the qualified majority voting system will be fundamentally reviewed at the 1996 intergovernmental conference.

    We did not win all that we wanted for the transitional period until then but we have secured a legally binding obligation to respect minority positions and to protect our own position. A negotiation, any negotiation, certainly a negotiation among twelve within Europe, that requires often concessions on all sides and on this occasion an acceptable deal has been struck. In the circumstances known to the Cabinet I believe it was right to accept that deal.

    And let me say tonight, I will go on striking deals for the United Kingdom if I think they are right, whatever the opposition to those deals may be. But a deal is only acceptable if it sticks and it is not acceptable to mis-use treaty provisions on health and safety to bring in social directives by the back door, it is not acceptable to try and circumvent the opt-out from the social chapter that I negotiated at the time of the Maastricht Treaty. We have discussed this matter with the Commission, they have given us assurances on this and they must keep to them scrupulously if confidence here is to be restored and our partners must respect both the letter and the spirit of the deal on majority voting.

    If this deal were not to be upheld then nobody should expect the United Kingdom to continue the normal process of Community business. A deal is a deal, if deals are not respected then normal business becomes impossible.

    But arguments over voting systems should not obscure the real progress that has been made: the establishment of a single market; the enlargement of the Union; the GATT deal, the biggest most important trade deal that the world has ever seen; steps to control the budget; reform of the Common Agricultural Policy; subsidiarity meaning 25 percent of Community legislation will either be repealed or reformed, by which I mean minimised; closer cooperation; foreign policy; and the fight against crime.

    All those are practical areas of constructive cooperation with our partners in Europe in recent years and we would not have made headway on any one of those issues if we had not argued very robustly for our point of view. We will continue to seek to build the sort of the Europe which is important I believe to you and important to me. Because it is by engaging all our efforts that we can promote that crucial, that critical positive view of a decentralised, deregulated, less bureaucratic, more competitive outward looking European Union, a Union that is friendly to business and better able to compete successfully with the United States and Asia.

    And there is no purpose with inside Europe in deciding that France can compete with Germany, can compete with Britain and can compete with Spain, the whole of Europe has to compete with Asia, with Japan and the United States and if it fails to do that then our livelihoods here in Northern Ireland and right the way across the European Union will be at risk. We seek a Union, a Union that makes a wider Europe of nation states, a Europe that works for the citizen, gives choice to the consumer and freedom to the traveller.

    It is of course this Europe, important to all of us, it is important to business in Northern Ireland and so of course is the state of the economy to which I would now like to turn. It was a long recession, a deep recession, a difficult recession within many parts of the United Kingdom it has left its scars. But for the last 7 successive quarters we have been back in growth across the United Kingdom and that has given us the strongest recovery of any of the large European economies. So far the growth has been modest and steady rather than spectacular. But even so, in many ways it has been stronger and more secure than the first phase of the long recovery after the recession at the beginning of the 1980s. In manufacturing, for example, we have seen a much faster recovery in production this time. Productivity reached an all time high in January and we have been sharpening a competitive edge by keeping a far better grip on costs than either Germany or Japan.

    But to realise their full potential, and unless we realise our full potential in a competitive world we will face difficulties in the decades ahead, but to realise their full potential all areas of the United Kingdom must improve their competitiveness. This morning I held a meeting of senior Ministers who are preparing a wide ranging White Paper on competitiveness, a White Paper of the sort we frankly have not seen for very many years. And we are looking at everything the government does, from one end of government to the other, to see what more we can do to help business in the United Kingdom win in world markets.

    It is a very wide ranging review. Take prices for example, they are now rising less than for a generation, that has enabled us to bring borrowing costs down which are now among the lowest in Europe. It helps us bring our wage costs under control, today we have less than half the wage inflation of the 1980s.

    And it has brought more industrial peace. These days of course we almost take that for granted, yet we are losing fewer days through strikes than at any time since records were first kept. And then of course one might take the jobs market. Unemployment remains far higher than any of us would wish, here in the Province and across the rest of the United Kingdom. But it is falling and it is falling at an earlier stage of the recovery than in the 1980s. In Northern Ireland it has come down by 6 percent over the last year and in the United Kingdom as a whole unemployment has dropped by well over 200,000 in the past year whilst across the rest of Europe it has still been rising, over 12 percent in France, over 20 percent in Spain, over 4 million unemployed in Germany, falling, thank goodness, in the United Kingdom.

    And yet within that broad picture how is Northern Ireland doing? As you will know, it is doing rather well. Over the past 5 years Northern Ireland has out-performed the national economy. In the last decade 74,000 extra jobs have been created here – a 13 percent increase. Output and employment fell less here than in most other regions during the recession of the early 1990s and with recovery output and employment grew more rapidly than elsewhere in the United Kingdom. I believe that this growth will be maintained.

    Well over half the companies here expect to expand in 1994. You are having increasing, in some cases dramatic, success in attracting inward investment. Last year was one of the best your industrial development has ever had, and over the past 6 years United States companies alone have invested nearly 600 million pounds here, promoting nearly 5,000 jobs. And they come here, not out of charity, not out of goodwill, they come here because Northern Ireland is a good place in which to do business, they come here to share in success and we must continue to encourage this. You have world reaching companies, both large and small: Shorts, now privatised; highly successful medium sized companies like Desmonds, Powerscreen and Moy Park. Your economic well being of course is vital, it is important in its own right, but it is I believe doubly important because of its impact on political development.

    In the past as you look down the long years of Irish history, hardship and economic injustice have played into the hands of extremists, the greater the prosperity of Northern Ireland, the better the prospects for peace. And that peace of course would bring still greater prosperity, it would bring a surge in business activity, in investment and in tourism, it would help us to relegate the bad times to the history books where I truly believe they now belong.

    So let me turn for a few moments to political change and to the Joint Declaration. I find it extraordinary that some people are prepared to claim that we are indifferent to Northern Ireland and that we are prepared to abandon our interest in Northern Ireland. Nothing could be further from the truth. We have said that the British government has: “no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland.” That phrase ought not to be perverted by anyone. As I am sure you will appreciate, the critical word there is “selfish”.

    If the people of Northern Ireland were themselves democratically of their own free will to choose a different future for themselves in a united Ireland we would not stand in their way. We would not insist that for some strategic or economic reason Northern Ireland must remain in the United Kingdom. But the converse equally applies. For so long as the greater number of the people of Northern Ireland wish to be part of the United Kingdom the British government will uphold and support their right to be so. And that is of course precisely what we are doing and in saying that I do not just refer to the level of the government’s economic support.

    For me violence in the counties of Northern Ireland is as intolerable as similar violence would be in any of the British counties. I believe that an exceptional effort needs to be made to end terrorism and move towards peace in Northern Ireland. There can be no time limit to that effort, it must go on for how ever long it may take.

    We will spare no effort to oppose terrorism. The security forces have the resources, the leadership and the support that they need and they will continue to get it. They have also achieved a great many successes. We have worked steadily and effectively to improve cooperation with the Republic of Ireland on cross-border security. Security cooperation has never been closer or better or more effective than it is today although both governments are determined to make it yet more effective and the passage, for example, of the Irish Extradition Bill will be another significant step.

    But it is not just enough to oppose the men of violence at either extreme. We must do more than that, we must demonstrate clearly and unequivocally that terrorism has no future, we must minimise support for it both here and in other countries, we must build and maintain a popular and confident consensus for peace, we must show those who might be tempted to sympathise that there is no valid cause and no conceivable excuse for violence, we must show that political objectives can be pursued by peaceful and political means on the basis of consent. And above all, for all the people of Northern Ireland, we must show there is a just and a democratic path which enjoys the overwhelming support of the people of Northern Ireland.

    Mr Chairman, that was my aim in negotiating the Joint Declaration, it is a broad approach to Northern Ireland’s future which has received unprecedented backing, it has shown that the British and the Irish governments, leaders on both sides of the community and very large numbers of the people of Northern Ireland, and of the island as a whole, can subscribe to a single balanced set of principles.

    Perhaps inevitably the Joint Declaration has been misunderstood or in some cases misrepresented by one group or another. Supporters of each tradition would have liked it tilted a little more in their direction and that perhaps in its own may be a back-handed testimony to the balance we have struck in that document. But it does not say what the solution must be and it does not rule out any outcome in advance. What it does say is that the future of Northern Ireland is to be determined by agreement and by consent.

    Some have raised the fear that it creates new institutions. Mr Chairman, it does not. Some have said that it embodies the principle of joint authority, it does not. Some have said that it gives the veto on change, emphatically it does not. I have even been told that it undermines the consent principle and the constitutional guarantee, the truth is precisely the opposite, it reinforces the consent principle and the constitutional guarantee and it spells them out and it endorses them in the name of both governments. At one extreme it has been claimed that the Joint Declaration surrenders to IRA terrorism and would allow Sinn Fein to enter the political process without renouncing violence. It does no such thing. The British and the Irish governments have been categoric in saying that there must be a permanent end to violence before those who have supported it can begin to enter the political process.

    And of course at the opposite extreme is the complaint that the joint declaration does not contain enough for nationalists, but that is not a view upheld by democratic nationalists or by the Irish government or by the people of Ireland as a whole. Over 80 percent of the people of Ireland say they support the joint declaration and they want the IRA to end violence now and for good.

    The IRA have given no coherent response, they have continued their violence, they have boasted of their attacks and they have tried to confuse by talking simultaneously of a possible ceasefire. If the IRA think that either tactic will change the situation they are sadly mistaken. Temporary ceasefires are of course welcome for the peace of mind that they bring for a period but unless they become permanent and unless they become irrevocable they will not end the conflict. Sinn Fein cannot enter the political process until it has renounced violence for good and demonstrated that that is its policy. Sooner or later the Provisionals must come to appreciate that violence drives them up a blind alley. The only road that will take them forward is the road to democratic politics. The Joint Declaration stands and it shows exactly where the British and the Irish governments stand.

    It is not a moveable peg and it will not be amended and it will not be renegotiated, and it is against this background that we have pressed ahead with the three stranded talks process. I know that progress in that arena has at times seemed frustratingly slow, it has to be, it surely must have done to you as well. But I think that perhaps is inevitable in a process designed to embrace two governments and the political parties across the spectrum. But by building patiently we have built well, we have now established large areas of potential agreement, we have a solid basis for future progress and we wish to use the three stranded talks to establish a more accountable form of government within Northern Ireland and a more productive relationship between the north and the south as well as between the British and the Irish governments.

    Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. If I may quote Burke:

    “You can never plan the future by the past”. I look at Ireland not as an Irishman but as someone who looks on this island and these counties with some affection. For too long Ireland has been a prisoner of its past, too many coffins pay grizzly tribute to what that past has been. One cannot begin to understand Ireland without understanding its history. History, tradition, culture, are vital parts of all our lives but perhaps nowhere in the world are they more important than in the island of Ireland.

    Here in Northern Ireland things are changing, the economy has changed, it is open to the world as it has never been before, it is bringing in investment, it is sending out goods and services, it has brought very welcome change to your communities. And one need look, for example, no further than the remarkable improvement in Londonderry over the past decade or the new vigour in the industries and in Belfast. We can see that. Is it not surely time to look ahead politically as well as economically, to harness that deep desire that exists on both sides of the community for a more peaceful and a more prosperous life, to break away from a past of rigid confrontation and from the violence that has so savagely scarred the last quarter of a century.

    Mr Chairman, nothing that has happened in the past three months has undermined my belief that the overwhelming majority of the people of Northern Ireland wish to live in peace. We should not let temporary set-backs discourage us or deflect us. This is not just a task for the politicians, it is a task for everyone who has the best interests of Northern Ireland at heart. The leaders of this generation, be they churchmen, politicians, community workers, opinion formers, businessmen, the leaders must help build a better life for the next generation. No-one here in this room and no sensible person in Northern Ireland would wish to see the next generation inflicted with the scars and the sadnesses of the last 25 years. The groundwork to make sure that that has not happened has been laid, it is there, it must be cherished and it must be built upon. We must maintain our resolve to carry the process through until we reach a lasting political settlement and the wider prosperity that surely will follow.

    If I have an ambition for you and for me I would like people to look back at these early years in the 1990s, perhaps to look back from some years ahead, and say that at that time at the beginning of the 1990s the people of Ireland so demonstrated their concern for peace, so demonstrated their determination that the next generation would not suffer the privations that they have suffered, that they formed that massive constituency for peace that isolated and defeated those who would seek political ends through the gun and through the bullet. That is the opportunity that lies there for us now.

    I would say to the people of Northern Ireland, don’t ever expect it will happen overnight but it will happen and with your will and your determination you can play the central part in making it happen and I hope and believe in this generation that that is what we can achieve.

  • Mr Major’s Joint Statement with Albert Reynolds – 19 February 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s joint statement with the Irish Prime Minister, Albert Reynolds, held outside Downing Street on Saturday 19th February 1994.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    We have had a very useful discussion this morning. We thought the opportunity of our joint attendance at Twickenham this afternoon was a suitable opportunity to take stock of where we are. We have had a very useful review this morning of where we stand both on the Joint Declaration and on the continuing talks process.

    Let me make it quite clear at the outset that we are wholly united in our approach, wholly united in our determination to proceed to try and find a solution to the problems of Northern Ireland. We see the Joint Declaration as a foundation stone for the future approach of both governments; we are committed to it, we believe it has lasting value and we see it as a balanced statement of principles for the future. It is our judgement that its value has already been clearly shown in the way in which it has been received both in Ireland and abroad.

    It is of course impossible for either of us to say whether the Provisionals will decide to give up violence in the near future.

    What we are utterly agreed about is that there is no justification for the continuance of violence either by the Provisionals or Indeed by anybody else. What must be fully understood is that we are not waiting for the Provisionals or for anybody else. We have taken further steps in the talks process and we have this morning reaffirmed our joint commitment to that process. No-one should be able to veto progress on the talks.

    We have made clear what Sinn Fein needs to do to join the constitutional process; they are free to come in, they are free to stay out if that is what they choose but what they can’t do is hold up our determination to continue with the talks process and endeavour to find a solution.
    We have agreed this morning that we will continue to cooperate closely on security and do all we can to oppose terrorism and I would like to say that the improved security cooperation between the Garda and the security forces in Northern Ireland has been of immense help over recent years and that is going to continue.

    The intention that we both have is peace. We would like it soon but however long it takes, our determination is to continue a search for that peace. We believe that is what the people of Northern Ireland wish to see, what the people in the Republic wish to see and what people in other parts of the world, including the United Kingdom, wish to see. We have no intention of surrendering any of our principles to violence. Those principles are clearly set down in the Joint Declaration and we reaffirm them very firmly this morning.

    PRIME MINISTER REYNOLDS:

    We had a very cordial and fruitful meeting here this morning. The match did give us an opportunity of coming together two months after the Peace Declaration was published here in Downing Street on 15 December. It is a declaration that both of us and both governments are fully committed to; it is a declaration that will endure; it is indeed a formula for peace because it sets out the principles on which a lasting peace can be built. We aim to take that Peace Declaration and make it the anchor for the resumption of the three-stranded talks process; they will be grounded on the sets of principles that are outlined in the Peace Declaration.

    We want to proceed with those as soon as possible; we never saw them in competition with each other, we see them as complementing each other and we believe that a very solid basis has been agreed upon in the Joint Declaration that has commanded widespread support not just in these islands but indeed throughout the world as well. Indeed, the Irish people at home and abroad fully subscribe and support the Peace Declaration and believe, like us, that there is no justification for continuing with violence once those sets of principles are laid out there for everybody to see and for every to participate in. We deplore and condemn violence and death from wherever it comes and we deplore the seeming resumption in some quarters of the violence that has indeed plagued our island for the last twenty-five years.

    This is a new hope, a new direction to provide the opportunity to get a lasting peace in Ireland and a broad-based agreement based on the sets of principles that we agreed on here on 15 December, We will continue at a very high level our very successful cooperation in relation to the security arrangements between North and South and between our two governments and I think that they have served us well and they will be kept up to speed on both sides.

    I haven’t anything further to add to what the Prime Minister has laid out very clearly here about where we come from, where we are at this morning and where we go on from here.

    QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

    QUESTION (Robin Oakley, BBC):

    Have you agreed on a deadline for Sinn Fein’s response to the Downing Street Declaration of December?

    PRIME MINISTER MAJOR:

    It wasn’t a question of deadlines because the Joint Declaration is a permanent foundation stone, it isn’t a question of having an artificial deadline. The point is that the response from Sinn Fein is not holding up the three-stranded talks process and the other cooperation between the two governments so there is no question of having an artificial deadline that everything must wait upon. The other developments towards a settlement in Northern Ireland are continuing, we have been discussing them this morning.

    QUESTION:

    What happened on the question of the resumption of the talks process?

    PRIME MINISTER REYNOLDS:

    We have agreed that our officials will continue to talk and indeed have a liaison meeting very shortly and that the British Government will continue their talks with the various parties.

    There will be a liaison meeting before the next Anglo-Irish Conference, the officials will be agreeing that date today before they leave.

    QUESTION:

    On the resumption of the talks, have you agreed a date?

    PRIME MINISTER REYNOLDS:

    No, we have to get the work finished in the Liaison Committee first before the opportunity is there to resume the talks process.

    PRIME MINISTER MAJOR:

    What we have agreed this morning is that the work that is necessary should go ahead speedily and our officials will agree a date for them to reassemble later on today probably.

    PRIME MINISTER REYNOLDS:

    What it is important to remember is that the talks process goes ahead.

    QUESTION:

    I wondered what your response was to the rash of fire-bombing in London this morning that were obviously timed to coincide with your meeting.

    PRIME MINISTER MAJOR:

    I think our response to that is entirely identical. There is absolutely no justification for those fire bombs overnight any more than there is any justification for the murder of the community police officer last week or the other atrocities that have taken place in Northern Ireland from both sides. There is no justification for it.

    There is a route now open for Sinn Fein to join the constitutional process. They know what they have to do. All they have got to do is decide that they will give up violence and then they have a proper route to express their views constitutionally so we share an outrage at what happened overnight.

    PRIME MINISTER REYNOLDS:

    We do absolutely but we also recognise that this was always going to be a difficult process, the road to peace was always going to be difficult and there would always be people in the paramilitaries on both sides indeed that would be trying to stop the best efforts that we can make in relation to it but we will not be put off by this type of violence and by this type of destruction that takes place. We will continue along that difficult road, recognising that people are going to try and frustrate our efforts but they will not succeed.

  • PMQT – 3 February 1994

    Below is the text of Prime Minister’s Question Time from 3rd February 1994.

    PRIME MINISTER:

     

    Engagements

    Q1. Sir John Hannam : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 3 February.

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : This morning, I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

    Sir John Hannam : Does my right hon. Friend agree that the visit by Gerry Adams to America has done nothing to advance peace in Northern Ireland? Will he assure the House that the lies and evasions of Sinn Fein will not be allowed to hold up progress towards a settlement in Northern Ireland?

    The Prime Minister : I agree with my hon. Friend, and that will be the overwhelming view of right hon. and hon. Members. The way to advance peace in Northern Ireland is for the IRA to end violence now. That is in its hands, and it is in Mr. Adams’s hands and I believe that he could and should do it. However, progress in Northern Ireland cannot and will not wait for Sinn Fein. The Government propose to carry forward actively the political talks with the constitutional parties and with the Irish Government. In further meetings, my right hon. and learned Friend will be floating ideas to give further focus and direction to all three strands of the talks process. This is a democratic process. If Sinn Fein and the provisionals want to be part of it, they must renounce violence for good. The way is open to them, but it is for them to take it.

    Mr. John Smith : Is it correct that the Government intend to raise prescription charges from £4.25 to £4.75–an increase of 11.6 per cent., which is more than six times the rate of inflation?

    The Prime Minister : When we are in a position to make an announcement to the House about that, we will make an announcement in the normal fashion.

    Mr. John Smith : Does the Prime Minister not appreciate that his likely increase, and indeed any increase, in prescription charges comes on top of massive tax increases already being imposed by the Government on the ordinary people of this country? Given all that, for once could not the Prime Minister spare the sick?

    The Prime Minister : I think that, as the right hon. and learned Gentleman will recall, only those who can afford to pay prescription charges are asked to pay them. From memory, around 80 per cent. of prescribed items are now free of charge. In 1979, it was, I believe, around 55 to 60 per cent.–a significant change. There is no firm evidence in any information that we have that prescription charges deter patients from obtaining necessary medication. The right hon. and learned Gentleman knows that. He makes no acknowledgement of the fact that most people do not pay prescription charges. He should get his facts right before he pursues these matters in this fashion.

    Mr. John Smith : It is quite clear from that that prescription charges are going to go up. Given that the Public Accounts Committee has identified millions of pounds that have been wasted by the Government’s health service quangos, would it not make much more sense to tackle that rather than to seek to tax the sick?

    The Prime Minister : The revenue from prescription charges this year is sufficient to fund around 70,000 hip replacements or 45,000 coronary artery bypass grafts. What I should like to hear from the Opposition, for all their complaints about prescription charges, is whether they would abolish prescription charges. If they would, who would pick up the bill of over £260 million? Would it be the national health service, with fewer people treated? Would it be the taxpayer? Or would they borrow more? That is another example of the right hon. and learned Gentleman saying that he would control expenditure, yet every opportunity he gets, he asks for more expenditure to make cheap political points.

     

    Q2. Mr. Burns : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 3 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Burns : Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the Government will close any genuine tax loopholes, but will not close what the CBI has shown are not genuine loopholes, as, by so doing, they would fail to raise revenue and would merely damage the economy in general and the economic recovery in particular? Does my right hon. Friend agree that that blows away the smokescreen of the tax-and -spend policies of the Labour party?

    The Prime Minister : On the last point, my hon. Friend is generous to assume that the Opposition have tax and spending policies. In successive Budgets, we have closed tax loopholes and tackled abuse. My right hon. and learned Friend will continue to do so wherever he finds abuse. The Labour party, with its hare-brained schemes, is not genuinely concerned about closing loopholes. It would close not loopholes but businesses. That would be the result of its policies. As the CBI says today, Labour supports higher taxes on business. That is why Labour will always be the enemy of enterprise, of employment and of British business.

    Mr. Foulkes : Has the Prime Minister had a report of yesterday’s debate on the Child Support Agency, during which hon. Members on both sides of the House related tales of heartbreak and hardship caused by the operation of the agency and asked the Prime Minister and the Government to undertake another review of its working? Will the right hon. Gentleman now announce such a review so that people may look forward to an end to the hardship and the heartbreak?

    The Prime Minister : I read with some care yesterday’s debate on the Child Support Agency, and I am glad to say that the principles behind it received a warm welcome from every part of the House. The reforms will have a significant effect once the maintenance bills of those who qualify are reduced. When the legislation was being introduced, we stated that it would be kept under review. We are still true to that pledge–it still applies.

     

    Q3. Mr. John Greenway : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 3 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Greenway : Will my right hon. Friend join me in welcoming the £26 million investment by Nestle Rowntree, at its York factory, in the new production line for Kit Kat, which is one of Europe’s leading confectionery brands? Does not that illustrate very clearly the advantage, in terms of new investment, of multinational companies having a significant presence in Britain?

    The Prime Minister : I believe that it most certainly does. I had hoped to visit that factory in Yorkshire last week, but, unfortunately, was unable to do so. I was looking forward to seeing the new investment and to congratulating the management and the work force on their success. What that inward investment shows is that Britain is increasingly competitive and increasingly attractive to overseas investors. That is good news for exports, good news for orders and good news for jobs. Conservative Members welcome inward investment–we do not carp at it whenever it is received.

    Mr. Mallon : The Prime Minister no doubt has noticed that during his visit to the United States Mr. Adams provided some clarification by indicating that he does not accept the principle of self-determination based on consent. Indeed, Mr. Adams said that it would be nonsense to argue for such a thing. Does the Prime Minister agree that that runs counter to article 1A of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, counter to paragraph 4 of the joint declaration and counter to the view of every political party in Ireland, excluding the Democratic Unionist party and Sinn Fein, and that it is not the view of the vast majority of the people of Ireland who support the joint declaration? Can he assure the House that the two Governments will jointly pursue the objectives of the joint declaration and there will be no unilateral deviation from it in the interests of short-term expediency?

    The Prime Minister : We will certainly continue to pursue the objectives of the joint declaration–there should be no doubt about that. In America, Mr. Adams avoided the central issue on every occasion he could. Sinn Fein has been challenged to give up violence–it has not done so. I do not believe that I can put it any better than today’s edition of the Irish Independent. I quote : “It is a disgrace that he”– that is, Adams–

    “should go on mouthing platitudes while the Provisional IRA continues its violence.”

    Mr. Skinner : The Prime Minister is jealous–Adams was a hit and he was ignored.

    The Prime Minister : I do not believe that people in Britain or in Ireland have been deceived by Adams’s performance, with the possible exception of the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner).

    The Irish Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Spring, yesterday posed the critical question : Has Adams got the leadership and the courage to take his people with him in carrying out his own stated commitment to peace and to going the extra mile? That is the question to which everyone awaits an answer.

     

    Ash-cum-Ridley (Visit)

    Q4. Mr. Dunn : To ask the Prime Minister if he has any plans to visit Ash-cum-Ridley.

    The Prime Minister : I have no immediate plans to do so but I will keep it in mind for the future.

    Mr. Dunn : Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the range and variety of schools available to parents in my constituency and across Kent exist solely and wholly because of the Government’s policies and that choice and variety in education would be eliminated if the nightmare policies of the Labour party were endured?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend is entirely right about that. His county of Kent has self-governing schools, selective schools, maintained schools, comprehensive schools and schools that specialise in technology. That is the sort of choice that we believe it is right to offer to parents and will continue to seek to offer to parents. Most of that would be swept away by a Labour Government. They would abolish self- governing schools, abolish city technology colleges, abolish performance tables and abolish the right of parents to know precisely what is happening in the schools that their children go to. As ever, the Labour party would put dogma before common sense.

    Mr. Barnes : Could I persuade the Prime Minister to go to Ash-cum-Ridley, wherever that might be, instead of to Renishaw, Holmewood, Clay Cross and areas in my constituency that have high unemployment and have been devastated by the Government’s policies, because we think that the Government are a waste of time? There are other places that the Prime Minister should go–he could take a break and go to Ash-cum-Ridley.

    The Prime Minister : If my hon. Friend the Member for Dartford (Mr. Dunn) cannot persuade me to go to Ash-cum-Ridley, I do not think that the hon. Gentleman will have much luck. As for employment, I share with the hon. Gentleman the wish to increase employment and reduce unemployment in this country. He will have noticed that it has been falling steadily for the past year in this country, unlike any other country in western Europe, and I expect it to continue to fall throughout this year.

     

    Engagements

    Q5. Mr. Oppenheim : To ask the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Thursday 3 February.

    The Prime Minister : I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave some moments ago.

    Mr. Oppenheim : Does my right hon. Friend agree that it was not the sale of Rover to BMW that lost Britain the chance of having a genuine global player on world car markets? Rather, that chance was lost during the era of misguided Government direction, industrial practices and unfettered union power when British Leyland became the butt of international music- hall jokes. Can my right hon. Friend imagine at that time anyone wanting British Leyland as a gift, let alone paying £800 million for the company?

    The Prime Minister : Rover certainly has been transformed, and I congratulate the work force and the management on their efforts to bring that about, as well as the investment that has been put into the company by British Aerospace. Rover now produces a world-quality product, and it is winning market shares in extremely competitive markets.

    As my hon. Friend said, the contrast with the 1970s could be scarcely sharper. Mass meetings at that time were addressed by Red Robbo, and taxpayers’ money was being poured into a bottomless pit. Rover is now a world beater and it will become better.

    Mr. Caborn : Will the Prime Minister tell the House whether he can give assurances to individuals, companies or organisations about the disbursement of the millennium fund and the lottery fund for the construction of sporting facilities?

    The Prime Minister : No, we have given no commitments on that yet. We are looking at the establishment of a committee to determine how the millennium fund will be disbursed, and it will be a considerable period before we are in a position to say what money will be disbursed and where. Consideration of the matter is still in its infancy and it will be some time before we are able to make an announcement.

  • Mr Major’s Letter to Gerry Adams – 20 January 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s letter to Gerry Adams, dated the 20th January 1994. The letter was written on behalf of John Major and signed by Roderic Lyne. The letter was issued to the press on the same day.

    [Dear Mr Adams,]

    The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to the letter dated 7 January which, though unsigned, is on your headed notepaper.

    As you know, the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach made their Joint Declaration on 15 December. It is the responsibility of the two Governments and reflected intensive work between them in the preceding weeks.

    Your letter seeks to reopen issues for renegotiation by pointing back to a position you say the Irish Government put forward in June last year. Both the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach have made clear that there can be no question of renegotiation of their Joint Declaration. It provides a balanced framework for peace and democracy which recognises the interests and aspirations of both main traditions that exist in Ireland. That text, and only that text, is what is at issue.

    You announced that you were writing to the Prime Minister. In the circumstances, the Prime Minister has decided to make this letter and that received from your office publicly available.

    [Yours sincerely]
    [Roderick Lyne]

  • Mr. Major's Statement on Northern Ireland – 4 January 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s statement issued on 4th January 1994.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Joint Declaration which Albert Reynolds and I agreed in Downing Street nearly three weeks ago sets out a clear challenge to the provisional movement, If they renounce violence – for good – and show they mean it, then Sinn Fein have the clear prospect of entering into the talks process with the other constitutional parties. But the onus is on them. They must choose whether they have the courage to end violence and enter into democratic politics. If they decide to continue their campaign of violence, they will do so in the knowledge that they are isolated and will face opposition from the two governments, from all the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland, and from the overwhelming majority of the people of Northern Ireland.

    I very much hope that the provisional movement will see sense and renounce violence. Regrettably, they have not yet done so. They continue to seek “clarification” of the Joint Declaration – a tactic which should be seen for what it is: an increasingly desperate attempt to avoid facing up to the clear choice that confronts them. And, after a brief pause over Christmas, the IRA have continued their campaign of violence, as the murder of a young soldier in Crossmaglen last week reminded us only too clearly, together with the attempted murders and firebombs over the weekend.

    The provisionals face this choice at a time when there is increasing determination among the people of Northern Ireland to end 25 years of violence and see peace restored. Over recent months, both Patrick Mayhew and I have had many talks with political leaders from Northern Ireland, with churchmen, with community leaders, with businessmen and with many others. I have had an opportunity in three recent visits to Northern Ireland to meet a wide variety of people. All these contacts will continue. I have been impressed and heartened by the support we have had for our efforts to work for peace and for a political settlement. That encouraged me in the negotiations with the Irish government over the Joint Declaration. If we all continue to work together, we can keep the momentum going.

    The Joint Declaration sets out the framework for bringing about peace and reconciliation. In the name of both governments it restates in unequivocal terms the fundamental principles and guarantees that mean so much to all sides of the community in both parts of Ireland. In terms more comprehensive than ever before it sets out the philosophy which underpins the actions of both governments. It places great emphasis on the need to respect the different traditions of the communities in Northern Ireland.

    I understand the concerns of those in Northern Ireland who are cautious when faced with an initiative of this sort. But I strongly believe that when they read the Joint Declaration – as I hope everyone will do – they will find that the interests of all communities are fully recognised and protected. Suggestions that the document is a sell-out to one set of interests or another are nonsense. Not only does the Declaration repeat in the clearest possible terms the British Government’s commitment to Northern Ireland’s constitutional guarantee – that no change can come about without the consent of the greater number of people of Northern Ireland – but it also sets out the Irish Government’s acceptance of that principle, while no less importantly recognising nationalist ideals.

    The fact that the Declaration has the full support of the British and Irish Governments should make it clear to all that there is no way forward except through the democratic process. There is no place for terrorism, whether loyalist or republican. There is nothing that the men of violence, whatever cause they may claim to represent, can seriously believe they are able to achieve. They have achieved nothing worthwhile in 25 years of violence, and would achieve nothing worthwhile if it were to continue for another 25 years.

    But with a permanent end to violence, and a commitment to the democratic process, Sinn Fein can enter into exploratory dialogue within three months. Without a permanent end to violence, the terrorists and their supporters will be isolated, with the British and Irish Governments and all the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland united against them.

    Isolated, while the rest of us get on with our agenda for bringing about a political settlement via the talks process I am determined that, come what may, we will pursue those talks with renewed vigour. The Taoiseach and I have already reaffirmed our support for the objectives of the talks process, involving political dialogue between the two governments and the main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland. That is the three stranded approach which made such progress in 1992: we must now make it a priority to reach agreement in 1994.

    Strand 1 of the talks is concerned with setting up new forms of government within Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland needs a form of government that people can identify with, and where they can participate. A form of government that is fully accountable and commands support in all sections of the community. We are determined to restore properly based local democracy in Northern Ireland.

    Strand 2 of the talks concerns relations between Northern Ireland and the South. I know there has been fear and suspicion that these parts of the talks involve giving the South a direct role in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland. They do not. It would be extraordinary if, as part of an overall political agreement, two countries sharing a border on an island did not look for ways to work together where that made sense to both. We each have so much to gain from co-operation across the border. That is what paragraph 9 of the Joint Declaration means when it talks of the two governments and the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland creating through a process of political dialogue “institutions and structures which, while respecting the diversity of the people of Ireland, would enable them to work together in all areas of common interest”.

    I am under no illusion that it will prove easy to reach agreement on all these issues. But there is now a clear will on all sides to try to do so. And there is a positive benefit in the large task we have set ourselves. It is that once agreement is reached, it will be comprehensive, leaving no room for uncertainties or concerns about hidden agendas –uncertainties that can breed doubt, fear and instability. The prize at the end of the process is great: so great that we are all determined to succeed.

    The prize lies not just in a political solution. But also in the economic transformation that that in turn would bring. Northern Ireland is already well placed to benefit from the economic upturn that is taking hold throughout the United Kingdom. But the prospect of long term political stability would bring renewed confidence in Northern Ireland as a site for inward investment, as a destination for tourism. Confidence that would itself encourage existing firms to invest and to expand. Confidence that would help accelerate a reduction in unemployment. There are huge opportunities, and great international goodwill.

    So the British Government will continue to work towards achieving both peace and political reform in Northern Ireland. The opportunity is there. But at the same time, while terrorism continues, we will use every means we can to defeat it and bring those responsible to justice. The police and armed forces in Northern Ireland perform a difficult job with great skill, courage and sacrifice. They will continue to have our full support and backing in upholding the law and protecting the community.

    We will continue to work for peace. But not peace at any price: there will be no departure from the fundamental principles we hold to – in particular that change in Northern Ireland can only come about with the consent of the greater number of the people. The Joint Declaration makes it clear that it is above all for the people of Northern Ireland to shape their future. There is now a framework which reflects the concerns and aspirations of both sides of the community. It is a framework that can shape a better future for Northern Ireland in 1994. Peace is there for the taking.

  • Mr Major’s Statement on Northern Ireland – 4 January 1994

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s statement issued on 4th January 1994.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Joint Declaration which Albert Reynolds and I agreed in Downing Street nearly three weeks ago sets out a clear challenge to the provisional movement, If they renounce violence – for good – and show they mean it, then Sinn Fein have the clear prospect of entering into the talks process with the other constitutional parties. But the onus is on them. They must choose whether they have the courage to end violence and enter into democratic politics. If they decide to continue their campaign of violence, they will do so in the knowledge that they are isolated and will face opposition from the two governments, from all the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland, and from the overwhelming majority of the people of Northern Ireland.

    I very much hope that the provisional movement will see sense and renounce violence. Regrettably, they have not yet done so. They continue to seek “clarification” of the Joint Declaration – a tactic which should be seen for what it is: an increasingly desperate attempt to avoid facing up to the clear choice that confronts them. And, after a brief pause over Christmas, the IRA have continued their campaign of violence, as the murder of a young soldier in Crossmaglen last week reminded us only too clearly, together with the attempted murders and firebombs over the weekend.

    The provisionals face this choice at a time when there is increasing determination among the people of Northern Ireland to end 25 years of violence and see peace restored. Over recent months, both Patrick Mayhew and I have had many talks with political leaders from Northern Ireland, with churchmen, with community leaders, with businessmen and with many others. I have had an opportunity in three recent visits to Northern Ireland to meet a wide variety of people. All these contacts will continue. I have been impressed and heartened by the support we have had for our efforts to work for peace and for a political settlement. That encouraged me in the negotiations with the Irish government over the Joint Declaration. If we all continue to work together, we can keep the momentum going.

    The Joint Declaration sets out the framework for bringing about peace and reconciliation. In the name of both governments it restates in unequivocal terms the fundamental principles and guarantees that mean so much to all sides of the community in both parts of Ireland. In terms more comprehensive than ever before it sets out the philosophy which underpins the actions of both governments. It places great emphasis on the need to respect the different traditions of the communities in Northern Ireland.

    I understand the concerns of those in Northern Ireland who are cautious when faced with an initiative of this sort. But I strongly believe that when they read the Joint Declaration – as I hope everyone will do – they will find that the interests of all communities are fully recognised and protected. Suggestions that the document is a sell-out to one set of interests or another are nonsense. Not only does the Declaration repeat in the clearest possible terms the British Government’s commitment to Northern Ireland’s constitutional guarantee – that no change can come about without the consent of the greater number of people of Northern Ireland – but it also sets out the Irish Government’s acceptance of that principle, while no less importantly recognising nationalist ideals.

    The fact that the Declaration has the full support of the British and Irish Governments should make it clear to all that there is no way forward except through the democratic process. There is no place for terrorism, whether loyalist or republican. There is nothing that the men of violence, whatever cause they may claim to represent, can seriously believe they are able to achieve. They have achieved nothing worthwhile in 25 years of violence, and would achieve nothing worthwhile if it were to continue for another 25 years.

    But with a permanent end to violence, and a commitment to the democratic process, Sinn Fein can enter into exploratory dialogue within three months. Without a permanent end to violence, the terrorists and their supporters will be isolated, with the British and Irish Governments and all the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland united against them.

    Isolated, while the rest of us get on with our agenda for bringing about a political settlement via the talks process I am determined that, come what may, we will pursue those talks with renewed vigour. The Taoiseach and I have already reaffirmed our support for the objectives of the talks process, involving political dialogue between the two governments and the main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland. That is the three stranded approach which made such progress in 1992: we must now make it a priority to reach agreement in 1994.

    Strand 1 of the talks is concerned with setting up new forms of government within Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland needs a form of government that people can identify with, and where they can participate. A form of government that is fully accountable and commands support in all sections of the community. We are determined to restore properly based local democracy in Northern Ireland.

    Strand 2 of the talks concerns relations between Northern Ireland and the South. I know there has been fear and suspicion that these parts of the talks involve giving the South a direct role in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland. They do not. It would be extraordinary if, as part of an overall political agreement, two countries sharing a border on an island did not look for ways to work together where that made sense to both. We each have so much to gain from co-operation across the border. That is what paragraph 9 of the Joint Declaration means when it talks of the two governments and the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland creating through a process of political dialogue “institutions and structures which, while respecting the diversity of the people of Ireland, would enable them to work together in all areas of common interest”.

    I am under no illusion that it will prove easy to reach agreement on all these issues. But there is now a clear will on all sides to try to do so. And there is a positive benefit in the large task we have set ourselves. It is that once agreement is reached, it will be comprehensive, leaving no room for uncertainties or concerns about hidden agendas – uncertainties that can breed doubt, fear and instability. The prize at the end of the process is great: so great that we are all determined to succeed.

    The prize lies not just in a political solution. But also in the economic transformation that that in turn would bring. Northern Ireland is already well placed to benefit from the economic upturn that is taking hold throughout the United Kingdom. But the prospect of long term political stability would bring renewed confidence in Northern Ireland as a site for inward investment, as a destination for tourism. Confidence that would itself encourage existing firms to invest and to expand. Confidence that would help accelerate a reduction in unemployment. There are huge opportunities, and great international goodwill.

    So the British Government will continue to work towards achieving both peace and political reform in Northern Ireland. The opportunity is there. But at the same time, while terrorism continues, we will use every means we can to defeat it and bring those responsible to justice. The police and armed forces in Northern Ireland perform a difficult job with great skill, courage and sacrifice. They will continue to have our full support and backing in upholding the law and protecting the community.

    We will continue to work for peace. But not peace at any price: there will be no departure from the fundamental principles we hold to – in particular that change in Northern Ireland can only come about with the consent of the greater number of the people. The Joint Declaration makes it clear that it is above all for the people of Northern Ireland to shape their future. There is now a framework which reflects the concerns and aspirations of both sides of the community. It is a framework that can shape a better future for Northern Ireland in 1994. Peace is there for the taking.

  • Mr Major’s Commons Statement on the Downing Street Declaration – 15 December 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s Commons statement, made on 15th December 1993, on the Downing Street Declaration.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    The Prime Minister (Mr. John Major) : With permission, Madam Speaker, I should like to make a statement about my discussions with the Irish Prime Minister.

    As the House will be aware, the Taoiseach and I agreed a joint declaration this morning. Copies of the declaration have been placed in the Vote Office. I know that the whole House will wish to hear what lay behind this declaration and what it may mean for the future.

    For the past 25 years, the people of Northern Ireland have suffered levels of violence that any civilised community would find intolerable. No community, and especially no part of the United Kingdom, should have to endure the murder and destruction that have afflicted the Province. That is why successive British Governments have sought to find a solution to these terrible problems. We must care as much about violence in Northern Ireland as about violence in any other part of the Union.

    When the Taoiseach and I met at Downing street two years ago, we both agreed on the need to work together to try to bring about peace in Northern Ireland and in the Republic. We were both well aware of the pitfalls and dangers which have wrecked so many previous attempts, but we both knew that, after 25 years of killing, we had to make it a personal priority both to seek a permanent end to violence and to establish the basis for a comprehensive and lasting political settlement.

    The declaration that we have agreed today shows the commitment of the two Governments for peace and democracy and against violence. Its objective is to set a framework for peace, a framework that reflects our responsibilities to both communities in a way that is fully compatible with the undertakings that we have both given and with the objectives of the talks process.

    Copies of the joint declaration have been placed in the Vote Office. I urge all hon. Members to read it carefully. It deserves careful study. It has required detailed and painstaking negotiations between the two Governments. It addresses the concerns of both sides of the Community and it is totally consistent with the principles that this Government have repeatedly confirmed to the House. It may help the House if I set out the main elements of the declaration. I will, where possible, quote directly from the text of the declaration so that there can be no misunderstanding about what it says.

    First, paragraph 2 expressly reaffirms the British Government’s commitment to Northern Ireland’s statutory constitutional guarantee. This guarantees that, as long as a majority of the people of Northern Ireland wish to remain a part of the United Kingdom, the Government will uphold their right to do so. That pledge is rock solid. That is set out most clearly also in paragraph 4, which reaffirms that the British Government will

    “uphold the democratic wish of a greater number of the people of Northern Ireland on the issue of whether they prefer to support the Union or a sovereign united Ireland.”

    Later in that paragraph, the British Government agree

    “that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self- determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish.”

    This is a crucial sentence, and one about which there has been much misleading speculation. So let me repeat that it says that a move to a united Ireland can take place only

    “by agreement between the two parts respectively”

    and

    “on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South”.

    This fully protects the position of the majority in Northern Ireland, and means that change could come about only with their consent.

    In line with previous undertakings, the British Government also reaffirm that if a future majority in Northern Ireland desired a united Ireland, we would introduce the necessary legislation to bring that about.

    For his part, the Taoiseach accepts in paragraph 5 that “it would be wrong to attempt to impose a united Ireland in the absence of the freely given consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland.”

    Later in the same paragraph, he accepts that

    “the democratic right of self-determination by the people of Ireland as a whole must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people in Northern Ireland”.

    Those are important commitments by the Taoiseach which I know will be widely welcomed by the House. The House will also welcome, in paragraph 7, the Taoiseach’s confirmation that, in the event of an overall settlement of the talks process,

    “the Irish Government will, as part of a balanced constitutional accommodation, put forward and support proposals for change in the Irish Constitution which would fully reflect the principle of consent in Northern Ireland.”

    The joint declaration fully backs the three-strand talks process involving the main constitutional parties and the two Governments. It says that it is the two Governments’ aim

    “to foster agreement and reconciliation, leading to a new political framework founded on consent and encompassing arrangements within Northern Ireland, for the whole island, and between these islands.” I believe that the passages that I have quoted, and the other language in the joint declaration, set out a clear framework under which differences can be negotiated and resolved exclusively by peaceful political means. But that can come about only if the men of violence end the killing and commit themselves to the democratic process. The joint declaration sets out the way in which this can be brought about.

    Paragraph 10 says that both Governments

    “reiterate that the achievement of peace must involve a permanent end to the use of, or support for, paramilitary violence. They confirm that, in these circumstances, democratically mandated parties which establish a commitment to exclusively peaceful methods and which have shown that they abide by the democratic process, are free to participate fully in democratic politics and to join in dialogue in due course between the Governments and the political parties on the way ahead.”

    Let me make it plain on behalf of the British Government what that undertaking means. If there is a permanent end to violence, and if Sinn Fein commits itself to the democratic process, then we will be ready to enter into preliminary exploratory dialogue with it within three months. But, first, it must end violence for good.

    I understand the fears and concerns of Unionists about the prospects of the British Government’s entering into talks with Sinn Fein. This period has been a worrying and uncertain time for them. Although they have the primary interest in seeing an end to violence, they are rightly concerned lest this be achieved by selling out the fundamental constitutional principles which the Government have always upheld. If they fear that, then they should be reassured by this declaration. It reaffirms the constitutional guarantee in the clearest possible terms. The Taoiseach fully accepts the principle that any constitutional change could come about only with the consent of a majority in Northern Ireland.

    In summary, let me make it clear what is in the declaration and what is not. What is in the declaration is a renewed commitment by the British Government to Northern Ireland’s constitutional guarantee ; an acknowledgement by the Taoiseach that a united Ireland could only be brought about with the consent of a majority of the people in Northern Ireland ; a willingness on the Taoiseach’s part to make changes in the Irish constitution if an overall settlement can be reached ; and a confirmation that if Sinn Fein renounces violence, it will be able to participate in future democratic discussions. What is not in the declaration is any suggestion that the British Government should join the ranks of persuaders of the “value” or “legitimacy” of a united Ireland ; that is not there. Nor is there any suggestion that the future status of Northern Ireland should be decided by a single act of self-determination by the people of Ireland as a whole ; that is not there either. Nor is there any timetable for constitutional change, or any arrangement for joint authority over Northern Ireland. In sum, the declaration provides that it is, as it must be, for the people of Northern Ireland to determine their own future.

    All the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland will wish to study the document very carefully. I should like today to extend an offer to meet each of the parties regularly in the future, so that I can hear at first hand their concerns and ambitions, and can set out to them the British Government’s position. If we can work together to quell ancient fears and suspicions, we can help to build a better future for Northern Ireland.

    I have made it clear that if it renounces violence, the way is open to Sinn Fein to join in legitimate constitutional dialogue. That is a political route which it now has no excuse not to follow. That is the opportunity offered by this joint declaration–and it has been obtained without compromising any of the constitutional principles that this Government have consistently espoused. The onus is now on Sinn Fein to take advantage of that opportunity : I urge it to do so.

    Mr. John Smith (Monklands, East) : On behalf of the Opposition, I welcome the joint declaration with enthusiasm. We fervently hope that it will be an important first step in a peace process that will lead to a new political settlement. It was necessary for the two Governments to take the lead, but it is vital that the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland now take part in new discussions which the British Government should promote.

    There was never any excuse for violence and terror on the part of any paramilitary organisation, but there is now an opportunity for both the permanent cessation of violence and the involvement of Sinn Fein in constitutional dialogue–provided that it is clear that the path of violence has been abandoned. We hope that the new opportunities that the declaration creates are seized by both traditions in Northern Ireland.

    May I ask the Prime Minister two questions about the detail of the declaration? First, in paragraph 9, both Governments commit themselves to seeking to create institutions and structures which would enable the people of Ireland to work together in all areas of common interest. What kind of institution, and what areas of policy, have the Governments in mind?

    Secondly, the right hon. Gentleman referred to what he described as the “crucial sentence” in paragraph 4, about consent being “freely and concurrently given, North and South”.

    Does that passage mean that a constitutional settlement arising from the talks process could be put to the people of Northern Ireland and those of the Republic in separate referendums on the same day? Finally, may I endorse the appeal for an end to violence that the Prime Minister made in his concluding sentence? That must be the overwhelming desire of all the people of the British Isles–not least those in Northern Ireland–who have suffered the appalling violence of the past 25 years.

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to the right hon. and learned Gentleman both for his support for the joint declaration and for the continuation of talks which necessarily must proceed beside it. I believe that he is right that it is an opportunity to move from a violent path. It is an opportunity which no one can compel the men of violence to take. It is an opportunity which lies there and it is in their hands now to decide whether to take that opportunity and move towards a legitimate political path in future. I repeat : I hope that they will take that opportunity.

    As to the right hon. and learned Gentleman’s two specific questions, the reference in paragraph 9 refers specifically to the three-stranded talks that are continuing at the present time, and there would be a large number of areas of common interest that are being identified in these talks that would be the subject of the structures referred to. So far as “freely and concurrently given” is concerned in terms of referendums, it certainly need not necessarily mean referendums on the same day. What it does mean is that that could be the situation. It is a matter for agreement in the talks and beyond, but they certainly need not necessarily be on the same day. It does imply that consent would need to be given separately north and south.

    Mr. James Molyneaux (Lagan Valley) : Has the Prime Minister noticed that this morning’s statement is already being termed the Downing street declaration? Those of us who remember the earlier Downing street declaration in the time of the Government of Lord Wilson will remember that it was very specific in saying that the affairs of Northern Ireland were an internal matter for the Parliament of the United Kingdom. May I, in a constructive fashion, ask the Prime Minister to assure us that the drift from that position over the past 20 years will be halted under his premiership?

    Whatever the eventual conclusions that one may draw from this rather tortuously worded statement with its many contradictions–I am referring to the statement, not the one just made by the Prime Minister–it appears to give some finality to the secret discussions that have destabilised the Province over recent months and which the Prime Minister has recognised just now. Does the Prime Minister share my expectation that we can now proceed to govern Northern Ireland in accordance with the wishes of 85 per cent. of the population–Protestant and Roman Catholic–who were greatly reassured by his remark to the House that

    “The future constitutional position of the people of Northern Ireland is a matter for the people of Northern Ireland to determine and for no one else to determine.”–[ Official Report, 18 November 1993; Vol. 233, c. 29.]

    Finally, can the Prime Minister confirm that the joint declaration does not assert the value or legitimacy of achieving a united Ireland without majority consent; commit the people of Northern Ireland to joining a united Ireland against their democratic wishes, establish any form of joint authority over Northern Ireland, even by phasing; establish any joint mechanisms such as a permanent convention; or give Sinn Fein an immediate place at the talks table? Can the Prime Minister also confirm that the statement does not sideline the very valuable round of meetings between the parties convened by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Northern Ireland–the hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Ancram)–which are now drawing towards a successful conclusion and which have been supported just now by the Leader of Her Majesty’s Opposition?

    The Prime Minister : On the right hon. Gentleman’s specific point at the end, I can confirm to him that the joint declaration does not assert the value of achieving a united Ireland; does not assert the legitimacy of a united Ireland in the absence of majority consent; does not either, for I think that it was implicit in what the right hon. Gentleman said, commit the British Government to joining the ranks of the persuaders for a united Ireland. That is not the job of any British Government. It does not set any timetable for a united Ireland. It does not commit the people of Northern Ireland to join a united Ireland against their wishes, and it does not establish any arrangements for joint authority. I can confirm each of those points to the right hon. Gentleman.

    As to the talks process undertaken by my hon. Friend the Member for Devizes, we anticipate and expect that they will continue and intensify. They are, I believe, becoming extremely valuable. We wish to proceed with them with all speed so that we can make further progress in the talks, which will run alongside the declaration that I have just set out to the House. As far as the consent principle is concerned, I reiterate again, because I wish no one to be in any doubt about this, that the future constitutional position of Northern Ireland lies now, and will continue to lie, within the wishes of the people of Northern Ireland. For so long as a majority of the people of Northern Ireland wish to remain within the Union, they will have the total and complete support of this Government in doing so.

    Rev. Ian Paisley (Antrim, North) : Would the Prime Minister care to comment on the fact that the great difficulty and the field of controversy between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic–Northern Ireland being a member of the United Kingdom, although the document never once mentions the United Kingdom; that phrase has been entirely jettisoned from the document – involves articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution? Surely that is the very nub of the controversy. Why does this paper not even mention that?

    A member of the Government said to me outside, “Oh, yes, but look at page 5.” I have read the document carefully. In fact, I was able to receive from Dublin 24 hours before this document was available to other people all the information that I put in my letter– [Interruption.] It is very important that the Prime Minister should answer this question. He confirms that, in the event of an overall settlement, according to the Taoiseach, “the Irish Government will, as part of a balanced constitutional accommodation, put forward and support proposals for change in the Irish Constitution which would fully reflect the principle of consent in Northern Ireland.”

    But it is not the principle of consent in Northern Ireland that has anything to do with articles 2 and 3; it is the principle of the territorial claim. However, that most important matter has not even been referred to.

    Will the Prime Minister tell us what the statement on page 2 really does to the present position? Paragraph 4 states that the British Government agree

    “that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self- determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish.”

    How is that different? Is it not different from the present situation when the entity of self-determination in Northern Ireland is the people of Northern Ireland? Why must the people of Northern Ireland now be linked with the Irish Republic on a question of their own right to remain within this United Kingdom?

    Finally, may I say to the Prime Minister, that, as a public representative, I find it very offensive to be told that, in three months’ time, if the IRA ceases its violence without any conditions for handing over its weapons or its bomb-making material or any of its military prowess, the IRA will be invited, as constitutional politicians, to sit down at the table. That goes to the very gut of the resentment of the people of Northern Ireland who have been slaughtered, butchered and murdered– [Interruption.] I do not mind what the hon. Gentleman says. His constituents have not been murdered or butchered. Perhaps he would like to sit down with the godfathers of the IRA and others who have done such things. What I have described goes to the gut of the people of Northern Ireland. They look on this as a sell-out act of treachery.

    The Prime Minister : Let me touch on the last part first. The hon. Gentleman makes the point that some of his constituents have been murdered by terrorist activities over the past 25 years. I acknowledge that and I understand the misery that that must have caused to his constituents, their families and to the hon. Gentleman himself.

    I must say to the hon. Gentleman that the purpose of the agreement and the document is to make sure that, 25 years from now, his successor does not sit there saying that to the Prime Minister of the day. I wish to take action to make sure that there is no more bloodshed of that sort and no more coffins carried away week after week because politicians do not have the courage to sit down, address the problem and find a way through. I am prepared to do that. If the hon. Gentleman believes that I should not, he does not understand the responsibilities of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. On the hon. Gentleman’s three questions, the declaration does not specifically refer to the United Kingdom; it specifically refers to the Union, which I think that the hon. Gentleman himself cares about. If he reads the document carefully, which, alas, he had not done when he made his remarks this morning and issued his letter, he will see that reference to the Union. As for articles 2 and 3, the quotation answers the hon. Gentleman’s own question. That is clearly intended to refer to articles 2 and 3 in due course, and does so refer. On the hon. Gentleman’s third point on paragraph 4 about freely expressed consent, the specific point of paragraph 4 is to mention the freely expressed consent north and south respectively. It is saying to the hon. Gentleman that he, his constituents and all the other people in Northern Ireland have themselves, by their own actions, in their hands the future constitutional position of Ulster.

    Mr. John Hume (Foyle) : May I express to the Prime Minister and to Mr. Reynolds my deep appreciation for the enormous amount of energy that they have put into trying to grasp the hope of peace–a hope which is shared by the masses of people on both islands? Having read the joint declaration, I think that it is one of the most comprehensive declarations that has been made about British-Irish relations in the past 70 years. My appeal to all sections of our people is to read the entire statement in full and to have no knee-jerk reactions but to study it carefully and in full before responding.

    As the House will be aware, it has been the consistent position of my party that the British-Irish quarrel of old, the quarrel of sovereignty, has changed fundamentally in the evolution of the new interdependent and post- nationalist Europe of which we are members, but the legacy of that past is the deeply divided people. I welcome the fact that the declaration identifies the problem as the deeply divided people of Ireland. I also welcome the fact that it recognises that that division can be healed only by agreement, and by an agreement that earns the allegiance and agreement of all our traditions and respects their diversity. I welcome also the fact that the Government have committed themselves to promoting such agreement and to encouraging such agreement, and whatever form that agreement takes, the Government will endorse.

    Does the Prime Minister agree that the joint declaration is a challenge to all parties to come to the table in a totally peaceful atmosphere to begin the very difficult process–it will be a difficult process–of reaching agreement? If it takes place in a peaceful atmosphere, we will have much more chance of reaching such an agreement. My appeal to everyone who comes to that table is to come armed only with the strength of their convictions and not with any form of coercion or physical force.

    Let us remember at this time that it is people who have rights, not territory, and that humanity transcends nationality. May the House share with me at this moment the hope of all our people that today will be the first major step on a road that will remove for ever the gun and the bomb from our small island of people.

    Hon. Members : Hear, hear.

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his comprehensive support. He is right; the declaration is a challenge to all parties and to all people concerned with finding a peaceful settlement in Northern Ireland. I have to say to all parties that I think that we have no moral alternative but to take up that challenge and see whether we can find a satisfactory outcome. The hon. Gentleman has shown his personal commitment to a settlement in Northern Ireland for many years and, on that basis, his support today is doubly welcome.

    Mr. Tom King (Bridgwater) : May I congratulate my right hon. Friend on the genuine and serious work that he has done in producing the declaration for the House? Is not it evident that no such declaration could give everybody everything that they wanted? Is not it evident also that there is nothing in the declaration that genuinely and seriously threatens anybody’s vital interests in the matter?

    Is not there a heavy responsibility on all hon. Members, including the elected Members in Northern Ireland, not to react in a way which could destroy the best opportunity for peace that we have seen since the trouble began? Is not the message from the House–we hope that it will be repeated later from the Dail Eireann–to those who have been responsible for violence that, because there is now a joint offer from both Governments of access to the democratic process, violence should cease immediately?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for his remarks. He speaks, of course, with the experience of having been a distinguished Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. He is right that this is a balanced document which now offers opportunities that were not there before. I share my right hon. Friend’s hope that those opportunities will be taken up.

    Mr. A. J. Beith (Berwick-upon-Tweed) : Will the Prime Minister note that he has our sincere and heartfelt good will in all his efforts and in the personal commitment which he is devoting to the task? Does he note also that we welcome the concurrent referendum possibility and the emphasis on human rights in the Taoiseach’s own statement? Is not the real question for the terrorists? Why should anybody else die and why should any more families be torn apart when it is possible to seek change without obstacle by a peaceful process, and when there are guarantees, which are underwritten by both Governments, that those changes cannot be enforced against the will of the majority in the north of Ireland?

    The Prime Minister : The right hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. There is now no justification whatever for terrorism. There is now a clear and identifiable alternative for those people who seriously wish to engage in discussions in Northern Ireland. If terrorism were to continue after the statement and after the declaration, with the support that that has been given, it will be clearly understood by everyone that those people who engage in terrorism do not in any way genuinely seek a settlement, but simply wish to inflict murder and terror continuously.

    Mr. Peter Temple-Morris (Leominster) : May I ask my right hon. Friend to be encouraged by the fact that the British-Irish inter-parliamentary body met in London today, and British and Irish Members of Parliament alike asked me on their behalf to welcome the joint declaration and to give it their support?

    May I further ask my right hon. Friend to repeat that the declaration is a framework for peace that represents in many ways an opportunity for a new beginning? Will my right hon. Friend, together with the Irish Taoiseach, continue with all of his strength in his historic work, the end of which can mean only the peace which we all want?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that. The declaration certainly is a framework for peace. It is an opportunity, but whether that opportunity is taken does not lie in my hands or in the hands of the Irish Prime Minister. It lies in the hands of the people who have bombed and killed for so long. It is they who must come under pressure to make sure that the violence ends.

    Mr. Doug Hoyle (Warrington, North) : May I, as someone whose constituency suffered from the bombers, ask the Prime Minister to accept that now is the time to give peace a chance? Will he also accept that if anybody involved fails to take that chance, they will never be forgiven?

    It is time for all paramilitaries to lay down their arms. If they do, will not that be a fitting memorial, not only to the two small boys who lost their lives in Warrington, but to all who have lost their lives needlessly because of the actions of the people of violence? Let us hope that the words that have been spoken today will be heeded and that peace comes at last. Is not that what is needed if we are to avoid debates about violence in the future?

    The Prime Minister : I cannot improve on what the hon. Gentleman said; I simply endorse it.

    Mr. Tony Marlow (Northampton, North) : Does my right hon. Friend ardently wish that people of Northern Ireland wish to remain part of the United Kingdom? Otherwise, is there not a danger that people will say that the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom is careless with regard to the integrity of the United Kingdom? In that case, would it be inconceivable that anybody could have said that without the events of the past 25 years?

    The Prime Minister : If my hon. Friend looks at the joint declaration and at the words I set out so clearly at the last general election, he need have no doubt about my views on the Union; they are well known and on the record. I have gone to great trouble to ensure that the constitutional guarantee is firmly enshrined in the joint declaration, so that there can be no doubt that those people who care about support of the Government, to remain within the Union for so long as that is their wish.

    Mr. Tony Benn (Chesterfield) : Is the Prime Minister aware that so strong is the desire for peace that the overwhelming majority of people in this country have long favoured talks among all the parties concerned? Will he confirm that a round table conference on that basis offers a better hope of a durable peace than simply talks between two Prime Ministers, neither of whom has been responsible for the violence? Would I be right in assuming that the significance of what he said today about the future of the island of Ireland being in the hands of the Irish people is that the British Government are no longer laying claim to an interest in the maintenance of the Union if the people of the north are ready to seek alternative arrangements? Is not that an important statement which ought to be underlined, clarified and emphasised in order to end the violence?

    The Prime Minister : On the first point, talks between the two Governments have a place and the joint declaration is the outcome of those discussions. It lies alongside the main talks process with all the constitutional parties, who must play their part in determining what happens, as they are most directly concerned. Self-evidently, that is the best way to proceed. As far as the Union is concerned, I reiterate the points I made a moment ago; my views about the Union are well known. I said some time ago at the election that it would not be appropriate for any Government–I was talking about Scotland–to hold Scotland within the United Kingdom if a majority of its people wanted independence. The same must apply to the people of Northern Ireland. That does not exclude the fact that I have my own personal views; it illustrates the fact that, ultimately, it must be for the people themselves to determine.

    Mr. Andrew Hunter (Basingstoke) : While warmly welcoming the joint declaration as a potential positive way forward, may I ask my right hon. Friend to remember that, during the weeks it was prepared, violence continued in Northern Ireland? Will he ensure that there is no let-up in the hunt for those that perpetrated terrorism?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend takes a particular interest in Northern Ireland as chairman of the committee particularly concerned with Northern Ireland. I give him the categorical assurance that there will be no let-up in the security action against terrorists. The co-operation with the Gardai and the security forces in the north is today at a more comprehensive level that we have ever known.

    Mr. John D. Taylor (Strangford) : As I almost lost my life at the hands of IRA terrorism, I fully understand the message inherent in today’s declaration and to whom it is directed. Obviously there is much emphasis on Irish nationalist aspirations. However, the Prime Minister will know that 95 per cent. of people in my constituency are more interested in British aspirations. Although he has given some assurances today and specifically referred to paragraph 2 of the joint declaration which states that both Prime Ministers reaffirm “Northern Ireland’s statutory constitutional guarantee”, the trouble is that both Prime Ministers interpret differently what Northern Ireland’s constitutional guarantee really is. Therefore, with the purpose of giving confidence to the British people of my constituency, will the Prime Minister assure us, first, that the declaration in no way weakens Northern Ireland’s position within the United Kingdom and, secondly, that it in no way gives Dublin any further role in the internal affairs or administration of Northern Ireland?

    The Prime Minister : First, the whole House knows that the right hon. Gentleman was on one occasion very badly wounded by the IRA, and that he showed bravery then and subsequently. I am grateful for what he said. I give him both the assurances that he seeks. The declaration in no way weakens the constitutional guarantee that was first set out in the Northern Ireland Constitutional Act 1973. There is no weakening of that constitutional guarantee and nothing agreed today in the joint declaration gives the Government of the Republic of Ireland any additional say in the affairs of Northern Ireland.

    Sir James Kilfedder (North Down) : Will the Prime Minister give an assurance that there will be no talks with Sinn Fein until the terrorists, the IRA, hand over not only all the guns, ammunition and explosives that they have in Northern Ireland, but the material that they have in the Irish Republic?

    The Prime Minister : It may be rather difficult in practice to find out precisely where it is and who has it ; that is the practical difficulty that we face. We have said, beyond any doubt, that there must be the clearest possible public renunciation of violence and then a decontamination period– [Hon. Members :– “Both sides.”]–so that it is clear that that renunciation of violence will be held and there will be no violence. Then one can determine whether Sinn Fein can enter into discussions.

    Hon. Members : Both sides.

    Madam Speaker : Order.

    Mr. Seamus Mallon (Newry and Armagh) : The Prime Minister will be aware that, in Dail Eireann today, there will be a similar reaction to the joint declaration. I welcome that, as I welcome the reception that it has received in the House. Does the Prime Minister accept that the intrinsic value will be recognised only if the same acceptance is gained where it counts–in places like my constituency in west Belfast, on the Shankill road and in the districts which have been beset by the violence of the IRA and of loyalist paramilitary groupings?

    The Prime Minister said in his statement that the British Government’s role will be to encourage, facilitate and enable agreement among all the people who inhabit the island. Does he include in that the further persuasion of those in the IRA who are carrying out violence? He has recognised that there are channels for achieving that. A logical conclusion of that part of his statement must be to pursue that type of persuasion with those people, to try to ensure an end to violence.

    I am consistently impressed by the reassurances that the Prime Minister gives to Unionists in the House. Those of us of a nationalist persuasion believe in pursuing our objectives by peaceful democratic means. When the Prime Minister speaks about the north of Ireland, he should recognise that 44 per cent. of the population follow that view and are entitled to some prime ministerial persuasion and reassurance at some time.

    The Prime Minister : I do not think that there has been any occasion when I have suggested that everyone who held nationalist aspirations was inclined to pursue them in a violent manner. That is certainly not my view. The IRA has pursued its activities in a wholly unsatisfactory and brutal manner. That patently does not apply to every nationalist and I am surprised that the hon. Gentleman should have thought that any hon. Member could conceivably think that it did. As for persuasion, it is not in my mind to offer concessions to people. What we have to say to all parties is now said clearly and in the open. They know what lies there; they know what opportunity awaits if they are prepared permanently to renounce violence. That is what lies there and there is nothing further to be offered.

    Mr. Michael Mates (East Hampshire) : Now that the brave efforts of both Prime Ministers and of the Ministers and officials, who worked so hard, have brought the declaration to a successful conclusion, does my right hon. Friend agree that the greatest cause for hope and satisfaction is that although there has never been the slightest excuse for violence, killing and bombing, if that course is pursued by the terrorists it will only show that they are not the slightest bit interested in any part of the democratic process? Has my right hon. Friend further agreed with the Taoiseach that if violence continues, both Governments, working together, will make concerted efforts to do whatever must be done to defeat the terrorists?

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend speaks with special knowledge of Northern Ireland. He is absolutely right to say that there is no conceivable excuse for a continuation of violence. If it were to continue, I do not have a shred of doubt that we would continue to receive good and enhanced co-operation from the Government of the Republic of Ireland in tracking down those engaged in terrorism.

    Mr. David Winnick (Walsall, North) : Do not we owe a particular debt of gratitude to the hon. Member for Foyle (Mr. Hume) whose dedicated work for peace should be appreciated by all? Many attacked him, and I hope that they will realise now what he set out to achieve. Would it be useful to let friendly western democracies know what has been agreed between Ireland and the United Kingdom not least the United States, where there seems to be some misunderstanding of the long and justified campaign waged by this country against terrorism? Should not the people of western Europe know and understand that the joint declaration has the overwhelming support of the people of Ireland and Britain and that continuing terrorism from either side has no support from the people whom the terrorists claim to represent?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to add the hon. Gentleman’s tribute to the hon. Member for Foyle. I have paid tribute to him in the past for the work that he pursued for so many years, and I am glad to reiterate it today.

    I agree entirely with the remarks of the hon. Member for Walsall, North (Mr. Winnick) in respect of the United States and Europe. I believe that there will be overwhelming support for the proposals set out in the joint declaration. We must hope that that transmits itself to those people who have the power to stop the killing, and that they choose to do so.

    Mr. George Walden (Buckingham) : Does my right hon. Friend agree that whether or not this welcome declaration leads to an end to violence, it finally strips away the remotest pretext for violence and for international sympathy or support for violence? It also broadens the political base for the repression of violence from whatever quarter, should it continue.

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend touched on a most important point when he said that the declaration strips away any pretext for tangible support. That is true within the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, and in respect of the tangible support that has come from other sources from time to time.

    Mr. Dennis Canavan (Falkirk, West) : Although there is widespread hope that today’s declaration will form the basis of a peaceful settlement, does the Prime Minister agree that much remains to be done to ensure a lasting peaceful settlement? As to talks with various parties, will the Prime Minister give an absolute assurance that no party will be able to use a boycott or veto to scupper the peace process and that the Prime Minister will not be deflected by his Government’s desire to secure the support of Unionist votes in the House?

    The Prime Minister : I do not believe that the participants in the talks would put up with a veto, which is the most practical point arising from the hon. Gentleman’s question. However, if the talks procedure itself is to produce a lasting outcome, it will need to carry the consent of people in Northern Ireland. I shall seek, therefore, to encourage the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland at which the hon. Gentleman directed his remarks to play a full part in the constitutional discussions. They have done so thus far; they have done so very constructively. A great deal of progress has been made and I believe that they will wish to continue to make progress, as was indicated by the right hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Mr. Molyneaux) a few moments ago.

    Mr. Nicholas Winterton (Macclesfield) : As a committed Conservative and Unionist Member of the House, I warmly welcome my right hon. Friend’s total commitment to peace. All Members of the House join him in hoping that the declaration will produce peace. Does my right hon. Friend accept, however, that the strength of the United Kingdom is composed of the component parts of the United Kingdom–England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales–and that any breach of the Union will weaken the whole? Will my right hon. Friend, as I did some years ago, go to Northern Ireland and campaign for the Union and support those who are in favour of the Union, should the necessity arise?

    The Prime Minister : My views about the Union, as I indicated a moment or so ago, are well known and I do not believe that they can be seriously challenged by anyone who considers the record at the general election, before the general election, or subsequent to the general election, or considers the detail of the joint declaration. I also hold to the belief, however, that in the circumstances that exist in Northern Ireland it is for the people of Northern Ireland to determine the position. I believe that that is the right way to proceed and I think that in due course that is the way in which we must proceed.

    Mrs. Margaret Ewing (Moray) : In welcoming the statement and wishing its ideals and its aspirations fair wind, although I recognise the many difficult days which still lie ahead, may I re-emphasise, on behalf of the constitutional nationalist parties in the House, the importance that we attach to achieving our aims through the ballot box, through reasoned arguments and through the democratically expressed views of the people of the constituent parts of the United Kingdom, be that through a referendum or through a general election?

    I also congratulate the hon. Member for Foyle on the bravery that he has shown for many months, along with other people whose names perhaps are not so well known in this context, and I hope that the efforts that have been made will bring about a lasting settlement. Finally, I remind the Prime Minister that in Europe there is a great opportunity for the diversity of nations to be recognised as equal partners.

    The Prime Minister : On her first two points, the hon. Lady will carry almost everyone with her, and I believe that she deserves to. The third point was rather more elliptical, but I think that, in principle, I can agree with the hon. Lady.

    Mr. James Couchman (Gillingham) : I congratulate my right hon. Friend and all those who have helped in the making of this historic agreement. Will my right hon. Friend reassure the House, however, that no commitment–explicit or implicit–has been made for any form of amnesty for those people who have been convicted of the most heinous crimes in Northern Ireland, and that the judicial process will pursue, with utmost diligence, those who have continued with their crimes of violence in recent weeks?

    The Prime Minister : I can give my hon. Friend that absolute commitment.

    Mr. Ken Maginnis (Fermanagh and South Tyrone) : May I suggest to the Prime Minister that it is appropriate at this time that we remember two brave and dedicated men from my constituency who made the supreme sacrifice as members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary at the weekend? Drew Beecom and Ernie Smith were fine men. Those are the sort of people who must never be betrayed. I have experienced at first hand for more than 20 years the treachery of the IRA. Is there implicit in paragraph 10, which deals with a possible permanent end to violence and the way in which the men of violence can in due course enter the democratic process, provision by both Governments for a process of verification? Will he assure us that that process includes the surrender of arms and explosives and that it requires those who have been involved in violence to declare, by drafting a new manifesto and seeking approval at the ballot box, that they totally eschew violence before they can fully enter the democratic process?

    The Prime Minister : They will certainly be required to give evidence of sincerity in a renunciation of violence. That is the purpose of having a gap between the renunciation and the entry into exploratory preliminary talks, so that we can examine the matters that the hon. Gentleman raises. The dreadful murders of the two brave men that he mentioned at Fivemiletown are the latest in a long catalogue of the wholly unnecessary and wasteful actions that have destroyed so many people’s lives in Northern Ireland. If the options that are opened up as a result of this declaration are to be taken up, there is a possibility that perhaps no more brave men need join them.

    Mr. Henry Bellingham (Norfolk, North-West) : Is my right hon. Friend aware that there will be widespread welcome for the third paragraph of the declaration, which emphasises the key role of the European Community? Does he agree that the development of the single market will break down economic barriers and build up trust between the two communities? Does he also agree that it is important to have greater sporting links, as they also break down barriers and could build up the links between the two traditions? Does he agree that it would be an excellent idea if there were an all-Ireland soccer team?

    The Prime Minister : An all-Ireland soccer team would be a great loss to many people who have watched Northern Ireland play the Republic on many occasions. Those of us who like watching the five nations rugby championship would also rather miss that clash. Beyond that, however, my hon. Friend is right about the impact of the single market.

    Rev. Martin Smyth (Belfast, South) : None of us have doubted the Prime Minister’s commitment to the Union, but perhaps in drafting the declaration it might have been wiser to put in Great Britain, because then we would have kept Scotland within the Union.

    Mrs. Ewing : No, thank you.

    Rev. Martin Smyth : May I explore a little further whether, having offered the carrot, the Prime Minister of the Irish Republic has made any commitment to join in applying the stick if it is necessary and the offer of peace is not accepted? As I understand it, the two Governments and the two nations are not at war. May I also clarify a misunderstanding that may have gone unnoticed in this place today? Sinn Fein has a democratic place and has been elected, but its representatives did not take their places in this House and it has not been prepared to act as a proper democratic party.

    I shall give three simple illustrations. Having made a declaration that they would not support violence, as they would not then be eligible to be councillors, one of Sinn Fein’s elected councillors has gone to the United States to defend the acts of the IRA. The other evening in my constituency, a 1,000 lb bomb was placed by the IRA in a nationalist and predominantly Roman Catholic area. It could have devastated new houses and a Roman Catholic controlled school and one woman died. Representative McKnight of Sinn Fein refused to condemn the IRA. Is it not near time that we stopped that mollycoddling and laid down the terms under which Sinn Fein can be represented as a proper democratic party?

    The Prime Minister : On the hon. Gentleman’s first point, if the offer that implicitly lies there is not taken up, I have no doubt that the two Governments will continue to work together in intensified mode on security matters against men of violence, whether from the IRA, the Ulster Freedom Fighters or the Ulster Volunteer Force. The relationship between Sinn Fein and the IRA is well understood, as is the pseudo-constitutional position of the president of Sinn Fein. Therein lies the link–the necessity for a complete renunciation of violence before there can be any intention of accepting the representatives of Sinn Fein in any constitutional talks.

    Several hon. Members rose–

    Madam Speaker : Order. May I remind hon. Members that we are not in the middle of a debate but asking questions on a statement. I am sure that if I call a few more hon. Members, they will co-operate with me and ask brisk questions, and perhaps we could have a brisk exchange.

    Mr. Peter Robinson (Belfast, East) : Can the Prime Minister tell us what loyal Ulster has done wrong to have this further betrayal visited on it? When he talks to the House about the consent of Northern Ireland being required, will he remember, because the people of Northern Ireland have not forgotten, that their consent was neither asked for nor given for the Anglo-Irish Agreement? Their consent was neither asked for nor given for this declaration. It seems that their consent will be required only for the final act of separation.

    Can the Prime Minister tell the House whether his stomach is no longer turning at the prospect of sitting down with the IRA? Can he tell us why he has taken away the unfettered right of the people of Northern Ireland to have an act of self-determination and why he has included it in the self- determination of the island as a whole? Why is it that Prime Ministers from this House who protest the most that they are Unionists are always the ones who do the greatest harm to the Union?

    The Prime Minister : I am afraid that I have to say to the hon. Gentleman that I think that that was intended to be a wholly destructive intervention. There is no question, and the hon. Gentleman knows that there is no question, of betrayal in any sense. I would invite the hon. Gentleman to read the joint declaration and then read it again and again until he understands it, because he cannot justify what he has just said.

    The constitutional guarantee and the consent principle are writ large in the statement. In the letter which the hon. Gentleman published this morning, with the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley), the hon. Gentleman claimed that I had

    “given the Prime Minister of a foreign and alien power joint jurisdiction over part of Her Majesty’s dominions”.

    That is what the hon. Gentleman wrote this morning. He was utterly and totally wrong about that. I have done no such thing, as the joint declaration makes unambiguously clear. The declaration states that self-determination must be

    “exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland”.

    The hon. Gentleman should read the declaration before he comments on it, and not mislead people about it. I hope that one day the hon. Gentleman will not always put himself between actions that will bring peace and that peace.

    Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover) : Can the Prime Minister tell us whether the loyalist paramilitaries will also be expected to lay down their arms? Can he tell us what he means about the concurrent referendums? For instance, we now know from questions that he has answered that the referendums may not be on the same day. If the decision of the referendum in the south of the country is in favour, and the decision of the referendum in the north is against, do they add them up? [Interruption.] Can the Prime Minister explain what will happen in those circumstances? Does it mean that there will be no further progress? I should like to know the answer.

    The Prime Minister : I sometimes despair at the hon. Gentleman. Everyone is expected to lay down their arms–that is perfectly clear. As I said, I despair at the hon. Gentleman’s understanding. I have made it clear almost times beyond number at this Dispatch Box over recent weeks and now that there must be a majority in Northern Ireland. If there is no majority in Northern Ireland, the constitutional guarantee stands.

    Mr. Nicholas Budgen (Wolverhampton, South-West) : In view of paragraph 4 of the declaration that the British Government “have no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland”, will my right hon. Friend confirm that the Government still have a “strategic or economic interest” in Wolverhampton? [Interruption.]

    The Prime Minister : Well– [Interruption.] Don’t tempt me– [Laughter.]

    Let me explain to my hon. Friend : we shall not impose our views on the majority in Northern Ireland, but that, of course, does not and cannot mean that we are indifferent to their concerns and their future. We support the Union, and we protect its people. We support their rights with our cast- iron constitutional guarantee. We support their economy, and we support it generously. We deploy 18,000 of our troops in Northern Ireland, because of our concern about the situation there, and we want to ensure that the people in Northern Ireland about whom we are concerned, from both communities, can have a safer and more prosperous future in which democracy can thrive. None of that is selfish; all of it is our responsibility.

    Mr. Roy Beggs (Antrim, East) : Does the Prime Minister accept that only when articles 2 and 3 have been removed from the Irish constitution–

    Mr. David Trimble (Upper Bann) : Removed?

    Mr. Beggs : Removed. Does the Prime Minister accept that only when articles 2 and 3 have been removed will my constituents recognise that, for the first time, an opportunity has arisen to seek to develop new relationships between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic? Will he bear with me when I describe the great disappointments that my constituents and people elsewhere in Northern Ireland have had over little things, such as the £7 million defrauded by a citizen of the Irish Republic in Dublin out of the people who invested in International Investments Ltd? Despite the representations that have been made from Northern Ireland on that little issue, we have had no satisfaction. Therefore, we have great doubts whether we shall get satisfaction on the greater issues.

    The Prime Minister : I sympathise with the hon. Gentleman’s constituents. I freely confess that I am not familiar with the particular case that he mentioned, but I am sure that if he brings it to the attention of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, my right hon. and learned Friend will examine the matter to see whether anything can be done.

    Mr. Barry Porter (Wirral, South) : Does my right hon. Friend accept that no rational Unionist could fail to give the declaration a cautious welcome, but does he also accept that it is sensible that the declaration has not been made in an atmosphere of euphoria, as though it would bring “peace in our time”? However, it is an opportunity. I take sides with the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) in asking whether my right hon. Friend also agrees that those who may have some persuasive influence, although no direct influence, over the loyalist paramilitaries should persuade them to lay down their arms–before the IRA men lay down theirs, in my view.

    The Prime Minister : We all wish to see the men of violence lay down their arms, whether they claim to represent the loyalist or the nationalist cause. In my judgment, both groups of people involved in violence betray the causes for which they claim to speak. My hon. Friend is right about the status of the document. It is an opportunity for peace, but it cannot be guaranteed by the two Governments; I do not guarantee it. It lies there to be taken up if the people who can deliver peace will take it up. It is not a certainty, but it is an opportunity.

    Mr. Trimble : The hon. Member for Wirral, South (Mr. Porter) referred to euphoria. Does the Prime Minister recall the euphoria years ago when the House foolishly endorsed the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which has blighted the politics of Ulster ever since? If we are suspending judgment on the statement today, it is in the hope that it will lead to a way out of the cul-de-sac to which the people of Ulster have been condemned for the past eight years.

    Will the Prime Minister comment on the democratic deficit in Northern Ireland? At his press conference today he said that his object was to increase the democratic rights of the people of Northern Ireland. Does he realise that it lies uniquely within his hands to remedy that democratic deficit, and will he give us an assurance that he will not be held to ransom by other parties in other countries that are trying to block that remedy for their own selfish motives?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for saying that he will suspend judgment and study the document. I am sure that that is the right thing to do. The document is complex, and genuinely deserves and will reward careful study. I hope that when he has studied it he will be reassured. As I said earlier to the right hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Mr. Molyneaux), the leader of the Ulster Unionist party, I am keen to proceed with the talks process. I look forward very much to examining the ideas which the right hon. Gentleman has presented to me on strand 1. We shall examine those quickly and pursue the discussions that my hon. Friend the Member for Devizes (Mr. Ancram) has been engaged in for some time.

    Mr. Patrick Nicholls (Teignbridge) : May I say to my right hon. Friend that it was a remarkable achievement to have received such an unambiguous statement to convince the IRA that, even by the standards of its own perverted logic, when neither Government will give it any succour or support, it has no alternative but to come to the bargaining table.

    The Prime Minister : My hon. Friend is entirely right and I see no need to reiterate his point.

    Mr. Clifford Forsythe (Antrim, South) : Is the Prime Minister aware that while the House has generally accepted his statement, the people of Northern Ireland will not perhaps look at it in the same light because for years and years and for election after election, they have voted to show that they are part of the United Kingdom? They will hardly regard the agreement as further copper fastening because they already felt that they were part of the United Kingdom. Do the Prime Minister and the House realise that the people of Northern Ireland require every encouragement to see this statement and the agreement in that light because they have always felt that they were part of the United Kingdom and they do not understand why we need an agreement to point that out?

    The Prime Minister : In a sense, the hon. Gentleman answered the point when he said that the people of Northern Ireland have shown that they are part of the United Kingdom and that they feel strongly about that. The fact that they feel strongly about it and the debates that so frequently ensue in Northern Ireland mean that there is a need for reassurance and that reassurance is offered by the joint declaration today. They have shown, as the hon. Gentleman says, that they wish to be part of the United Kingdom. As long as they continue to show that, they need have no doubt that they will remain a part of the United Kingdom.

    Mr. David Tredinnick (Bosworth) : My right hon. Friend may not be aware that 25 years ago I was serving with the Army in Northern Ireland and had the task of helping build the peace line that divided the Protestant and Catholic communities of the Shankill and Falls road. Does he accept that the initiative is not just the best chance of peace, but the only chance of peace in the foreseeable future? Does he further agree that we are talking not only about peace, but about prosperity, jobs and trade for north and south Ireland to improve the standard of living of all the people?

    The Prime Minister : I am grateful to my hon. Friend for making a point that has not yet been made this afternoon. Were we able to end the violence that has scarred Northern Ireland for so long, it would make a remarkable difference to the business prospects of Northern Ireland, to the prospects for tourism and to the prospects for the flow of inward investment into Northern Ireland. I can think of no single event that would raise the quality of life and the standard of material prosperity for the people of Northern Ireland than an ending of violence.

    Mr. A. Cecil Walker (Belfast, North) : I welcome the Prime Minister’s commitment to the constitutional parties. Will he confirm that the creation of a Northern Ireland assembly is still on the table?

    The Prime Minister : I can confirm that that is still part of the strand 1 talks.

    Dr. Liam Fox (Woodspring) : Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the real importance of the declaration is that it removes any pretext for terrorism, violence and murder and that now the onus is clearly on the men of violence to give up their arms and take the peace process further?

    The Prime Minister : Yes, that is entirely right. It is their decision and we hope that they will make it.

    Mr. Harry Barnes (Derbyshire, North-East) : It is hoped that Sinn Fein will respond positively to the joint declaration and persuade the IRA to end its armed struggle. However, some issues in the joint declaration may worry responsible Unionism in Northern Ireland–the issue of articles 2 and 3 has already been suggested. Will the Prime Minister elaborate on paragraph 11 of the declaration which deals with the establishment of a forum for peace and reconciliation? It seems that that forum is to be established by the Irish Government, although they will talk to other parties. I am not clear whether that forum is to be for the whole of Ireland or just for the Republic. Is not it the case that Northern Ireland really needs a forum for peace and reconciliation and that it should be developed in that area?

    The Prime Minister : The forum to which the hon. Gentleman refers is an initiative of the Irish Government which I understood would be launched after an announcement that violence had ended. That is certainly what the Taoiseach said this morning. It would be open to all constitutional parties in the north and south, but would, of course, be entirely optional. There would be no compulsion on any party to attend.

    Mr. David Wilshire (Spelthorne) : In giving the joint declaration a cautious, but heartfelt welcome, may I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his courage in seizing what is potentially a poisoned chalice? May I press him further for crucial detail? Does his definition of a cessation of violence include the handing over of at least some weapons and explosives and will he assure the House that convicted murderers in Northern Ireland will serve the whole of their sentences?

    The Prime Minister : I can certainly confirm that not only do I not have any notion in my mind of amnesty, but there is no suggestion of a reduction in sentences awarded by the courts. That is a matter for the courts and not something in which I wish to interfere. Were there to be an end to violence, the crimes that are currently being investigated would still be the subject of investigation in the future–that is the way our criminal justice system operates and it will continue to operate on that basis. We hope that there will be a surrender of some arms. The sine qua non is the absolute assurance that there is a renunciation of violence and that that renunciation is shown to be carried out.

    Mr. Jeremy Corbyn (Islington, North) : Does the Prime Minister recognise that the basis of a lot of the talks that have occurred in the past few weeks is the initiative taken by the hon. Member for Foyle (Mr. Hume) in meeting Gerry Adams, the leader of the Sinn Fein? In the spirit of expanding democracy in Northern Ireland and in the whole country, what consideration has he given to the repeal of the prevention of terrorism Act, to a lifting of the ban on Gerry Adam’s movements to this country and to the ending of the broadcasting ban on Sinn Fein so that the peace process may be further hastened in Northern Ireland?

    The Prime Minister : I have not given consideration to those particular matters. Indeed, in the Republic of Ireland, there is a tougher ban, as I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will know. I indicated earlier my admiration for what the hon. Member for Foyle has done over many years, not only over recent months. The Taoiseach’s initiative did not begin a few months ago, but commenced in February 1992, at our first meeting in Downing Street, soon after he became the Taoiseach.

    Mr. Frank Cook (Stockton, North) : The Prime Minister must be pleased and proud to put the offer for peace on the table today and I, like most hon. Members, am happy about it. However, will he bear in mind that the active elements of terrorism in Northern Ireland will not wish to see a cessation of violence–the element that have what I call a gangster mentality who have been making a good living from what is going on? Some of those men will want actively to perpetrate further acts of violence under the guise of someone else. Will the Prime Minister give an assurance that he will carefully scrutinise any transgression that may threaten the agreement so that we know who is the guilty party? While a referendum is being–

    Madam Speaker : Order. I have asked for brisk questions. I am allowing the statement to run a long time because it is so important to the House. I wish that hon. Members would not abuse my tolerance and put one question so that I can call all hon. Members who wish to speak.

    Mr. Cook : It is a most important question.

    Madam Speaker : I am sure that all questions are important. The hon. Gentleman must determine the priority of his questions.

    Mr. Cook : On a point of order, Madam Speaker.

    Madam Speaker : Order. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will ask his question speedily. I have pleaded for short questions so that other hon. Members might be called. I think that that is a fair and just way to proceed.

    Mr. Cook : Concurrent with the concurrent referendums in north and southern Ireland, can we have an appropriate and complementary referendum in the United Kingdom to find out what mainland Britain thinks?

    The Prime Minister : I had not contemplated a referendum of that sort on this particular issue. On the early part of the hon. Gentleman’s question, I think that he is right. In terms of the criminal aspect that so often runs alongside terrorism, he touches on an important point. There is a possibility that terrorists might give up terrorism but that some might decide to continue with what one might call freelance gangsterism. The hon. Gentleman touches on an important point, and I am glad that he did so.

    Mr. Calum Macdonald (Western Isles) : Will the Prime Minister clarify the final sentence of paragraph 7, which contains the important commitment from the Taoiseach that

    “in the event of overall settlement, the Irish Government will, as part of a balanced constitutional accommodation, put forward proposals for changes in the Constitution which would reflect the principle of consent”?

    May I take that to mean that it does not preclude a change of that nature in the constitution in advance of a final settlement and that we might still hope that the Irish Government might, of themselves, grasp the nettle of articles 2 and 3?

    The Prime Minister : It certainly does not preclude that. The hon. Gentleman has read it entirely correctly. It is a rather allusive way of indicating the fact that articles 2 and 3 might, at an appropriate time, be put forward for changes in the Irish constitution. The hon. Gentleman has read it accurately.

    Ms Kate Hoey (Vauxhall) : In paragraph 4, the Prime Minister reiterates on behalf of the Government that Britain has no “selfish strategic or economic interest in northern Ireland.” Even if hon. Members do not like it, they must accept that many people in Northern Ireland will regard that as a betrayal, even if we think it is wrong. Will the Prime Minister clarify what he means by that sentence? Does not he, as a British Prime Minister, think that British citizens, many of whom lost members of their families fighting for this country in the war, might feel a little sad? Will he say what he really means by it?

    The Prime Minister : The essence of it is that our interest is benevolent, not selfish. I set out a series of ways in which I felt that that should be interpreted in my answer to my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, South-West (Mr. Budgen). The essence is that we are not going to impose our views on the majority of the people in Northern Ireland against their wishes. That is the essence of what it is about, but it does not mean, and should not be interpreted as meaning, that we are indifferent to their concerns or their future. We are not indifferent to their concerns or to their future. That is why in terms of economic support and, for the past many years, military support to preserve security, we have shown our concern for the people of Northern Ireland–all of them, both communities– in the most tangible way possible.

    Mr. John Home Robertson (East Lothian) : I fully understand why the declaration concentrates mainly on finding ways of persuading Sinn Fein and its paramilitary allies to stop murdering people, but, as the majority of recent terrorist incidents have been the result of so-called “loyalist” paramilitary activities, does the Prime Minister agree that the whole House would never forgive people who went on carrying out such acts in the name of loyalty to the House and the state and nor would they forget politicians who condoned such activities?

    The Prime Minister : The House wants no one to murder and kill on the basis of loyalty to the Union except perhaps at a time when the country might be at war with another nation. That is not the case. The hon. Gentleman is quite right–the actions of those who call themselves loyalists besmirch the Unionist cause and are not accepted by constitutional Unionists. Their activities are as malign as those of the IRA.

    Dr. Norman A. Godman (Greenock and Port Glasgow) : I hope that my reaction is not cynical, but, given the document’s emphasis on the Government’s commitment to honour

    “the democratic wish of a greater number of the people of Northern Ireland”,

    the island of Ireland will surely remain divided in the foreseeable future. Is that not a reasonable assumption? Is it not also fair to assume that significant interested parties will seek to put on the agenda the hugely important issue of a united Ireland?

    The Prime Minister : I think that I have made it clear repeatedly over the past 1 hour and 25 minutes that we believe in the principle of consent and that is what, rightly in my judgment, is enshrined in the document.

    Mr. Frank Field (Birkenhead) : Will the Prime Minister list to what extent the British Government’s policy has been changed as a result of the joint agreement? Does he accept that merely to bring the parties to the conference table does not necessarily lessen the chance of violence? Does he recall that the last time a comprehensive peace treaty was under discussion, which all major parties had sought election successfully to support, a civil war and bloody carnage followed, the like of which we had not seen before and have not seen since?

    The Prime Minister : The joint declaration is consistent with our policy, as I told the House earlier.

    Mr. Field : What has changed?

    The Prime Minister : It is consistent with our policy, as I told the House earlier. The hon. Gentleman referred to what happened in the past, but it is rather a counsel of despair. I think that the hon. Gentleman, like me, would wish to see us make a move that may end violence and lead to a constitutional settlement. That is what we are doing. In no sense do I believe that it is going to be easy, and in no sense do I believe that we can snatch at it in a second and change the whole way of life in Ireland, or even in Northern Ireland, but it is presenting an opportunity to take a first step towards securing a long-term constitutional position by ending violence. While that violence continues, no progress can be made economically and only limited progress can be made politically so it is a wholly desirable step. We are seeking to ensure that violence ends so that we can begin the further discussions that will have to take place.

    Mr. Michael Connarty (Falkirk, East) : I should like to add my congratulations to those who brought about this joint declaration and I am very pleased because it is, of course, Labour party policy that there should be a united Ireland only with the consent of the people in the north. Does the Prime Minister agree with me that the chill of the horror of violence in Northern Ireland goes across the border? Although we bow to the experience of Northern Ireland Members, it does not go down well to hear the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley) claim that it was only in his fiefdom. Is he aware that I lost a relative in 1973 in a pub bombing in Belfast?

    Is he aware that last night there was a peace vigil at St. Martin-in-the- Fields at which hon. Members of all parties stood with people from Northern Ireland calling for an end to violence and killing for Christmas and, we hope, onwards in Northern Ireland? There were people there from the Ophsal Commission and members of Families Against Intimidation and Terror. Does he know that people in Families Against Intimidation and Terror are saying that they are underfunded? Does he not agree with me that the civil society will have to be built in Ireland, not just political initiatives, before the people of Ireland who are against violence can come into the light and drive the men of terror into the darkness?

    The Prime Minister : I think that the hon. Gentleman is right on the question of violence. Clearly, hon. Members who represent Northern Ireland constituencies have had far greater experience of violence over the past 25 years than those of us with mainland constituencies. The hon. Gentleman cited his own case, and many of us will have had friends involved in the violence in Northern Ireland. In later years, perhaps most noticeably recently in the dreadful events in Warrington, that violence has spilled over to the mainland. While the brunt has been borne in Northern Ireland, I think that an understanding of what the people of Northern Ireland have suffered has increased in recent years and I think it is desirable that it has done so. The hon. Gentleman is quite right to say that the violence spreads beyond an individual constituency, however bad things may have been in that constituency.

    The hon. Gentleman’s second point returns to a point made by one of my hon. Friends a few moments ago : nothing will do more for the economic well- being of Northern Ireland, in the short and the long term, than an end to violence.

    Hon. Members : Hear, hear.

    Mr. Peter Viggers (Gosport) : Bearing in mind the wide international interest in the whole of the island of Ireland, will my right hon. Friend seek the support of the Republic of Ireland in explaining the present initiative in the United States and elsewhere?

    The Prime Minister : I think that my hon. Friend will see that we will have that support.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the Joint Declaration – 15 December 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the Joint Declaration, made in 10 Downing Street with Albert Reynolds on 15th December 1993.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    If the provisionals will end, and renounce, violence for good, the British Government is prepared to enter into preliminary exploratory dialogue with Sinn Fein within three months when cessation of violence has been clearly established.

    And the Joint Declaration reinforces very strongly the three stranded political talks which have made significant progress within the last two years, a process that involves both of our governments and all of the constitutional parties.

    The Joint Declaration is designed to strengthen the position of elected constitutional politicians throughout the community. It is a declaration for democracy, for constitutional behaviour, for dialogue, for consent and freedom under the law.

    I can’t promise you today that the Joint Declaration will bring peace, that doesn’t lie within my hands. But those who don’t respond to it will show that they prefer violence for its own sake for they are now offered a democratic alternative.

  • Mr Major’s Comments on the Downing Street Declaration – 15 December 1993

    Below is the text of Mr Major’s comments on the Downing Street Declaration, made in London on 15th December 1993.

    PRIME MINISTER:

    It makes no compromise on strongly held principles, but it does embody our common view that there is an opportunity to end violence for good in Northern Ireland. We believe that it is now up to those who have used, or supported, violence, to take this opportunity. The door is open to them, they won’t have a better opportunity and they don’t have a better option.

  • Text of the Downing Street Declaration – 15 December 1993

    Below is the text of the Downing Street Declaration (the Joint Declaration) by Mr Albert Reynolds and Mr John Major, issued on 15th December 1993.

    JOINT DECLARATION

    1. The Taoiseach, Mr. Albert Reynolds, TD, and the Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. John Major, MP, acknowledge that the most urgent and important issue facing the people of Ireland, North and South, and the British and Irish Governments together, is to remove the causes of conflict, to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the divisions which have resulted, recognising that the absence of a lasting and satisfactory settlement of relationships between the peoples of both islands has contributed to continuing tragedy and suffering. They believe that the development of an agreed framework for peace, which has been discussed between them since early last year, and which is based on a number of key principles articulated by the two Governments over the past 20 years, together with the adaptation of other widely accepted principles, provides the starting point of a peace process designed to culminate in a political settlement.
    2. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister are convinced of the inestimable value to both their peoples, and particularly for the next generation, of healing divisions in Ireland and of ending a conflict which has been so manifestly to the detriment of all. Both recognise that the ending of divisions can come about only through the agreement and co-operation of the people, North and South, representing both traditions in Ireland. They therefore make a solemn commitment to promote co-operation at all levels on the basis of the fundamental principles, undertakings, obligations under international agreements, to which they have jointly committed themselves, and the guarantees which each Government has given and now reaffirms, including Northern Ireland’s statutory constitutional guarantee. It is their aim to foster agreement and reconciliation, leading to a new political framework founded on consent and encompassing arrangements within Northern Ireland, for the whole island, and between these islands.
    3. They also consider that the development of Europe will, of itself, require new approaches to serve interests common to both parts of the island of Ireland, and to Ireland and the United Kingdom as partners in the European Union.
    4. The Prime Minister, on behalf of the British Government, reaffirms that they will uphold the democratic wish of a greater number of the people of Northern Ireland on the issue of whether they prefer to support the Union or a sovereign united Ireland. On this basis, he reiterates, on behalf of the British Government, that they have no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland. Their primary interest is to see peace, stability and reconciliation established by agreement among all the people who inhabit the island, and they will work together with the Irish Government to achieve such an agreement, which will embrace the totality of relationships. The role of the British Government will be to encourage, facilitate and enable the achievement of such agreement over a period through a process of dialogue and co-operation based on full respect for the rights and identities of both traditions in Ireland. They accept that such agreement may, as of right, take the form of agreed structures for the island as a whole, including a united Ireland achieved by peaceful means on the following basis. The British Government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish. They reaffirm as a binding obligation that they will, for their part, introduce the necessary legislation to give effect to this, or equally to any measure of agreement on future relationships in Ireland which the people living in Ireland may themselves freely so determine without external impediment. They believe that the people of Britain would wish, in friendship to all sides, to enable the people of Ireland to reach agreement on how they may live together in harmony and in partnership, with respect for their diverse traditions, and with full recognition of the special links and the unique relationship which exist between the peoples of Britain and Ireland.
    5. The Taoiseach, on behalf of the Irish Government, considers that the lessons of Irish history, and especially of Northern Ireland, show that stability and well-being will not be found under any political system which is refused allegiance or rejected on grounds of identity by a significant minority of those governed by it. For this reason, it would be wrong to attempt to impose a united Ireland, in the absence of the freely given consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. He accepts, on behalf of the Irish Government, that the democratic right of self-determination by the people of Ireland as a whole must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland and must, consistent with justice and equity, respect the democratic dignity and the civil rights and religious liberties of both communities, including:

    – the right of free political thought;

    – the right of freedom and expression of religion;

    – the right to pursue democratically national and political aspirations;

    – the right to seek constitutional change by peaceful and legitimate means;

    – the right to live wherever one chooses without hindrance;

    – the right to equal opportunity in all social and economic activity, regardless of class, creed, sex or colour.

    These would be reflected in any future political and constitutional arrangements emerging from a new and more broadly based agreement.

    1. The Taoiseach however recognises the genuine difficulties and barriers to building relationships of trust either within or beyond Northern Ireland, from which both traditions suffer. He will work to create a new era of trust, in which suspicion of the motives or actions of others is removed on the part of either community. He considers that the future of the island depends on the nature of the relationship between the two main traditions that inhabit it. Every effort must be made to build a new sense of trust between those communities. In recognition of the fears of the Unionist community and as a token of his willingness to make a personal contribution to the building up of that necessary trust, the Taoiseach will examine with his colleagues any elements in the democratic life and organisation of the Irish State that can be represented to the Irish Government in the course of political dialogue as a real and substantial threat to their way of life and ethos, or that can be represented as not being fully consistent with a modern democratic and pluralist society, and undertakes to examine any possible ways of removing such obstacles. Such an examination would of course have due regard to the desire to preserve those inherited values that are largely shared throughout the island or that belong to the cultural and historical roots of the people of this island in all their diversity. The Taoiseach hopes that over time a meeting of hearts and minds will develop, which will bring all the people of Ireland together, and will work towards that objective, but he pledges in the meantime that as a result of the efforts that will be made to build mutual confidence no Northern Unionist should ever have to fear in future that this ideal will be pursued either by threat or coercion.
    2. Both Governments accept that Irish unity would he achieved only by those who favour this outcome persuading those who do not, peacefully and without coercion or violence, and that, if in the future a majority of the people of Northern Ireland are so persuaded, both Governments will support and give legislative effect to their wish. But, notwithstanding the solemn affirmation by both Governments in the Anglo-Irish Agreement that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, the Taoiseach also recognises the continuing uncertainties and misgivings which dominate so much of Northern Unionist attitudes towards the rest of Ireland. He believes that we stand at a stage of our history when the genuine feelings of all traditions in the North must be recognised and acknowledged. He appeals to both traditions at this time to grasp the opportunity for a fresh start and a new beginning, which could hold such promise for all our lives and the generations to come. He asks the people of Northern Ireland to look on the people of the Republic as friends, who share their grief and shame over all the suffering of the last quarter of a century, and who want to develop the best possible relationship with them, a relationship in which trust and new understanding can flourish and grow. The Taoiseach also acknowledges the presence in the Constitution of the Republic of elements which are deeply resented by Northern Unionists, but which at the same time reflect hopes and ideals which lie deep in the hearts of many Irish men and women North and South. But as we move towards a new era of understanding in which new relationships of trust may grow and bring peace to the island of Ireland, the Taoiseach believes that the time has come to consider together how best the hopes and identities of all can be expressed in more balanced ways, which no longer engender division and the lack of trust to which he has referred. He confirms that, in the event of an overall settlement, the Irish Government will, as part of a balanced constitutional accommodation, put forward and support proposals for change in the Irish Constitution which would fully reflect the principle of consent in Northern Ireland.
    3. The Taoiseach recognises the need to engage in dialogue which would address with honesty and integrity the fears of all traditions. But that dialogue, both within the North and between the people and their representatives of both parts of Ireland, must be entered into with an acknowledgement that the future security and welfare of the people of the island will depend on an open, frank and balanced approach to all the problems which for too long have caused division.
    4. The British and Irish Governments will seek, along with the Northern Ireland constitutional parties through a process of political dialogue, to create institutions and structures which, while respecting the diversity of the people of Ireland, would enable them to work together in all areas of common interest. This will help over a period to build the trust necessary to end past divisions, leading to an agreed and peaceful future. Such structures would, of course, include institutional recognition of the special links that exist between the peoples of Britain and Ireland as part of the totality of relationships, while taking account of newly forged links with the rest of Europe.
    5. The British and Irish Governments reiterate that the achievement of peace must involve a permanent end to the use of, or support for, paramilitary violence. They confirm that, in these circumstances, democratically mandated parties which establish a commitment to exclusively peaceful methods and which have shown that they abide by the democratic process, are free to participate fully in democratic politics and to join in dialogue in due course between the Governments and the political parties on the way ahead.
    6. The Irish Government would make their own arrangements within their jurisdiction to enable democratic parties to consult together and share in dialogue about the political future. The Taoiseach’s intention is that these arrangements could include the establishment, in consultation with other parties, of a Forum for Peace and Reconciliation to make recommendations on ways in which agreement and trust between both traditions in Ireland can be promoted and established.
    7. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister are determined to build on the fervent wish of both their peoples to see old fears and animosities replaced by a climate of peace. They believe the framework they have set out offers the people of Ireland, North and South, whatever their tradition, the basis to agree that from now on their differences can be negotiated and resolved exclusively by peaceful political means. They appeal to all concerned to grasp the opportunity for a new departure. That step would compromise no position or principle, nor prejudice the future for either community. On the contrary, it would be an incomparable gain for all. It would break decisively the cycle of violence and the intolerable suffering it entails for the people of these islands, particularly for both communities in Northern Ireland. It would allow the process of economic and social co-operation on the island to realise its full potential for prosperity and mutual understanding. It would transform the prospects for building on the progress already made in the Talks process, involving the two Governments and the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister believe that these arrangements offer an opportunity to lay the foundations for a more peaceful and harmonious future, devoid of the violence and bitter divisions which have scarred the past generation. They commit themselves and their Governments to continue to work together, unremittingly, towards that objective.